丹尼尔·莱维汀
Daniel Levitin
这是你的音乐大脑
THIS IS YOUR BRAIN ON MUSIC
理解人类的痴迷
Understanding a Human Obsession
介绍
Introduction
我喜欢音乐，也喜欢科学——为什么我想把两者混合在一起？
I Love Music and I Love Science—Why Would I Want to Mix the Two?
我热爱科学，想到这么多人害怕这个学科，或者觉得选择科学就意味着你不能选择同情心、艺术或对自然的敬畏，这让我很痛苦。科学并不是要治愈我们的神秘，而是要重新发明它并为其注入新的活力。
——罗伯特·萨波尔斯基，《为什么斑马不会得溃疡》，第 14 页。十二
I love science, and it pains me to think that so many are terrified of the subject or feel that choosing science means you cannot also choose compassion, or the arts, or be awed by nature. Science is not meant to cure us of mystery, but to reinvent and reinvigorate it.
—Robert Sapolsky, Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers, p. xii
1969 年夏天，我十一岁的时候，我在当地的音响商店买了一套音响系统。我花掉了我为邻居的花园除草挣来的一百美元，花园里的花每小时七十五美分。我在房间里度过了漫长的下午，听唱片：奶油乐队、滚石乐队、芝加哥乐队、西蒙和加芬克尔乐队、比才、柴可夫斯基、乔治·谢林和萨克斯演奏家布茨·伦道夫。我听的声音不是特别大，至少与我大学时代相比，当时我把音量调得太高，实际上把扬声器着火了，但噪音显然对我的父母来说太大了。我的母亲是一位小说家；她每天都在走廊尽头的书房里写作，每晚晚饭前弹一个小时的钢琴。我的父亲是一位商人；他每周工作八十个小时，其中四十个小时晚上和周末在家里的办公室里工作。作为一名商人，我父亲向我提出了一个建议：如果我答应在他在家时使用耳机，他就给我买一副耳机。这些耳机永远改变了我听音乐的方式。
In the summer of 1969, when I was eleven, I bought a stereo system at the local hi-fi shop. It cost all of the hundred dollars I had earned weeding neighbors’ gardens that spring at seventy-five cents an hour. I spent long afternoons in my room, listening to records: Cream, the Rolling Stones, Chicago, Simon and Garfunkel, Bizet, Tchaikovsky, George Shearing, and the saxophonist Boots Randolph. I didn’t listen particularly loud, at least not compared to my college days when I actually set my loudspeakers on fire by cranking up the volume too high, but the noise was evidently too much for my parents. My mother is a novelist; she wrote every day in the den just down the hall and played the piano for an hour every night before dinner. My father was a businessman; he worked eighty-hour weeks, forty of those hours in his office at home on evenings and weekends. Being the businessman that he was, my father made me a proposition: He would buy me a pair of headphones if I would promise to use them when he was home. Those headphones forever changed the way I listened to music.
我听过的新艺术家们都是第一次探索立体声混音。因为我的百美元一体式立体声系统附带的扬声器不是很好，所以我以前从未听到过耳机中能听到的深度——左右场和前后（混响）空间中的乐器。对我来说，唱片不再仅仅关于歌曲，而是关于声音。耳机打开了一个声音色彩的世界，一系列细微差别和细节，远远超出了和弦和旋律、歌词或特定歌手的声音。Creedence 的《Green River》中充满沼泽的南方腹地氛围，或者披头士乐队的《Mother Nature's Son》中的田园、开放空间之美；贝多芬《第六交响曲》（卡拉扬指挥）中的双簧管，在一座大型木石教堂的氛围中微弱而湿润；声音是一种包罗万象的体验。耳机也让音乐对我来说更加个性化。它突然从我的脑海里传来，而不是在外面的世界。这种个人联系最终促使我成为一名录音工程师和制作人。
The new artists that I was listening to were all exploring stereo mixing for the first time. Because the speakers that came with my hundred-dollar all-in-one stereo system weren’t very good, I had never before heard the depth that I could hear in the headphones—the placement of instruments both in the left-right field and in the front-back (reverberant) space. To me, records were no longer just about the songs anymore, but about the sound. Headphones opened up a world of sonic colors, a palette of nuances and details that went far beyond the chords and melody, the lyrics, or a particular singer’s voice. The swampy Deep South ambience of “Green River” by Creedence, or the pastoral, open-space beauty of the Beatles’ “Mother Nature’s Son”; the oboes in Beethoven’s Sixth (conducted by Karajan), faint and drenched in the atmosphere of a large wood-and-stone church; the sound was an enveloping experience. Headphones also made the music more personal for me; it was suddenly coming from inside my head, not out there in the world. This personal connection is ultimately what drove me to become a recording engineer and producer.
许多年后，保罗·西蒙告诉我，声音也一直是他所追求的。“我听自己唱片的方式是为了它们的声音；不是和弦或歌词——我的第一印象是整体声音。”
Many years later, Paul Simon told me that the sound is always what he was after too. “The way that I listen to my own records is for the sound of them; not the chords or the lyrics—my first impression is of the overall sound.”
宿舍里的扬声器事件发生后，我从大学退学，加入了一支摇滚乐队。我们的成绩已经足够好，可以在加利福尼亚州的一家拥有 24 轨的录音室与一位才华横溢的工程师 Mark Needham 一起录制，他后来录制了 Chris Isaak、Cake 和 Fleetwood Mac 的热门唱片。马克喜欢我，可能是因为我是唯一一个有兴趣进入控制室听听我们的声音的人，而其他人则更感兴趣在两次拍摄之间获得快感。马克对待我就像一位制作人，尽管我当时不知道制作人是什么，他问我乐队想要听起来像什么。他告诉我麦克风可以对声音产生多大的影响，甚至麦克风的放置方式也会产生影响。起初，我没有听到他指出的一些差异，但他教会了我要听什么。“请注意，当我将麦克风靠近吉他放大器时，声音变得更饱满、更圆润、更均匀；但当我把它放得更远时，它会拾取房间的一些声音，从而提供更宽敞的声音，尽管如果我这样做，你会失去一些中频。”
I dropped out of college after the incident with the speakers in my dorm room, and I joined a rock band. We got good enough to record at a twenty-four-track studio in California with a talented engineer, Mark Needham, who went on to record hit records by Chris Isaak, Cake, and Fleetwood Mac. Mark took a liking to me, probably because I was the only one interested in going into the control room to hear back what we sounded like, while the others were more interested in getting high in between takes. Mark treated me like a producer, although I didn’t know what one was at the time, asking me what the band wanted to sound like. He taught me how much of a difference to the sound a microphone could make, or even the influence of how a microphone was placed. At first, I didn’t hear some of the differences he pointed out, but he taught me what to listen for. “Notice that when I put this microphone closer to the guitar amp, the sound becomes fuller, rounder, and more even; but when I put it farther back, it picks up some of the sound of the room, giving it a more spacious sound, although you lose some of the midrange if I do that.”
我们的乐队在旧金山颇有名气，我们的磁带在当地的摇滚广播电台播放。当乐队解散时——由于吉他手经常自杀，主唱有服用一氧化二氮并用刀片割伤自己的坏习惯——我找到了其他乐队制作人的工作。我学会了听到以前从未听过的东西：一个麦克风与另一个麦克风之间的差异，甚至一个品牌的录音带与另一个品牌之间的差异（Ampex 456 磁带在低频范围内具有特征“凹凸”，Scotch 250 具有特征高频清脆，Agfa 467 中频光泽）。一旦我知道要听什么，我就可以轻松区分 Ampex 和 Scotch 或 Agfa 磁带，就像区分苹果和梨或橙子一样。我逐渐与其他伟大的工程师一起工作，比如莱斯利·安·琼斯（曾与弗兰克·西纳特拉和鲍比·麦克费林合作过）、弗雷德·卡特罗（《芝加哥》、贾尼斯·乔普林）和杰弗里·诺曼（约翰·福格蒂、感恩而死乐队）。尽管我是制片人——会议的负责人——但我还是被他们吓到了。一些工程师让我旁听他们与其他艺术家的会议，例如 Heart、Journey、Santana、Whitney Houston 和 Aretha Franklin。我一生都在观看他们与艺术家互动，谈论吉他声部如何发音或声乐表演如何进行的细微差别，这让我受益匪浅。他们会讨论歌词中的音节，并在十种不同的表演中进行选择。他们的听力非常好；他们如何训练自己的耳朵来听到凡人听不到的声音？
Our band became moderately well known in San Francisco, and our tapes played on local rock radio stations. When the band broke up—due to the guitarist’s frequent suicide attempts and the vocalist’s nasty habit of taking nitrous oxide and cutting himself with razor blades—I found work as a producer of other bands. I learned to hear things I had never heard before: the difference between one microphone and another, even between one brand of recording tape and another (Ampex 456 tape had a characteristic “bump” in the low-frequency range, Scotch 250 had a characteristic crispness in the high frequencies, and Agfa 467 a luster in the midrange). Once I knew what to listen for, I could tell Ampex from Scotch or Agfa tape as easily as I could tell an apple from a pear or an orange. I progressed to work with other great engineers, like Leslie Ann Jones (who had worked with Frank Sinatra and Bobby McFerrin), Fred Catero (Chicago, Janis Joplin), and Jeffrey Norman (John Fogerty, the Grateful Dead). Even though I was the producer—the person in charge of the sessions—I was intimidated by them all. Some of the engineers let me sit in on their sessions with other artists, such as Heart, Journey, Santana, Whitney Houston, and Aretha Franklin. I got a lifetime of education watching them interact with the artists, talking about subtle nuances in how a guitar part was articulated or how a vocal performance had been delivered. They would talk about syllables in a lyric, and choose among ten different performances. They could hear so well; how did they train their ears to hear things that mere mortals couldn’t?
在与一些不知名的小乐队合作时，我认识了工作室经理和工程师，他们引导我走向越来越好的工作。有一天，一位工程师没有出现，我为卡洛斯·桑塔纳拼接了一些磁带编辑。还有一次，伟大的制作人桑迪·皮尔曼 (Sandy Pearlman) 在 Blue oyster Cult 会议期间出去吃午饭，并让我负责完成声音。一件事引发了另一件事，我花了十多年在加利福尼亚制作唱片。我最终很幸运能够与许多知名音乐家合作。但我也与数十位音乐界的无名人士合作过，他们非常有才华，但从未成功。我开始想知道为什么有些音乐家成为家喻户晓的名字，而另一些音乐家却默默无闻。我也想知道为什么音乐对某些人来说似乎如此容易，而对其他人却不然。创造力从何而来？为什么有些歌曲让我们如此感动，而另一些则让我们冷淡？那么感知在这一切中的作用又如何呢？伟大的音乐家和工程师具有不可思议的能力，能够听到我们大多数人听不到的细微差别？
While working with small, unknown bands, I got to know the studio managers and engineers, and they steered me toward better and better work. One day an engineer didn’t show up and I spliced some tape edits for Carlos Santana. Another time, the great producer Sandy Pearlman went out for lunch during a Blue Öyster Cult session and left me in charge to finish the vocals. One thing led to another, and I spent over a decade producing records in California; I was eventually lucky enough to be able to work with many well-known musicians. But I also worked with dozens of musical no-names, people who are extremely talented but never made it. I began to wonder why some musicians become household names while others languish in obscurity. I also wondered why music seemed to come so easily to some and not others. Where does creativity come from? Why do some songs move us so and others leave us cold? And what about the role of perception in all of this, the uncanny ability of great musicians and engineers to hear nuances that most of us don’t?
这些问题让我回到学校寻找答案。当我仍然担任唱片制作人时，我每周两次与桑迪·皮尔曼 (Sandy Pearlman) 开车去斯坦福大学旁听卡尔·普里布拉姆 (Karl Pribram) 的神经心理学讲座。我发现心理学是我的一些问题的答案的领域——关于记忆、感知、创造力的问题，以及所有这些问题的共同工具：人脑。但我没有找到答案，而是提出了更多问题——科学界经常出现这种情况。每个新问题都让我对音乐、世界和人类经历的复杂性有了认识。正如哲学家保罗·丘奇兰（Paul Churchland）指出的那样，在有记载的历史的大部分时间里，人类一直在试图理解世界。在过去的两百年里，我们的好奇心揭示了大自然向我们隐藏的大部分内容：时空结构、物质构成、能量的多种形式、宇宙的起源、生命的本质五年前，DNA 被发现，人类基因组图谱完成。但有一个谜团尚未解开：人类大脑的奥秘，以及它如何产生思想和感情、希望和欲望、爱和美的体验，更不用说舞蹈、视觉艺术、文学和音乐了。
These questions led me back to school for some answers. While still working as a record producer, I drove down to Stanford University twice a week with Sandy Pearlman to sit in on neuropsychology lectures by Karl Pribram. I found that psychology was the field that held the answers to some of my questions—questions about memory, perception, creativity, and the common instrument underlying all of these: the human brain. But instead of finding answers, I came away with more questions—as is often the case in science. Each new question opened my mind to an appreciation for the complexity of music, of the world, and of the human experience. As the philosopher Paul Churchland notes, humans have been trying to understand the world throughout most of recorded history; in just the past two hundred years, our curiosity has revealed much of what Nature had kept hidden from us: the fabric of space-time, the constitution of matter, the many forms of energy, the origins of the universe, the nature of life itself with the discovery of DNA, and the completion of the mapping of the human genome just five years ago. But one mystery has not been solved: the mystery of the human brain and how it gives rise to thoughts and feelings, hopes and desires, love, and the experience of beauty, not to mention dance, visual art, literature, and music.
什么是音乐？它从何而来？为什么有些声音序列让我们如此感动，而另一些声音（例如狗叫声或汽车尖叫声）却让很多人感到不舒服？对于我们中的一些人来说，这些问题占据了我们一生工作的很大一部分。对于其他人来说，以这种方式区分音乐的想法似乎等同于研究戈雅画布上的化学结构，而代价是无法看到画家试图创作的艺术。牛津历史学家马丁·坎普指出了艺术家和科学家之间的相似之处。大多数艺术家将他们的作品描述为实验——旨在探索的一系列努力的一部分。共同关心的问题或建立一个观点。我的好朋友兼同事威廉·福特·汤普森（多伦多大学音乐认知科学家和作曲家）补充说，科学家和艺术家的工作都涉及类似的发展阶段：创造性和探索性的“头脑风暴”阶段，然后是测试和完善这些阶段通常涉及应用既定程序，但通常会通过额外的创造性问题解决来实现。艺术家工作室和科学家实验室也有相似之处，大量项目同时进行，处于不同的未完成阶段。两者都需要专门的工具，而且结果——与吊桥的最终计划或工作日结束时银行账户中的资金清点不同——可以解释。艺术家和科学家的共同点是能够生活在对我们的工作产品进行解释和重新解释的开放式状态中。艺术家和科学家的工作归根结底是对真理的追求，但两个阵营的成员都明白，真理本质上是与背景相关的、可变的，取决于观点，今天的真理将成为明天被反驳的假设或被遗忘的艺术品。人们只需看看皮亚杰、弗洛伊德和斯金纳就可以找到曾经广泛流行但后来被推翻（或至少被戏剧性地重新评估）的理论。在音乐领域，许多乐队过早地被认为具有持久的重要性：Cheap Trick 被誉为新披头士乐队，滚石摇滚百科全书一度为 Adam 和 Ants 投入了与 U2 一样多的篇幅。有时候，人们无法想象有一天世界上大多数人都不知道保罗·斯托基、克里斯托弗·克罗斯或玛丽·福特这些名字。对于艺术家来说，绘画或音乐作品的目标不是传达字面上的真理，而是普遍真理的一个方面，如果成功，即使背景、社会和文化发生变化，也将继续感动和感动人们。对于科学家来说，理论的目标是传达“目前的真理”——取代旧的真理，同时接受有一天这个理论也将被新的“真理”取代，因为这就是科学进步的方式。
What is music? Where does it come from? Why do some sequences of sounds move us so, while others—such as dogs barking or cars screeching—make many people uncomfortable? For some of us, these questions occupy a large part of our life’s work. For others, the idea of picking music apart in this way seems tantamount to studying the chemical structure in a Goya canvas, at the expense of seeing the art that the painter was trying to produce. The Oxford historian Martin Kemp points out a similarity between artists and scientists. Most artists describe their work as experiments—part of a series of efforts designed to explore a common concern or to establish a viewpoint. My good friend and colleague William Forde Thompson (a music cognition scientist and composer at the University of Toronto) adds that the work of both scientists and artists involves similar stages of development: a creative and exploratory “brainstorming” stage, followed by testing and refining stages that typically involve the application of set procedures, but are often informed by additional creative problem-solving. Artists’ studios and scientists’ laboratories share similarities as well, with a large number of projects going at once, in various stages of incompletion. Both require specialized tools, and the results are—unlike the final plans for a suspension bridge, or the tallying of money in a bank account at the end of the business day—open to interpretation. What artists and scientists have in common is the ability to live in an open-ended state of interpretation and reinterpretation of the products of our work. The work of artists and scientists is ultimately the pursuit of truth, but members of both camps understand that truth in its very nature is contextual and changeable, dependent on point of view, and that today’s truths become tomorrow’s disproven hypotheses or forgotten objets d’art. One need look no further than Piaget, Freud, and Skinner to find theories that once held widespread currency and were later overturned (or at least dramatically reevaluated). In music, a number of groups were prematurely held up as of lasting importance: Cheap Trick were hailed as the new Beatles, and at one time the Rolling Stone Encyclopedia of Rock devoted as much space to Adam and the Ants as they did to U2. There were times when people couldn’t imagine a day when most of the world would not know the names Paul Stookey, Christopher Cross, or Mary Ford. For the artist, the goal of the painting or musical composition is not to convey literal truth, but an aspect of a universal truth that if successful, will continue to move and to touch people even as contexts, societies, and cultures change. For the scientist, the goal of a theory is to convey “truth for now”—to replace an old truth, while accepting that someday this theory, too, will be replaced by a new “truth,” because that is the way science advances.
音乐因其普遍性和古老性而在所有人类活动中显得不同寻常。现在或有记录的任何时候都没有已知的人类文化过去缺乏音乐。在人类和原始人类发掘现场发现的一些最古老的实物文物是乐器：骨笛和在树桩上伸展来制作鼓的动物皮。每当人类因任何原因聚集在一起时，音乐就在那里：婚礼、葬礼、大学毕业、男人行军上战场、体育场体育赛事、镇上的夜晚、祈祷、浪漫的晚餐、母亲摇着婴儿入睡，以及以音乐为背景学习的大学生。与现代西方社会相比，在非工业化文化中更是如此，音乐现在和过去都是日常生活的一部分。直到最近，大约五百年前，我们自己的文化中才出现了一种区别，将社会一分为二，形成了音乐表演者和音乐听众的不同阶层。在世界大部分地区和人类历史的大部分时间里，音乐创作就像呼吸和行走一样自然，每个人都参与其中。专门用于演奏音乐的音乐厅是在最近几个世纪才出现的。
Music is unusual among all human activities for both its ubiquity and its antiquity. No known human culture now or anytime in the recorded past lacked music. Some of the oldest physical artifacts found in human and protohuman excavation sites are musical instruments: bone flutes and animal skins stretched over tree stumps to make drums. Whenever humans come together for any reason, music is there: weddings, funerals, graduation from college, men marching off to war, stadium sporting events, a night on the town, prayer, a romantic dinner, mothers rocking their infants to sleep, and college students studying with music as a background. Even more so in nonindustrialized cultures than in modern Western societies, music is and was part of the fabric of everyday life. Only relatively recently in our own culture, five hundred years or so ago, did a distinction arise that cut society in two, forming separate classes of music performers and music listeners. Throughout most of the world and for most of human history, music making was as natural an activity as breathing and walking, and everyone participated. Concert halls, dedicated to the performance of music, arose only in the last several centuries.
吉姆·弗格森是我从高中就认识的人，现在是一名人类学教授。吉姆是我认识的最有趣、最聪明的人之一，但他很害羞——我不知道他是如何教授讲座课程的。为了获得哈佛大学的博士学位，他在莱索托进行了实地考察，莱索托是一个完全被南非包围的小国。在那里，吉姆通过学习并与当地村民互动，耐心地赢得了他们的信任，直到有一天他被邀请加入他们的一首歌曲。因此，通常情况下，当吉姆被要求与这些索托村民一起唱歌时，吉姆会轻声说：“我不唱歌。”这是事实：我们曾一起参加过高中乐队，尽管他是一位出色的双簧管演奏家，他无法在桶里装一首曲子。村民们对他的反对感到费解和费解。索托人认为唱歌是一种普通的日常活动，每个人，无论年轻还是年长，男人还是女人，都可以进行，而不是为特殊少数人保留的活动。
Jim Ferguson, whom I have known since high school, is now a professor of anthropology. Jim is one of the funniest and most fiercely intelligent people I know, but he is shy—I don’t know how he manages to teach his lecture courses. For his doctoral degree at Harvard, he performed fieldwork in Lesotho, a small nation completely surrounded by South Africa. There, studying and interacting with local villagers, Jim patiently earned their trust until one day he was asked to join in one of their songs. So, typically, when asked to sing with these Sotho villagers, Jim said in a soft voice, “I don’t sing,” and it was true: We had been in high school band together and although he was an excellent oboe player, he couldn’t carry a tune in a bucket. The villagers found his objection puzzling and inexplicable. The Sotho consider singing an ordinary, everyday activity performed by everyone, young and old, men and women, not an activity reserved for a special few.
我们的文化，甚至我们的语言，将一类专家表演者（阿瑟·鲁宾斯坦、埃拉·菲茨杰拉德、保罗·麦卡特尼）与我们其他人区分开来。我们其他人花钱是为了听专家给我们带来欢乐。吉姆知道他并不擅长歌手或舞蹈家，对他来说，公开表演歌舞意味着他认为自己是专家。村民们只是盯着吉姆说：“你不唱歌是什么意思？！” 你说！” 吉姆后来告诉我，“对他们来说，这就像我告诉他们我不能走路或跳舞一样奇怪，尽管我有双腿。” 唱歌和跳舞是每个人生活中自然而然的活动，无缝地结合在一起，让每个人都参与其中。塞索托语中表示歌唱的动词(ho bina)与世界上许多语言一样，也有跳舞的意思。没有区别，因为人们认为唱歌涉及身体运动。
Our culture, and indeed our very language, makes a distinction between a class of expert performers—the Arthur Rubinsteins, Ella Fitzgeralds, Paul McCartneys—and the rest of us. The rest of us pay money to hear the experts entertain us. Jim knew that he wasn’t much of a singer or dancer, and to him, a public display of singing and dancing implied he thought himself an expert. The villagers just stared at Jim and said, “What do you mean you don’t sing?! You talk!” Jim told me later, “It was as odd to them as if I told them that I couldn’t walk or dance, even though I have both my legs.” Singing and dancing were a natural activity in everybody’s lives, seamlessly integrated and involving everyone. The Sesotho verb for singing (ho bina), as in many of the world’s languages, also means to dance; there is no distinction, since it is assumed that singing involves bodily movement.
几代人以前，在电视出现之前，许多家庭会围坐在一起演奏音乐以供娱乐。如今，人们非常重视技术和技巧，以及音乐家是否“足够好”为他人演奏。音乐制作在我们的文化中已经成为一种保留的活动，我们其他人都在听。音乐产业是美国最大的产业之一，雇用了数十万人。仅专辑销售一项就每年带来 300 亿美元的收入，这个数字甚至没有考虑音乐会门票销售、北美各地周五晚上在酒吧演出的数千支乐队，或者通过点对点免费下载的 300 亿首歌曲。 - 2005 年的同行文件共享。美国人在音乐上花的钱比在性或处方药上花的钱还要多。鉴于这种贪婪的消费，我想说大多数美国人都有资格成为专业的音乐听众。我们有认知能力来检测错误的音符，找到我们喜欢的音乐，记住数百种旋律，并随着音乐及时打拍脚——这项活动涉及节拍提取过程，非常复杂，大多数计算机都无法做到这一点。我们为什么听音乐，为什么我们愿意花那么多钱听音乐？两张音乐会门票的价格很容易相当于一个四口之家一周的伙食费，一张 CD 的价格大约相当于一件工作衬衫、八块面包或一个月的基本电话服务。了解我们为什么喜欢音乐以及音乐的魅力是了解人性本质的一扇窗。
A couple of generations ago, before television, many families would sit around and play music together for entertainment. Nowadays there is a great emphasis on technique and skill, and whether a musician is “good enough” to play for others. Music making has become a somewhat reserved activity in our culture, and the rest of us listen. The music industry is one of the largest in the United States, employing hundreds of thousands of people. Album sales alone bring in $30 billion a year, and this figure doesn’t even account for concert ticket sales, the thousands of bands playing Friday nights at saloons all over North America, or the thirty billion songs that were downloaded free through peer-to-peer file sharing in 2005. Americans spend more money on music than on sex or prescription drugs. Given this voracious consumption, I would say that most Americans qualify as expert music listeners. We have the cognitive capacity to detect wrong notes, to find music we enjoy, to remember hundreds of melodies, and to tap our feet in time with the music—an activity that involves a process of meter extraction so complicated that most computers cannot do it. Why do we listen to music, and why are we willing to spend so much money on music listening? Two concert tickets can easily cost as much as a week’s food allowance for a family of four, and one CD costs about the same as a work shirt, eight loaves of bread, or basic phone service for a month. Understanding why we like music and what draws us to it is a window on the essence of human nature.
询问有关人类基本且无所不在的能力的问题，就等于隐含地询问有关进化的问题。动物进化出了一定的身体素质形态作为对环境的反应，而赋予交配优势的特征通过基因传递给下一代。
To ask questions about a basic, and omnipresent human ability is to implicitly ask questions about evolution. Animals evolved certain physical forms as a response to their environment, and the characteristics that conferred an advantage for mating were passed down to the next generation through the genes.
达尔文理论的一个微妙之处是，生物体——无论是植物、病毒、昆虫还是动物——与物质世界共同进化。换句话说，当所有生物都在响应世界而变化时，世界也在响应它们而变化。如果一个物种发展出一种机制来避开特定的捕食者，那么该捕食者的物种就会面临进化压力，要么开发出一种方法来克服这种防御，要么寻找另一种食物来源。自然选择是一场物理形态的军备竞赛，为了追赶彼此而改变。
A subtle point in Darwinian theory is that living organisms—whether plants, viruses, insects, or animals—coevolved with the physical world. In other words, while all living things are changing in response to the world, the world is also changing in response to them. If one species develops a mechanism to keep away a particular predator, that predator’s species is then under evolutionary pressure either to develop a means to overcome that defense or to find another food source. Natural selection is an arms race of physical morphologies changing to catch up with one another.
进化心理学是一个相对较新的科学领域，它将进化的概念从物理领域扩展到了精神领域。当我在斯坦福大学就读时，我的导师、认知心理学家罗杰·谢泼德指出，不仅我们的身体，而且我们的思想都是数百万年进化的产物。我们的思维模式、以某些方式解决问题的倾向、我们的感官系统——例如看到颜色的能力（以及我们看到的特定颜色）——都是进化的产物。谢泼德进一步推动了这一点：我们的思想与物质世界共同进化，随着不断变化的条件而变化。谢泼德的三位学生，加州大学圣巴巴拉分校的勒达·科斯米德斯和约翰·图比，以及新墨西哥大学的杰弗里·米勒，都是这一新领域的前沿人物。该领域的研究人员相信，通过考虑思维的进化，他们可以了解很多关于人类行为的信息。在人类的进化和发展过程中，音乐为人类提供了什么功能？当然，五万、十万年前的音乐与贝多芬、范·海伦或阿姆有很大不同。随着我们的大脑不断进化，我们用大脑创作的音乐以及我们想听的音乐也在进化。我们的大脑中是否有专门为制作和聆听音乐而进化的特定区域和通路？
A relatively new scientific field, evolutionary psychology, extends the notion of evolution from the physical to the realm of the mental. My mentor when I was a student at Stanford University, the cognitive psychologist Roger Shepard, notes that not just our bodies but our minds are the product of millions of years of evolution. Our thought patterns, our predispositions to solve problems in certain ways, our sensory systems—such as the ability to see color (and the particular colors we see)—are all products of evolution. Shepard pushes the point still further: Our minds coevolved with the physical world, changing in response to ever-changing conditions. Three of Shepard’s students, Leda Cosmides and John Tooby of the University of California at Santa Barbara, and Geoffrey Miller of the University of New Mexico, are among those at the forefront of this new field. Researchers in this field believe that they can learn a lot about human behavior by considering the evolution of the mind. What function did music serve humankind as we were evolving and developing? Certainly the music of fifty thousand and one hundred thousand years ago is very different from Beethoven, Van Halen, or Eminem. As our brains have evolved, so has the music we make with them, and the music that we want to hear. Did particular regions and pathways evolve in our brains specifically for making and listening to music?
与旧的、简单化的观念相反，艺术和音乐是在我们大脑的右半球处理的，语言和左边的数学，我的实验室和我的同事的最新发现向我们表明音乐分布在整个大脑中。通过对脑损伤患者的研究，我们发现患者失去了阅读报纸的能力，但仍然可以阅读音乐，或者可以弹钢琴，但缺乏扣上毛衣扣子的运动协调能力。音乐聆听、表演和作曲几乎涉及我们迄今为止已确定的大脑的每个区域，并且涉及几乎每个神经子系统。这一事实能否解释“听音乐可以锻炼我们大脑的其他部分”这一说法？每天听莫扎特二十分钟会让我们变得更聪明？
Contrary to the old, simplistic notion that art and music are processed in the right hemisphere of our brains, with language and mathematics in the left, recent findings from my laboratory and those of my colleagues are showing us that music is distributed throughout the brain. Through studies of people with brain damage, we’ve seen patients who have lost the ability to read a newspaper but can still read music, or individuals who can play the piano but lack the motor coordination to button their own sweater. Music listening, performance, and composition engage nearly every area of the brain that we have so far identified, and involve nearly every neural subsystem. Could this fact account for claims that music listening exercises other parts of our minds; that listening to Mozart twenty minutes a day will make us smarter?
广告主管、电影制片人、军事指挥官和母亲们都利用音乐唤起情感的力量。广告商利用音乐让软饮料、啤酒、跑鞋或汽车看起来比竞争对手更时尚。电影导演使用音乐来告诉我们如何感受那些可能会模棱两可的场景，或者在特别戏剧性的时刻增强我们的感受。想想动作片中典型的追逐场景，或者可能伴随一个孤独的女人在黑暗的老宅邸爬楼梯的音乐：音乐被用来操纵我们的情绪，我们倾向于接受，如果不是完全享受，音乐的力量让我们体验到这些不同的感受。早在我们能想象的很久以前，世界各地的母亲就用轻柔的歌声来安抚婴儿入睡，或者分散他们对那些让他们哭泣的事情的注意力。
The power of music to evoke emotions is harnessed by advertising executives, filmmakers, military commanders, and mothers. Advertisers use music to make a soft drink, beer, running shoe, or car seem more hip than their competitors’. Film directors use music to tell us how to feel about scenes that otherwise might be ambiguous, or to augment our feelings at particularly dramatic moments. Think of a typical chase scene in an action film, or the music that might accompany a lone woman climbing a staircase in a dark old mansion: Music is being used to manipulate our emotions, and we tend to accept, if not outright enjoy, the power of music to make us experience these different feelings. Mothers throughout the world, and as far back in time as we can imagine, have used soft singing to soothe their babies to sleep, or to distract them from something that has made them cry.
许多热爱音乐的人声称对音乐一无所知。我发现我的许多研究困难、复杂主题（例如神经化学或精神药理学）的同事感觉没有准备好处理音乐神经科学的研究。谁又能责怪他们呢？音乐理论家有一套神秘而稀有的术语和规则，就像一些最深奥的数学领域一样晦涩难懂。对于非音乐家来说，页面上的墨迹（我们称之为音乐符号）也可能是数学集合论的符号。谈论调、节奏、转调和变调可能会令人困惑。
Many people who love music profess to know nothing about it. I’ve found that many of my colleagues who study difficult, intricate topics such as neurochemistry or psychopharmacology feel unprepared to deal with research in the neuroscience of music. And who can blame them? Music theorists have an arcane, rarified set of terms and rules that are as obscure as some of the most esoteric domains of mathematics. To the nonmusician, the blobs of ink on a page that we call music notation might just as well be the notations of mathematical set theory. Talk of keys, cadences, modulation, and transposition can be baffling.
然而我的每一位同事都对这些行话感到害怕可以告诉我他或她喜欢的音乐。我的朋友诺曼·怀特（Norman White）是老鼠海马体以及它们如何记住去过的不同地方的世界权威。他是一位爵士乐迷，能够熟练地谈论他最喜欢的艺术家。他可以通过音乐的声音立即区分艾灵顿公爵和贝西伯爵，甚至可以区分早期和晚期的路易斯阿姆斯特朗。Norm 没有任何技术意义上的音乐知识——他可以告诉我他喜欢某首歌曲，但他不能告诉我和弦的名称是什么。然而，他是一个知道自己喜欢什么的专家。当然，这并不罕见。我们中的许多人对自己喜欢的事物有实际的了解，并且可以在不具备真正专家的技术知识的情况下表达我们的偏好。我知道我更喜欢我经常去的一家餐厅的巧克力蛋糕，而不是我附近的咖啡店的巧克力蛋糕。但只有厨师才能通过描述面粉种类、起酥油或所用巧克力类型的差异来分析蛋糕，将味觉体验分解为其各个元素。
Yet every one of my colleagues who feels intimidated by such jargon can tell me the music that he or she likes. My friend Norman White is a world authority on the hippocampus in rats, and how they remember different places they’ve visited. He is a huge jazz fan, and can talk expertly about his favorite artists. He can instantly tell the difference between Duke Ellington and Count Basie by the sound of the music, and can even tell early Louis Armstrong from late. Norm doesn’t have any knowledge about music in the technical sense—he can tell me that he likes a certain song, but he can’t tell me what the names of the chords are. He is, however, an expert in knowing what he likes. This is not at all unusual, of course. Many of us have a practical knowledge of things we like, and can communicate our preferences without possessing the technical knowledge of the true expert. I know that I prefer the chocolate cake at one restaurant I often go to, over the chocolate cake at my neighborhood coffee shop. But only a chef would be able to analyze the cake—to decompose the taste experience into its elements—by describing the differences in the kind of flour, or the shortening, or the type of chocolate used.
遗憾的是，很多人都被音乐家、音乐理论家和认知科学家的行话吓倒了。每个询问领域都有专门的词汇（尝试理解医生的完整血液分析报告）。但就音乐而言，音乐专家和科学家可以做得更好，让他们的工作变得容易理解。这就是我在本书中试图实现的目标。音乐表演和音乐聆听之间不断扩大的不自然的差距，也与那些热爱音乐（并且喜欢谈论音乐）的人和那些正在发现音乐如何运作的新事物的人之间的差距并行。
It’s a shame that many people are intimidated by the jargon musicians, music theorists, and cognitive scientists throw around. There is specialized vocabulary in every field of inquiry (try to make sense of a full blood-analysis report from your doctor). But in the case of music, music experts and scientists could do a better job of making their work accessible. That is something I tried to accomplish in this book. The unnatural gap that has grown between musical performance and music listening has been paralleled by a gap between those who love music (and love to talk about it) and those who are discovering new things about how it works.
我的学生经常向我吐露的一种感觉是，他们热爱生活及其奥秘，他们担心太多的教育会偷走生活中许多简单的乐趣。罗伯特·萨波尔斯基 (Robert Sapolsky) 的学生可能也向他吐露过同样的想法，1979 年，当我搬到波士顿就读伯克利音乐学院时，我也感受到了同样的焦虑。如果我采用学术方法来研究音乐并分析，结果会怎样？它，剥去它的神秘面纱吗？如果我对音乐了解得太多而不再从中得到乐趣怎么办？
A feeling my students often confide to me is that they love life and its mysteries, and they’re afraid that too much education will steal away many of life’s simple pleasures. Robert Sapolsky’s students have probably confided much the same to him, and I myself felt the same anxiety in 1979, when I moved to Boston to attend the Berklee College of Music. What if I took a scholarly approach to studying music and, in analyzing it, stripped it of its mysteries? What if I became so knowledgeable about music that I no longer took pleasure from it?
我仍然从音乐中获得乐趣，就像我通过耳机从廉价的高保真音响中获得的乐趣一样。我对音乐和科学了解得越多，它们就变得越令人着迷，我也就越能欣赏那些真正擅长这些的人。就像科学一样，音乐多年来被证明是一种冒险，从来没有经历过两次完全相同的方式。它一直给我带来持续的惊喜和满足。事实证明，科学和音乐的结合并不是那么糟糕。
I still take as much pleasure from music as I did from that cheap hi-fi through those headphones. The more I learned about music and about science the more fascinating they became, and the more I was able to appreciate people who are really good at them. Like science, music over the years has proved to be an adventure, never experienced exactly the same way twice. It has been a source of continual surprise and satisfaction for me. It turns out science and music aren’t such a bad mix.
本书从认知神经科学（心理学和神经学的交叉领域）的角度探讨音乐科学。我将讨论我和我们领域的其他研究人员在音乐、音乐意义和音乐乐趣方面进行的一些最新研究。它们为深刻的问题提供了新的见解。如果我们所有人听音乐的方式都不同，那么我们如何解释那些似乎打动了这么多人的作品——例如亨德尔的《弥赛亚》或唐·麦克莱恩的《文森特（星夜星夜）》？另一方面，如果我们都以同样的方式听音乐，我们如何解释音乐偏好的巨大差异——为什么一个人的莫扎特是另一个人的麦当娜？
This book is about the science of music, from the perspective of cognitive neuroscience—the field that is at the intersection of psychology and neurology. I’ll discuss some of the latest studies I and other researchers in our field have conducted on music, musical meaning, and musical pleasure. They offer new insights into profound questions. If all of us hear music differently, how can we account for pieces that seem to move so many people—Handel’s Messiah or Don McLean’s “Vincent (Starry Starry Night)” for example? On the other hand, if we all hear music in the same way, how can we account for wide differences in musical preference—why is it that one man’s Mozart is another man’s Madonna?
在过去的几年里，由于新的大脑成像技术、能够操纵多巴胺和血清素等神经递质的药物以及简单的古老科学追求，神经科学领域的爆炸性发展和心理学的新方法已经打开了人们的思维。不太为人所知的是，由于计算机技术的持续革命，我们在神经元网络建模方面取得了非凡的进步。我们正在以前所未有的方式理解我们头脑中的计算系统。现在，语言似乎已经深深地融入了我们的大脑。甚至意识本身也不再绝望地笼罩在神秘的迷雾中，而是从可观察的物理系统中出现的东西。但到目前为止，还没有人将所有这些新作品放在一起，并用它来阐明对我来说人类最美丽的痴迷。你对音乐的大脑是一种方法了解人性最深奥的奥秘。这就是我写这本书的原因。本书是为普通读者而不是为我的同事编写的，因此我试图简化主题，但又不过分简化。本文描述的所有研究都经过同行评审过程的审查，并发表在参考期刊上。“你的音乐大脑”的完整细节包含在本书末尾的注释中。
The mind has been opened up in the last few years by the exploding field of neuroscience and the new approaches in psychology due to new brain-imaging technologies, drugs able to manipulate neurotransmitters such as dopamine and serotonin, and plain old scientific pursuit. Less well known are the extraordinary advances we have been able to make in modeling how our neurons network, thanks to the continuing revolution in computer technology. We are coming to understand computational systems in our head like never before. Language now seems to be substantially hardwired into our brains. Even consciousness itself is no longer hopelessly shrouded in a mystical fog, but is rather something that emerges from observable physical systems. But no one until now has taken all this new work together and used it to elucidate what is for me the most beautiful human obsession. Your brain on music is a way to understand the deepest mysteries of human nature. That is why I wrote this book. This book was written for the general reader and not for my colleagues, so I have tried to simplify topics without oversimplifying them. All the research described herin has been vetted by the peer-review process and appeared in refereed journals. The full details of “your brain on music” are contained in the notes at the end of the book.
通过更好地理解音乐是什么以及它从何而来，我们也许能够更好地理解我们的动机、恐惧、欲望、记忆，甚至最广泛意义上的沟通。当你饿了的时候，听音乐是否更像是在吃饭，从而满足一种冲动？或者更像是看到美丽的日落或进行背部按摩，从而触发大脑中的感官愉悦系统？为什么随着年龄的增长，人们似乎会陷入自己的音乐品味并停止尝试新音乐？这是关于大脑和音乐如何共同进化的故事——音乐可以教会我们关于大脑的哪些知识，大脑可以教会我们关于音乐的哪些知识，以及两者都能教会我们关于我们自己的哪些知识。
By better understanding what music is and where it comes from, we may be able to better understand our motives, fears, desires, memories, and even communication in the broadest sense. Is music listening more along the lines of eating when you’re hungry, and thus satisfying an urge? Or is it more like seeing a beautiful sunset or getting a backrub, which triggers sensory pleasure systems in the brain? Why do people seem to get stuck in their musical tastes as they grow older and cease experimenting with new music? This is the story of how brains and music coevolved—what music can teach us about the brain, what the brain can teach us about music, and what both can teach us about ourselves.
1.什么是音乐？
1. What Is Music?
从音调到音色
From Pitch to Timbre
什么是音乐？对许多人来说，“音乐”只能指伟大的大师——贝多芬、德彪西和莫扎特。对于其他人来说，“音乐”是 Busta Rhymes、Dr. Dre 和 Moby。对于我在伯克利音乐学院的一位萨克斯管老师以及大批“传统爵士乐”爱好者来说，1940 年之前或 1960 年之后制作的任何东西都不是真正的音乐。当我还是个六十年代的孩子时，我有一些朋友经常来我家听门基乐队，因为他们的父母禁止他们听除了古典音乐之外的任何东西，还有一些朋友的父母只让他们听和唱宗教音乐赞美诗，在这两种情况下都担心摇滚乐的“危险节奏”。1965 年，当鲍勃·迪伦 (Bob Dylan) 敢于在纽波特民谣音乐节 (Newport Folk Festival) 上演奏电吉他时，人们纷纷退场，许多留下来的人发出嘘声。天主教会禁止包含复调音乐（一次演奏多个音乐部分）的音乐，担心这会导致人们怀疑上帝的统一。教会还禁止增四度音程，即升 C 和 F 之间的距离，也称为三全音（伦纳德·伯恩斯坦的《西区故事》中托尼唱“玛丽亚”这个名字时的音程）。这个音程被认为非常不和谐，肯定是路西法的作品，因此教会在音乐中将其命名为迪亚波罗斯。正是这种音调让中世纪的教堂一片哗然。正是音色让迪伦遭到了嘘声。它摇滚乐中潜在的非洲节奏让郊区的白人父母感到害怕，他们也许担心这种节拍会让他们天真的孩子陷入永久性的、改变思想的恍惚状态。什么是节奏、音高和音色？它们仅仅是描述歌曲不同机械方面的方式，还是有更深层次的神经学基础？所有这些元素都是必要的吗？
What is music? To many, “music” can only mean the great masters—Beethoven, Debussy, and Mozart. To others, “music” is Busta Rhymes, Dr. Dre, and Moby. To one of my saxophone teachers at Berklee College of Music—and to legions of “traditional jazz” aficionados—anything made before 1940 or after 1960 isn’t really music at all. I had friends when I was a kid in the sixties who used to come over to my house to listen to the Monkees because their parents forbade them to listen to anything but classical music, and others whose parents would only let them listen to and sing religious hymns, in both cases fearing the “dangerous rhythms” of rock and roll. When Bob Dylan dared to play an electric guitar at the Newport Folk Festival in 1965, people walked out and many of those who stayed, booed. The Catholic Church banned music that contained polyphony (more than one musical part playing at a time), fearing that it would cause people to doubt the unity of God. The church also banned the musical interval of an augmented fourth, the distance between C and F-sharp and also known as a tritone (the interval in Leonard Bernstein’s West Side Story when Tony sings the name “Maria”). This interval was considered so dissonant that it must have been the work of Lucifer, and so the church named it Diabolus in musica. It was pitch that had the medieval church in an uproar. And it was timbre that got Dylan booed. It was the latent African rhythms in rock that frightened white suburban parents, perhaps fearful that the beat would induce a permanent, mind-altering trance in their innocent children. What are rhythm, pitch, and timbre—are they merely ways of describing different mechanical aspects of a song, or do they have a deeper, neurological basis? Are all of these elements necessary?
弗朗西斯·多蒙、罗伯特·诺曼多或皮埃尔·谢弗等前卫作曲家的音乐拓展了我们大多数人对音乐的认识。这些作曲家超越了旋律与和声的使用，甚至超越了乐器的使用，还使用了世界上发现的物体的录音，例如手提钻、火车和瀑布。他们编辑录音，调整音调，最终将它们组合成一个有组织的声音拼贴画，具有与传统音乐相同类型的情感轨迹——同样的张力和释放。这一传统的作曲家就像那些走出了具象艺术和现实艺术界限的画家——立体派、达达主义者，以及从毕加索、康定斯基到蒙德里安的许多现代画家。
The music of avant-garde composers such as Francis Dhomont, Robert Normandeau, or Pierre Schaeffer stretches the bounds of what most of us think music is. Going beyond the use of melody and harmony, and even beyond the use of instruments, these composers use recordings of found objects in the world such as jackhammers, trains, and waterfalls. They edit the recordings, play with their pitch, and ultimately combine them into an organized collage of sound with the same type of emotional trajectory—the same tension and release—as traditional music. Composers in this tradition are like the painters who stepped outside of the boundaries of representational and realistic art—the cubists, the Dadaists, many of the modern painters from Picasso to Kandinsky to Mondrian.
巴赫、Depeche Mode 和约翰·凯奇的音乐从根本上有什么共同点？从最基本的层面来看，Busta Rhymes 的“What's It Gonna Be?!”有何独特之处？或者贝多芬的“悲怆”奏鸣曲，比如说，你站在时代广场中央听到的声音集合，或者你在雨林深处听到的声音集合？正如作曲家埃德加·瓦雷兹（Edgard Varèse）的著名定义：“音乐是有组织的声音。”
What do the music of Bach, Depeche Mode, and John Cage fundamentally have in common? On the most basic level, what distinguishes Busta Rhymes’s “What’s It Gonna Be?!” or Beethoven’s “Pathétique” Sonata from, say, the collection of sounds you’d hear standing in the middle of Times Square, or those you’d hear deep in a rainforest? As the composer Edgard Varèse famously defined it, “Music is organized sound.”
本书从神经心理学的角度探讨音乐如何影响我们的大脑、我们的思想、我们的思想和我们的精神。但首先，检查一下音乐是由什么组成的会很有帮助。音乐的基本组成部分是什么？当它们组织起来时，它们是如何产生音乐的？任何声音的基本元素都是响度、音调、轮廓、持续时间（或节奏）、节奏、音色、空间位置和混响。我们的大脑将这些基本的感知属性组织成更高层次的概念——就像画家将线条排列成形式一样——其中包括韵律、和声和旋律。当我们听音乐时，我们实际上是在感知多种属性或“维度”。
This book drives at a neuropsychological perspective on how music affects our brains, our minds, our thoughts, and our spirit. But first, it is helpful to examine what music is made of. What are the fundamental building blocks of music? And how, when organized, do they give rise to music? The basic elements of any sound are loudness, pitch, contour, duration (or rhythm), tempo, timbre, spatial location, and reverberation. Our brains organize these fundamental perceptual attributes into higher-level concepts —just as a painter arranges lines into forms—and these include meter, harmony, and melody. When we listen to music, we are actually perceiving multiple attributes or “dimensions.”
在了解这一切的大脑基础之前，我想用本章来定义音乐术语并快速回顾音乐理论中的一些基本思想，并用音乐示例来说明它们。（音乐家可能想跳过或浏览本章。）首先这里是主要术语的简要总结。
Before getting to the brain basis of all this, I’d like to take this chapter to define the muscial terms and quickly review some basic ideas in music theory, and illustrate them with muscial examples. (Musicians may want to skip or skim this chapter.) First here is a brief summary of the main terms.
~音高是一种纯粹的心理构造，与特定音调的实际频率及其在音阶中的相对位置有关。它提供了“那是什么音符？”这个问题的答案。（“这是升 C 音。”）我将在下面定义频率和音阶。（当小号演奏者吹奏乐器并发出单一声音时，他发出了我们大多数人所说的音符，以及科学家所说的音调。音调和音符这两个术语在抽象中指的是同一个实体，但我们为您听到的内容保留单词音调，并为您在乐谱上看到的内容保留单词注释。）在童谣“玛丽有一只小羊羔”和“你在睡觉吗？”中 音高是前七个音符中唯一变化的——节奏保持不变。这证明了音高在定义旋律或歌曲方面的力量和基础性。
~节奏是指一系列音符的持续时间，以及它们组合成单元的方式。例如，在“字母歌”（与“一闪一闪小星星”相同）中，当我们唱字母ABCDEF的名字时，歌曲的前六个音符的持续时间都是相等的，然后我们按住字母G持续时间的两倍。然后我们回到 HIJK 的标准持续时间，然后用一半的持续时间或每个字母两倍的速度来演唱以下四个字母：LMNO，然后以举行的 P 结尾（导致几代学童在最初的几个月里度过了一段时间）相信英文字母表中有一个字母叫 ellemmenno）。在海滩男孩的歌曲“Barbara Ann”中，前七个音符都是以相同的音调演唱的，只是节奏有所不同。事实上，之后的七个音符也都以相同的音高（在旋律中）演唱，因为布莱恩·威尔逊（Brian Wilson）与其他人一起加入了唱其他音符的声音（和声）。披头士乐队有几首歌曲的音高保持不变，只有节奏在几个音符之间变化：“Come Together”的前四个音符；“Come Together”的前四个音符；“Hard Day's Night”中歌词“It's Been a”之后的六个音符；“Something”的前六个音符。
~节奏是指乐曲的整体速度或节奏。如果你随着乐曲打拍子、跳舞或行进，那就是这些有规律的动作的快或慢。
~轮廓描述了旋律的整体形状，仅考虑“向上”和“向下”的模式（音符是否向上或向下，而不是向上或向下的量）。
~音色（与琥珀押韵）将一种乐器与另一种乐器区分开来，例如，小号与钢琴，当两种乐器演奏相同的书面音符时。它是一种音色，部分是由乐器振动的泛音产生的（稍后会详细介绍）。它还描述了单个乐器在其音域移动时改变声音的方式，例如，在其音域中低音的小号的温暖声音与演奏最高音的同一小号的刺耳声音。
~响度是一种纯粹的心理构造，它与乐器产生的能量（它取代了多少空气）以及声学学家所说的音调的振幅相关（非线性且以人们知之甚少的方式）。
~混响是指对声源与我们的距离以及音乐所处的房间或大厅有多大的感知；外行人通常将其称为“回声”，正是这种品质将大型音乐厅中的歌唱声与淋浴中的歌唱声区分开来。它在传达情感和创造整体令人愉悦的声音方面的作用未被充分认识。
~ Pitch is a purely psychological construct, related both to the actual frequency of a particular tone and to its relative position in the musical scale. It provides the answer to the question “What note is that?” (“It’s a C-sharp.”) I’ll define frequency and musical scale below. (When a trumpet player blows in his instrument and makes a single sound, he makes what most of us call a note, and what scientists call a tone. The two terms, tone and note refer to the same entity in the abstract, but we reserve the word tone for what you hear, and the word note for what you see written on a musical score.) In the nursery rhymes “Mary Had a Little Lamb” and “Are You Sleeping?” pitch is the only thing that varies in the first seven notes—the rhythm stays the same. This demonstrates the power—and fundamentality—of pitch in defining a melody or song.
~ Rhythm refers to the durations of a series of notes, and to the way that they group together into units. For example, in the “Alphabet Song” (the same as “Twinkle, Twinkle Little Star”) the first six notes of the song are all equal in duration as we sing the names of the letters A B C D E F and then we hold the letter G for twice the duration. Then we’re back to the standard duration for H I J K, and then the following four letters are sung with half the duration, or twice as fast per letter: L M N O and then ending on a held P (leading generations of schoolchildren to spend several early months believing that there was a letter in the English alphabet called ellemmenno). In the Beach Boys’ song “Barbara Ann,” the first seven notes are all sung on the same pitch, with only the rhythm varying. In fact, the seven notes after that are all sung on the same pitch as well (in the melody), as Brian Wilson is joined by other voices singing other notes (harmony). The Beatles have several songs in which pitch is held constant and only rhythm varies across several notes: the first four notes of “Come Together”; the six notes of “Hard Day’s Night” following the lyric “It’s been a”; the first six notes of “Something.”
~ Tempo refers to the overall speed or pace of the piece. If you were tapping your foot, dancing, or marching to the piece, it’s how fast or slow these regular movements would be.
~ Contour describes the overall shape of a melody, taking into account only the pattern of “up” and “down” (whether a note goes up or down, not the amount by which it goes up or down).
~ Timbre (rhymes with amber) distinguishes one instrument from another—say, trumpet from piano—when both are playing the same written note. It is a kind of tonal color that is produced in part by overtones from the instrument’s vibrations (more on that later). It also describes the way that a single instrument can change sound as it moves across its range—say the warm sound of a trumpet low in its range versus the piercing sound of that same trumpet playing its highest note.
~ Loudness is a purely psychological construct that relates (nonlinearly and in poorly understood ways) to how much energy an instrument creates—how much air it displaces—and what an acoustician would call the amplitude of a tone.
~ Reverberation refers to the perception of how distant the source is from us in combination with how large a room or hall the music is in; often referred to as “echo” by laypeople, it is the quality that distinguishes the spaciousness of singing in a large concert hall from the sound of singing in your shower. It has an underappreciated role in communicating emotion and creating an overall pleasing sound.
心理物理学家——研究大脑与物理世界相互作用方式的科学家——已经证明这些属性是可分离的。每一项都可以在不改变其他项的情况下进行改变，从而可以一次对一项进行科学研究。我可以在不改变节奏的情况下改变歌曲的音高，并且可以在不同的乐器上演奏歌曲（改变音色）而不改变音符的持续时间或音高。音乐与随机或无序的声音之间的区别与这些基本属性的组合方式以及它们之间形成的关系有关。当这些基本元素以一种有意义的方式相互结合并形成关系时，就会产生更高阶的概念，如韵律、调、旋律和和声。
Psychophysicists—scientists who study the ways that the brain interacts with the physical world—have shown that these attributes are separable. Each can be varied without altering the others, allowing the scientific study of one at a time. I can change the pitches in a song without changing the rhythm, and I can play a song on a different instrument (changing the timbre) without changing the duration or pitches of the notes. The difference between music and a random or disordered set of sounds has to do with the way these fundamental attributes combine, and the relations that form between them. When these basic elements combine and form relationships with one another in a meaningful way, they give rise to higher-order concepts such as meter, key, melody, and harmony.
~韵律是我们的大脑通过从节奏和响度提示中提取信息而创建的，指的是音调在不同时间之间相互分组的方式。华尔兹节拍将音调分成三个一组，将进行曲分成两个或四个一组。
~调与音乐作品中音调之间存在的重要性等级有关；这种层次结构并不存在于世界上，它只存在于我们的头脑中，作为我们对音乐风格和音乐习语的体验以及我们所有人为理解音乐而发展的心理模式的函数。
~旋律是一首音乐作品的主题，是你跟着唱的部分，是你脑海中最突出的一系列音调。旋律的概念在不同的流派中是不同的。在摇滚音乐中，通常有主歌旋律和副歌旋律，主歌的特点是歌词的变化，有时是乐器的变化。在古典音乐中，旋律是作曲家创作该主题变奏曲的起点，这些变奏曲可以以不同的形式贯穿整首作品。
~和谐与不同音调之间的关系以及这些音调所建立的音调背景有关，这些音调背景最终导致对音乐作品中接下来的内容的期望——熟练的作曲家可以满足或违反艺术的期望和表达的目的。和声可以简单地指与主旋律平行的旋律（当两个歌手和谐时），也可以指和弦进行——形成旋律所依据的上下文和背景的音符簇。
~ Meter is created by our brains by extracting information from rhythm and loudness cues, and refers to the way in which tones are grouped with one another across time. A waltz meter organizes tones into groups of three, a march into groups of two or four.
~ Key has to do with a hierarchy of importance that exists between tones in a musical piece; this hierarchy does not exist in-the-world, it exists only in our minds, as a function of our experiences with a musical style and musical idioms, and mental schemas that all of us develop for understanding music.
~ Melody is the main theme of a musical piece, the part you sing along with, the succession of tones that are most salient in your mind. The notion of melody is different across genres. In rock music, there is typically a melody for the verses and a melody for the chorus, and verses are distinguished by a change in lyrics and sometimes by a change in instrumentation. In classical music, the melody is a starting point for the composer to create variations on that theme, which may be used throughout the entire piece in different forms.
~ Harmony has to do with relationships between the pitches of different tones, and with tonal contexts that these pitches set up that ultimately lead to expectations for what will come next in a musical piece—expectations that a skillful composer can either meet or violate for artistic and expressive purposes. Harmony can mean simply a parallel melody to the primary one (as when two singers harmonize) or it can refer to a chord progression—the clusters of notes that form a context and background on which the melody rests.
随着我们的进展，我将详细阐述所有这些内容。
I’ll be elaborating on all of these as we go along.
原始元素结合起来创造艺术的想法，以及元素之间关系的重要性，也存在于视觉艺术和舞蹈中。视觉感知的基本要素包括颜色（其本身可以分解为色调、饱和度和亮度三个维度）、亮度、位置、纹理和形状。但一幅画不仅仅是这些——它不仅仅是这里的一条线，那里的另一条线，或者画面的一个部分有一点红，另一部分有一点蓝。一组线条和色彩之所以成为艺术，是因为这条线和那条线之间的关系；一种颜色或形式在画布的不同部分与另一种颜色或形式相呼应的方式。当形式和流动（你的眼睛在画布上移动的方式）是由较低层次的感知元素创造出来时，那些颜料和线条就成为艺术。当它们和谐地结合在一起时，就会产生透视、前景和背景，并最终产生情感和其他审美属性。同样，舞蹈不仅仅是不相关的身体动作的汹涌海洋；这些运动彼此之间的关系创造了完整性和整体性，这是我们大脑更高层次处理的连贯性和凝聚力。与视觉艺术一样，音乐不仅会演奏出哪些音符，还会演奏出哪些音符。迈尔斯·戴维斯（Miles Davis）曾将他的即兴创作技巧描述为与毕加索描述他对画布的使用方式相似：两位艺术家都表示，作品中最关键的方面不是物体本身，而是物体之间的空间。在迈尔斯的例子中，他他将他的独奏中最重要的部分描述为音符之间的空白，即他在一个音符与下一个音符之间放置的“空气”。准确地知道何时敲下一个音符，并让听众有时间预测它，是戴维斯天才的标志。这一点在他的专辑《Kind of Blue》中表现得尤为明显。
The idea of primitive elements combining to create art, and of the importance of relationships between elements, also exists in visual art and dance. The fundamental elements of visual perception include color (which itself can be decomposed into the three dimensions of hue, saturation, and lightness), brightness, location, texture, and shape. But a painting is more than these—it is not just a line here and another there, or a spot of red in one part of the picture and a patch of blue in another. What makes a set of lines and colors into art is the relationship between this line and that one; the way one color or form echoes another in a different part of the canvas. Those dabs of paint and lines become art when form and flow (the way in which your eye is drawn across the canvas) are created out of lower-level perceptual elements. When they combine harmoniously they give rise to perspective, foreground and background, and ultimately to emotion and other aesthetic attributes. Similarly, dance is not just a raging sea of unrelated bodily movements; the relationship of those movements to one another is what creates integrity and integrality, a coherence and cohesion that the higher levels of our brain process. And as in visual art, music plays on not just what notes are sounded, but which ones are not. Miles Davis famously described his improvisational technique as parallel to the way that Picasso described his use of a canvas: The most critical aspect of the work, both artists said, was not the objects themselves, but the space between objects. In Miles’s case, he described the most important part of his solos as the empty space between notes, the “air” that he placed between one note and the next. Knowing precisely when to hit the next note, and allowing the listener time to anticipate it, is a hallmark of Davis’s genius. This is particularly apparent in his album Kind of Blue.
对于非音乐家来说，全音阶、节奏、甚至调和音高等术语可能会造成不必要的障碍。音乐家和评论家有时似乎生活在听起来自命不凡的技术术语后面。有多少次您在报纸上阅读音乐会评论时发现自己不知道评论者在说什么？“她持续的倚音有缺陷，无法完成肉卷。” 或者，“我不敢相信他们转调为升 C 小调！多么可笑啊！我们真正想知道的是音乐的演奏方式是否打动了观众。歌手是否似乎融入了她所唱的角色。您可能希望审阅者将今晚的表演与前一天晚上或不同乐团的表演进行比较。我们通常对音乐感兴趣，而不是所使用的技术设备。如果餐厅评论家开始猜测厨师在荷兰酱中加入柠檬汁的精确温度，或者如果电影评论家谈论电影摄影师使用的镜头光圈，我们不会容忍；我们也不应该在音乐中容忍它。
To nonmusicians, terms such as diatonic, cadence, or even key and pitch can throw up an unnecessary barrier. Musicians and critics sometimes appear to live behind a veil of technical terms that can sound pretentious. How many times have you read a concert review in the newspaper and found you have no idea what the reviewer is saying? “Her sustained appoggiatura was flawed by an inability to complete the roulade.” Or, “I can’t believe they modulated to C-sharp minor! How ridiculous!” What we really want to know is whether the music was performed in a way that moved the audience. Whether the singer seemed to inhabit the character she was singing about. You might want the reviewer to compare tonight’s performance to that of a previous night or a different ensemble. We’re usually interested in the music, not the technical devices that were used. We wouldn’t stand for it if a restaurant reviewer started to speculate about the precise temperature at which the chef introduced the lemon juice in a hollandaise sauce, or if a film critic talked about the aperture of the lens that the cinematographer used; we shouldn’t stand for it in music either.
此外，那些研究音乐的人——甚至音乐学家和科学家——对其中一些术语的含义存在分歧。例如，我们使用术语“音色”来指代乐器的整体声音或音色，即当小号和单簧管演奏相同的书面音符时将其与单簧管区分开来的难以描述的特征，或者将你的声音与布拉德·皮特的声音区分开来的特征。如果你说同样的话。但由于无法就定义达成一致，科学界采取了不同寻常的举措，即举手并用不属于音色的东西来定义音色。（美国声学学会的官方定义是，音色是声音的一切，而不是响度或音高。科学精确度就这么多了！）
Moreover, those who study music—even musicologists and scientists—disagree about what is meant by some of these terms. We employ the term timbre, for example, to refer to the overall sound or tonal color of an instrument—that indescribable character that distinguishes a trumpet from a clarinet when they’re playing the same written note, or what distinguishes your voice from Brad Pitt’s if you’re saying the same words. But an inability to agree on a definition has caused the scientific community to take the unusual step of throwing up its hands and defining timbre by what it is not. (The official definition of the Acoustical Society of America is that timbre is everything about a sound that is not loudness or pitch. So much for scientific precision!)
什么是音调？它从何而来？这个简单的问题已经产生了数百篇科学文章和数千个实验。几乎我们所有人，即使没有受过音乐训练，也能辨别歌手是否走调；我们可能无法说她是尖锐还是扁平，或者尖锐程度如何，但五岁之后，大多数人都具有敏锐的能力来检测走调的音调，以及区分问题和指控（在英语中，上升的音调表示问题，平直或稍微下降的音调表示指责）。这是来自我们接触的音乐和声音物理学之间的相互作用。我们所说的音高与弦、空气柱或其他物理源的振动频率或速率有关。如果一根弦在一秒钟内来回振动六十次，我们就说它的频率为每秒六十个周期。测量单位，每秒周期数，通常被称为赫兹（缩写为 Hz），以德国理论物理学家海因里希·赫兹（Heinrich Hertz）命名，他是第一个传输无线电波的人（一位地道的理论家，当被问到无线电有什么实际用途时据报道，他耸耸肩，“没有”）。如果你试图模仿消防车警报的声音，你的声音会扫过不同的音高或频率（随着声带张力的变化），有些“低”，有些“高”。
What is pitch and where does it come from? This simple question has generated hundreds of scientific articles and thousands of experiments. Almost all of us, even without musical training, can tell if a singer is offkey; we might not be able to say whether she is sharp or flat, or by how much, but after the age of five, most humans have as well a refined ability to detect tones that are out of tune as to discriminate a question from an accusation (in English, a rising pitch indicates a question, a straight or slightly falling pitch indicates an accusation). This comes from an interaction between our exposure to music and the physics of sound. What we call pitch is related to the frequency or rate of vibration of a string, column of air, or other physical source. If a string is vibrating so that it moves back and forth sixty times in one second, we say that it has a frequency of sixty cycles per second. The unit of measurement, cycles per second, is often called Hertz (abbreviated Hz) after Heinrich Hertz, the German theoretical physicist who was the first to transmit radio waves (a dyed-in-the-wool theoretician, when asked what practical use radio waves might have, he reportedly shrugged, “None”). If you were to try to mimic the sound of a fire engine siren, your voice would sweep through different pitches, or frequencies (as the tension in your vocal folds changes), some “low” and some “high.”
钢琴键盘左侧的琴键敲击更长、更粗的琴弦，其振动速度相对较慢。右侧的琴键可以敲击更短、更细的琴弦，从而以更高的速率振动。这些弦的振动会取代空气分子，并导致它们以与弦相同的频率振动。这些振动的空气分子到达我们的耳膜，它们导致我们的耳膜以相同的频率进出。我们的大脑获得的关于声音音调的唯一信息来自于耳膜的进出摆动；我们的内耳和大脑必须分析鼓膜的运动，以便找出外界的振动导致鼓膜以这种方式移动。虽然我说空气分子振动，但其他分子也会振动——如果水（或其他流体）分子振动，我们可以在水下或其他液体中听到音乐。但在太空的真空中，没有分子振动，因此没有声音。（下次当您观看《星际迷航》并听到太空中发动机的轰鸣声时，您将有一些精彩的《星际迷航》琐事可以分享。）
Keys on the left of the piano keyboard strike longer, thicker strings that vibrate at a relatively slow rate. Keys to the right strike shorter, thinner strings that vibrate at a higher rate. The vibration of these strings displaces air molecules, and causes them to vibrate at the same rate—with the same frequency as the string. These vibrating air molecules are what reach our eardrum, and they cause our eardrum to wiggle in and out at the same frequency. The only information that our brains get about the pitch of sound comes from that wiggling in and out of our eardrum; our inner ear and our brain have to analyze the motion of the eardrum in order to figure out what vibrations out-there-in-the-world caused the eardrum to move that way. Although I said that air molecules vibrate, other molecules will too—we can hear music under water or in other fluids if the water (or other fluid) molecules are caused to vibrate. But in the vacuum of space, with no molecules to vibrate, there is no sound. (The next time you’re watching Star Trek and hear the roar of the engines in space, you’ll have some good Trekkie Trivia to share.)
按照惯例，当我们按下靠近键盘左侧的按键时，我们称它们为“低音”音，而靠近键盘右侧的按键为“高”音。也就是说，我们所说的“低”是那些缓慢振动的声音，并且（振动频率）更接近于大狗的吠叫声。我们所说的“高”是那些快速振动的声音，更接近于小狗狗发出的声音。但即使这些术语“高”和“低”在文化上也是相对的——希腊人以相反的方式谈论声音，因为他们制造的弦乐器往往是垂直方向的。较短的弦或管风琴管的顶部更接近地面，因此这些被称为“低音”音符（如“低到地面”），而较长的弦和管 - 向上延伸到宙斯和阿波罗 - 被称为“高”音。低和高——就像左和右一样——实际上是任意术语，最终必须记住。一些作家认为“高”和“低”是直观的标签，并指出我们所说的高音调声音来自鸟类（它们在高高的树上或天空中），而我们所说的低音调声音通常来自鸟类。来自大型、接近地面的哺乳动物（例如熊）或地震的低沉声音。但这并不令人信服，因为低音也可能来自高处（想想雷声），而高音也可能来自低处（蟋蟀和松鼠，树叶被脚踩碎）。
By convention, when we press keys nearer to the left of the keyboard, we say that they are “low” pitch sounds, and ones near the right side of the keyboard are “high” pitch. That is, what we call “low” are those sounds that vibrate slowly, and are closer (in vibration frequency) to the sound of a large dog barking. What we call “high” are those sounds that vibrate rapidly, and are closer to what a small yip-yip dog might make. But even these terms high and low are culturally relative—the Greeks talked about sounds in the opposite way because the stringed instruments they built tended to be oriented vertically. Shorter strings or pipe organ tubes had their tops closer to the ground, so these were called the “low” notes (as in “low to the ground,”) and the longer strings and tubes—reaching up toward Zeus and Apollo—were called the “high” notes. Low and high—just like left and right—are effectively arbitrary terms that ultimately have to be memorized. Some writers have argued that “high” and “low” are intuitive labels, noting that what we call high-pitched sounds come from birds (who are high up in trees or in the sky) and what we call low-pitched sounds often come from large, close-to-the-ground mammals such as bears or the low sounds of an earthquake. But this is not convincing, since low sounds also come from up high (think of thunder) and high sounds can come from down low (crickets and squirrels, leaves being crushed underfoot).
作为音高的第一个定义，我们可以说，它的质量主要区分与按下一个钢琴键和另一个钢琴键相关的声音。
As a first definition of pitch, let’s say it is that quality that primarily distinguishes the sound that is associated with pressing one piano key versus another.
按下钢琴琴键会导致音锤敲击钢琴内的一根或多根琴弦。敲击一根弦会使它移位，稍微拉伸它，并且它固有的弹性使其返回到原来的位置。但它超越了原来的位置，向相反的方向走得太远，然后试图再次回到原来的位置，再次超越它，这样它就来回振荡。每次振荡的距离都较短，并且随着时间的推移，弦完全停止移动。这就是为什么当您按下钢琴琴键时听到的声音会变得更柔和，直到渐渐消失。琴弦每次来回振动所经过的距离被我们的大脑转化为响度；它振荡的速率被转化为音调。弦走得越远，我们觉得声音就越大；当它几乎没有行驶时，声音听起来很柔和。尽管这似乎违反直觉，但行进距离和振荡速率是独立的。一根弦可以振动得非常快，并且可以移动很长的距离或很短的距离。它移动的距离与我们击打它的力度有关——这符合我们的直觉，即击打更重的东西会发出更大的声音。琴弦振动的速度主要受其尺寸和拉紧程度的影响，而不是受敲击力度的影响。
Pressing a piano key causes a hammer to strike one or more strings inside the piano. Striking a string displaces it, stretching it a bit, and its inherent resiliency causes it to return toward its original position. But it overshoots that original position, going too far in the opposite direction, and then attempts to return to its original position again, overshooting it again, and in this way it oscillates back and forth. Each oscillation covers less distance, and, in time, the string stops moving altogether. This is why the sound you hear when you press a piano key gets softer until it trails off into nothing. The distance that the string covers with each oscillation back and forth is translated by our brains into loudness; the rate at which it oscillates is translated into pitch. The farther the string travels, the louder the sound seems to us; when it is barely traveling at all, the sound seems soft. Although it might seem counterintuitive, the distance traveled and the rate of oscillation are independent. A string can vibrate very quickly and traverse either a great distance or a small one. The distance it traverses is related to how hard we hit it—this corresponds to our intuition that hitting something harder makes a louder sound. The rate at which the string vibrates is principally affected by its size and how tightly strung it is, not by how hard it was struck.
似乎我们应该简单地说音调与频率相同；事实上，音调与频率是相同的。即空气分子的振动频率。这几乎是真的。将物理世界映射到精神世界很少如此简单，我们稍后会看到。然而，对于大多数音乐声音来说，音高和频率密切相关。
It might seem as though we should simply say that pitch is the same as frequency; that is, the frequency of vibration of air molecules. This is almost true. Mapping the physical world onto the mental world is seldom so straightforward, as we’ll see later. However, for most musical sounds, pitch and frequency are closely related.
音高这个词是指有机体对声音基频的心理表征。也就是说，音调是一种纯粹的心理现象，与振动空气分子的频率有关。我所说的“心理”，是指它完全在我们的头脑中，而不是在外面的世界。它是一系列心理事件的最终产物，产生了完全主观的、内部的心理表征或品质。声波——以不同频率振动的空气分子——本身没有音高。它们的运动和振荡是可以测量的，但需要人类（或动物）的大脑将它们映射到我们称为音调的内部质量。
The word pitch refers to the mental representation an organism has of the fundamental frequency of a sound. That is, pitch is a purely psychological phenomenon related to the frequency of vibrating air molecules. By “psychological,” I mean that it is entirely in our heads, not in the world-out-there; it is the end product of a chain of mental events that gives rise to an entirely subjective, internal mental representation or quality. Sound waves—molecules of air vibrating at various frequencies—do not themselves have pitch. Their motion and oscillations can be measured, but it takes a human (or animal) brain to map them to that internal quality we call pitch.
我们以类似的方式感知颜色，艾萨克·牛顿第一个意识到这一点。（当然，牛顿被称为万有引力理论的发现者，也是与莱布尼茨一起发明微积分的人。像爱因斯坦一样，牛顿是一个非常差的学生，他的老师经常抱怨他不专心。最终，牛顿被学校开除。）
We perceive color in a similar way, and it was Isaac Newton who first realized this. (Newton, of course, is known as the discoverer of the theory of gravity, and the inventor, along with Leibniz, of calculus. Like Einstein, Newton was a very poor student, and his teachers often complained of his inattentiveness. Ultimately, Newton was kicked out of school.)
牛顿第一个指出光是无色的，因此颜色必须出现在我们的大脑内部。他写道：“海浪它们本身并没有颜色。” 从他的时代开始，我们就了解到光波的特点是不同的振荡频率，当它们撞击观察者的视网膜时，它们会引发一系列神经化学事件，其最终产物是我们可以观察到的内部心理图像。叫颜色。这里的要点是：我们所感知的颜色并不是由颜色组成的。尽管苹果可能看起来是红色的，但它的原子本身并不是红色的。同样，正如哲学家丹尼尔·丹尼特指出的那样，热量并不是由微小的热物质组成的。
Newton was the first to point out that light is colorless, and that consequently color has to occur inside our brains. He wrote, “The waves themselves are not colored.” Since his time, we have learned that light waves are characterized by different frequencies of oscillation, and when they impinge on the retina of an observer, they set off a chain of neurochemical events, the end product of which is an internal mental image that we call color. The essential point here is: What we perceive as color is not made up of color. Although an apple may appear red, its atoms are not themselves red. And similarly, as the philosopher Daniel Dennett points out, heat is not made up of tiny hot things.
一碗布丁只有当我把它放进嘴里时——当它与我的舌头接触时——才有味道。我冰箱里的它没有味道或味道，只有潜力。同样，当我离开房间时，厨房的墙壁也不是“白色”的。当然，它们上面仍然有油漆，但只有当它们与我的眼睛互动时才会出现颜色。
A bowl of pudding only has taste when I put it in my mouth—when it is in contact with my tongue. It doesn’t have taste or flavor sitting in my fridge, only the potential. Similarly, the walls in my kitchen are not “white” when I leave the room. They still have paint on them, of course, but color only occurs when they interact with my eyes.
声波撞击耳膜和耳廓（耳朵的肉质部分），引发一系列机械和神经化学事件，其最终产品是我们称之为音调的内部心理图像。如果一棵树倒在森林里，而没有人听到，它会发出声音吗？（这个问题首先由爱尔兰哲学家乔治·伯克利提出。）简单地说，不——声音是大脑响应分子振动而产生的心理图像。同样，如果没有人或动物在场，就不会有球场。合适的测量设备可以记录树木倒下所产生的频率，但实际上，除非听到声音，否则它并不是音高。
Sound waves impinge on the eardrums and pinnae (the fleshy parts of your ear), setting off a chain of mechanical and neurochemical events, the end product of which is an internal mental image we call pitch. If a tree falls in a forest and no one is there to hear it, does it make a sound? (The question was first posed by the Irish philosopher George Berkeley.) Simply, no—sound is a mental image created by the brain in response to vibrating molecules. Similarly, there can be no pitch without a human or animal present. A suitable measuring device can register the frequency made by the tree falling, but truly it is not pitch unless and until it is heard.
没有动物能够听到存在的每个频率的音调，就像我们实际看到的颜色只是整个电磁频谱的一小部分一样。理论上，从每秒 0 多个周期到每秒 100,000 周期或更多的振动都可以听到声音，但每只动物只能听到可能声音的一个子集。没有任何听力损失的人通常可以听到 20 Hz 至 20,000 Hz 的声音。低音端的音高听起来像是隐隐约约的隆隆声或摇晃声——这是我们在一辆卡车从窗外驶过时听到的声音（其发动机发出大约 20 Hz 的声音），或者一辆配备了精美音响系统的豪华汽车时听到的声音。低音炮的声音开得很大吗？某些频率（低于 20 Hz 的频率）人类听不到这些声音，因为我们耳朵的生理特性对它们不敏感。我们在 50 Cents 的“In da Club”或 NWA 的“Express Yourself”中听到的节拍接近我们听觉范围的低端；披头士乐队中士 CD 上“生命中的一天”的结尾。Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band的声音频率为 15 KHz，大多数 40 岁以上的成年人都听不见！（如果披头士乐队相信永远不会相信任何超过 40 岁的人，这可能是他们的考验，但据报道列侬只是想要一些东西让人们的狗振作起来。）
No animal can hear a pitch for every frequency that exists, just as the colors that we actually see are only a small portion of the entire electromagnetic spectrum. Sound can theoretically be heard for vibrations from just over 0 cycles per second up to 100,000 cycles per second or more, but each animal hears only a subset of the possible sounds. Humans who are not suffering from any kind of hearing loss can usually hear sounds from 20 Hz to 20,000 Hz. The pitches at the low end sound like an indistinct rumble or shaking—this is the sound we hear when a truck goes by outside the window (its engine is creating sound around 20 Hz) or when a tricked-out car with a fancy sound system has the subwoofers cranked up really loud. Some frequencies—those below 20 Hz—are inaudible to humans because the physiological properties of our ears aren’t sensitive to them. The beats we hear on 50 Cents’ “In da Club” or N.W.A.’s “Express Yourself” are near the low end of our range of hearing; the ending of “A Day in Life” on the CD of the Beatles’ Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band has a few seconds of sound at 15 KHz, inaudible to most adults over 40! (If the Beatles believed to never trust anyone over 40, this may have been their test, but Lennon reportedly just wanted something to make people’s dogs perk up.)
人类听觉的范围一般为20赫兹到20000赫兹，但这并不意味着人类音调感知的范围是相同的；尽管我们可以听到整个范围内的声音，但它们听起来并不都是音乐性的；也就是说，我们不能明确地将音高分配给整个范围。以此类推，与靠近中间的颜色相比，光谱的红外和紫外端的颜色缺乏清晰度。第 23 页的图显示了乐器的范围以及与其相关的频率。男性说话的平均声音在110赫兹左右，女性说话的声音平均在220赫兹左右。荧光灯或错误接线产生的嗡嗡声为 60 Hz（在北美；在欧洲和具有不同电压/电流标准的国家，可能为 50 Hz）。歌手击碎玻璃时发出的声音可能是 1000 赫兹。玻璃破裂是因为它像所有物理物体一样具有自然且固有的振动频率。您可以通过用手指轻弹其侧面来听到此声音，或者，如果是水晶，则可以用湿手指绕玻璃边缘做圆周运动来听到此声音。当歌手敲击正确的频率（玻璃的共振频率）时，它会导致玻璃分子以其自然速率振动，并且它们会自行振动分开。
The range of human hearing is generally 20 Hz to 20,000 Hz, but this doesn’t mean that the range of human pitch perception is the same; although we can hear sounds in this entire range, they don’t all sound musical; that is, we can’t unambiguously assign a pitch to the entire range. By analogy, colors at the infrared and ultraviolet ends of the spectrum lack definition compared to the colors closer to the middle. The figure on page 23 shows the range of musical instruments, and the frequency associated with them. The sound of the average male speaking voice is around 110 Hz, and the average female speaking voice is around 220 Hz. The hum of fluorescent lights or from faulty wiring is 60 Hz (in North America; in Europe and countries with a different voltage/current standard, it can be 50 Hz). The sound that a singer hits when she causes a glass to break might be 1000 Hz. The glass breaks because it, like all physical objects, has a natural and inherent vibration frequency. You can hear this by flicking your finger against its sides or, if it’s crystal, by running your wet finger around the rim of the glass in a circular motion. When the singer hits just the right frequency—the resonant frequency of the glass—it causes the molecules of the glass to vibrate at their natural rate, and they vibrate themselves apart.
一架标准钢琴有八十八个键。钢琴的底部可以有一些额外的键，而电子钢琴、风琴和合成器可以有少至十二个或二十四个键，但这些都是特殊情况，这种情况很少见。标准钢琴上最低音符的振动频率为 27.5 Hz。有趣的是，这与构成视觉感知的重要阈值的运动速率大致相同。以或大约此演示速率显示的一系列静态照片（幻灯片）会产生运动的错觉。“电影”是以超过人类视觉系统的时间分辨特性的速率（每秒二十四帧）呈现的一系列静止图像。在 35 毫米胶片投影中，每个图像呈现约 1/48 秒，当镜头在连续的静止图像之间被阻挡时，与持续时间大致相等的黑帧交替出现。我们感知到平滑、连续的运动，但实际上并没有向我们展示这样的东西。（老式电影似乎会闪烁，因为它们的帧速率（16-18 fps）太低，而我们的视觉系统捕捉到了不连续性。）当分子以这个速度振动时，我们会听到一些听起来像连续音调的声音。如果你小时候把扑克牌放在自行车车轮的辐条上，你就会向自己展示一个相关的原理：在低速行驶时，你只会听到扑克牌撞击辐条的咔嗒声。但超过一定速度时，咔哒声会一起产生嗡嗡声，一种你实际上可以跟着哼唱的音调；一个球场。
A standard piano has eighty-eight keys. Very rarely, pianos can have a few extra ones at the bottom and electronic pianos, organs, and synthesizers can have as few as twelve or twenty-four keys, but these are special cases. The lowest note on a standard piano vibrates with a frequency of 27.5 Hz. Interestingly, this is about the same rate of motion that constitutes an important threshold in visual perception. A sequence of still photographs—slides—displayed at or about this rate of presentation will give the illusion of motion. “Motion pictures” are a sequence of still images presented at a rate (twenty-four frames per second) that exceeds the temporal resolving properties of the human visual system. In 35 mm film projection, each image is presented for ≈1/48th of a second, alternating with a black frame of roughly equal duration as the lens is blocked between successive still images. We perceive smooth, continuous motion when in fact there is no such thing actually being shown to us. (Old-timey movies seem to flicker because their frame rate, at 16–18 fps was too low, and our visual system picked up on the discontinuities.) When molecules vibrate at around this speed we hear something that sounds like a continuous tone. If you put playing cards in the spokes of your bicycle wheel when you were a kid, you demonstrated to yourself a related principle: At slow speeds, you simply hear the click-click-click of the card hitting the spokes. But above a certain speed, the clicks run together and create a buzz, a tone you can actually hum along with; a pitch.
当钢琴上的最低音符演奏并以 27.5 Hz 振动时，对于大多数人来说，它缺乏朝向键盘中部的明显音高。在钢琴键盘的最低端和最高端，对于许多人来说，音符的音高听起来很模糊。作曲家知道这一点，他们要么使用这些音符，要么避免使用这些音符，具体取决于他们想要在作曲和情感上实现的目标。对于大多数人来说，频率高于钢琴键盘最高音（约 6000 Hz 或更高）的声音听起来像是高音口哨声。在 20,000 Hz 以上，大多数人听不到任何声音，而到了 60 岁，由于内耳毛细胞变硬，大多数成年人都听不到 15,000 Hz 左右的声音。因此，当我们谈论音符的范围或钢琴键盘上传达最强音高感的受限部分时，我们谈论的是钢琴键盘上大约四分之三的音符，大约在 55 Hz 到 2000 Hz 之间。
When that lowest note on the piano plays, and vibrates at 27.5 Hz, to most people it lacks the distinct pitch of sounds toward the middle of the keyboard. At the lowest and the highest ends of the piano keyboard, the notes sound fuzzy to many people with respect to their pitch. Composers know this, and they either use these notes or avoid them depending on what they are trying to accomplish compositionally and emotionally. Sounds with frequencies above the highest note on the piano keyboard, around 6000 Hz and more, sound like a high-pitched whistling to most people. Above 20,000 Hz most humans don’t hear a thing, and by the age of sixty, most adults can’t hear much above 15,000 Hz or so due to a stiffening of the hair cells in the inner ear. So when we talk about the range of musical notes, or that restricted part of the piano keyboard that conveys the strongest sense of pitch, we are talking about roughly three quarters of the notes on the piano keyboard, between about 55 Hz and 2000 Hz.
音高是传达音乐情感的主要手段之一。情绪、兴奋、平静、浪漫和危险由多种因素来表示，但音高是最具决定性的因素之一。一个高音可以表达兴奋，一个低音可以表达悲伤。当音符串在一起时，我们会得到更强大、更细致的音乐声明。旋律是通过时间上连续音高的模式或关系来定义的；大多数人都能轻松识别以比他们以前听到过的调高或低的调演奏的旋律。事实上，许多旋律没有“正确”的起始音高，它们只是自由地漂浮在空间中，从任何地方开始。“生日快乐”就是一个例子。因此，思考旋律的一种方法是，将其视为从调、节奏、乐器等的特定组合中派生出来的抽象原型。认知心理学家会说，旋律是一种听觉对象，尽管发生变化，它仍保持其同一性，就像当你将椅子移到房间的另一边、将其倒置或将其涂成红色时，椅子仍保持其同一性一样。因此，例如，如果您听到一首歌曲的播放声音比您习惯的声音大，您仍然会将其识别为同一首歌。这同样适用于歌曲绝对音高值的变化，只要它们之间的相对距离保持不变，就可以改变。
Pitch is one of the primary means by which musical emotion is conveyed. Mood, excitement, calm, romance, and danger are signaled by a number of factors, but pitch is among the most decisive. A single high note can convey excitement, a single low note sadness. When notes are strung together, we get more powerful and more nuanced musical statements. Melodies are defined by the pattern or relation of successive pitches across time; most people have no trouble recognizing a melody that is played in a higher or lower key than they’ve heard it in before. In fact, many melodies do not have a “correct” starting pitch, they just float freely in space, starting anywhere. “Happy Birthday” is an example of this. One way to think about a melody, then, is as an abstract prototype that is derived from specific combinations of key, tempo, instrumentation, and so on. A cognitive psychologist would say that a melody is an auditory object that maintains its identity in spite of transformations, just as a chair maintains its identity when you move it to the other side of the room, turn it upside down, or paint it red. So, for example, if you hear a song played louder than you are accustomed to, you still identify it as the same song. The same holds for changes in the absolute pitch values of the song, which can be changed so long as the relative distances between them remain the same.
相对音高值的概念在我们说话的方式中很容易看出。当你问某人问题时，你的声音在句末自然会升调，表明你正在提问。但你不会试图让你的声音的上升与特定的音调相匹配。句子结尾的音调比开头的音调高一些就足够了。这是英语中的惯例（尽管不是所有语言中的惯例——我们必须学习它），并且在语言学中被称为韵律提示。以西方传统创作的音乐也有类似的惯例。某些音调序列会让人平静，而另一些则让人兴奋。格里格的《皮尔·金特组曲第一号，早晨的心情》中缓慢的、主要是逐步向下的旋律传达了平静；但在同一组曲的《安妮特拉之舞》中，半音阶的上升线条（在上升过程中偶尔有有趣的下降间隔）我们感觉到更多的活动和运动。大脑的基础主要是基于学习，就像我们知道升调表示一个问题一样。我们所有人都有天生的能力来学习我们出生的任何文化的语言和音乐区别，并且对该文化的音乐的体验塑造了我们的神经通路，以便我们最终内化了该音乐传统的一套共同规则。
The notion of relative pitch values is seen readily in the way that we speak. When you ask someone a question, your voice naturally rises in intonation at the end of the sentence, signaling that you are asking. But you don’t try to make the rise in your voice match a specific pitch. It is enough that you end the sentence somewhat higher in pitch than you began it. This is a convention in English (though not in all languages—we have to learn it), and is known in linguistics as a prosodic cue. There are similar conventions for music written in the Western tradition. Certain sequences of pitches evoke calm, others, excitement. The slow, predominantly step-wise downward motion of the melody in Grieg’s “Peer Gynt Suite No. 1, Morning Mood” conveys peacefulness; but in “Anitra’s Dance” from the same suite, the chromatic, ascending lines (with occasional and playfully descending intervals on the way up) we sense more activity and movement. The brain basis for this is primarily based on learning, just as we learn that a rising intonation indicates a question. All of us have the innate capacity to learn the linguistic and musical distinctions of whatever culture we are born into, and experience with the music of that culture shapes our neural pathways so that we ultimately internalize a set of rules common to that musical tradition.
不同的乐器使用可用音高范围的不同部分。从上图中可以看出，钢琴的音域是所有乐器中最大的。其他乐器均使用可用音高的子集，这会影响乐器用于传达情感的方式。短笛以其高亢、尖锐和鸟鸣般的声音，无论演奏什么音符，都往往会唤起轻快、快乐的情绪。正因为如此，作曲家倾向于使用短笛来创作快乐的音乐或振奋人心的音乐，例如苏萨进行曲。同样，在《彼得与狼》中，普罗科菲耶夫用长笛代表鸟，用圆号代表狼。《彼得与狼》中人物的个性通过不同乐器的音色来表达，每个人物都有一个主题——伴随着一个想法、人或情况的再现的相关旋律短语或形象。（瓦格纳音乐剧尤其如此。） 一个选择所谓悲伤音调序列的作曲家只有在试图讽刺时才会将这些音调交给短笛。大号或低音提琴笨重而深沉的声音通常用来唤起庄严、重力或重量。
Different instruments use different parts of the range of available pitches. The piano has the largest range of any instrument, as you can see from the previous illustration. The other instruments each use a subset of the available pitches, and this influences the ways that instruments are used to communicate emotion. The piccolo, with its high-pitched, shrill, and birdlike sound, tends to evoke flighty, happy moods regardless of the notes it’s playing. Because of this, composers tend to use the piccolo for happy music, or rousing music, as in a Sousa march. Similarly, in Peter and the Wolf, Prokofiev uses the flute to represent the bird, and the French horn to indicate the wolf. The characters’ individuality in Peter and the Wolf is expressed in the timbres of different instruments and each has a leitmotiv—an associated melodic phrase or figure that accompanies the reappearance of an idea, person, or situation. (This is especially true of Wagnerian music drama.) A composer who picks so-called sad pitch sequences would only give these to the piccolo if he were trying to be ironic. The lumbering, deep sounds of the tuba or double bass are often used to evoke solemnity, gravity, or weight.
有多少种不同的音调？因为音调来自连续体——分子的振动频率——从技术上讲，音调的数量是无限的：对于你提到的每一对频率，我总是可以在它们之间找到一个，并且理论上会存在不同的音调。但并非频率的每次变化都会引起音高的明显差异，就像在背包中添加一粒沙子不会明显改变重量一样。因此，并非所有频率变化都具有音乐用途。人们检测频率微小变化的能力不同；训练可以有所帮助，但一般来说，大多数文化不会使用比半音小得多的距离作为音乐的基础，而且大多数人无法可靠地检测到小于半音约十分之一的变化。
How many different pitches are there? Because pitch comes from a continuum—the vibration frequencies of molecules—there are technically an infinite number of pitches: For every pair of frequencies you mention, I could always come up with one between them, and a theoretically different pitch would exist. But not every change in frequency gives rise to a noticeable difference in pitch, just as adding a grain of sand to your backpack will not change the weight perceptibly. So not all frequency changes are musically useful. People differ in their ability to detect small changes in frequency; training can help, but generally speaking, most cultures don’t use distances much smaller than a semitone as the basis for their music, and most people can’t reliably detect changes smaller than about one tenth of a semitone.
检测音调差异的能力基于生理学，并且因动物而异。我们人类如何区分音高？内耳的基底膜含有具有频率选择性的毛细胞，仅响应特定频段而放电。它们从低处延伸穿过膜频率高；低频声音刺激基底膜一端的毛细胞，中频声音刺激中间的毛细胞，高频声音刺激另一端的毛细胞。我们可以将膜视为包含不同音高的图，非常像叠加在其上的钢琴键盘。由于不同的音调分布在膜的表面形貌上，因此这称为音调图。
The ability to detect differences in pitch is based on physiology, and varies from one animal to another. How is it that we humans can tell pitches apart? The basilar membrane of the inner ear contains hair cells that are frequency selective, firing only in response to a certain band of frequencies. These are stretched out across the membrane from low frequencies to high; low-frequency sounds excite hair cells on one end of the basilar membrane, medium frequency sounds excite the hair cells in the middle, and high-frequency sounds excite them at the other end. We can think of the membrane as containing a map of different pitches very much like a piano keyboard superimposed on it. Because the different tones are spread out across the surface topography of the membrane, this is called a tonotopic map.
声音进入耳朵后，会经过基底膜，其中某些毛细胞会根据声音的频率而放电。薄膜的作用就像花园里的运动检测灯一样；膜某一部分的活动导致其向听觉皮层发送电信号。听觉皮层也有一个音调图，从低到高的音调延伸到整个皮层表面。从这个意义上说，大脑中也包含了不同音高的“地图”，大脑的不同区域对不同的音高做出反应。音调非常重要，以至于大脑可以直接代表它；与几乎任何其他音乐属性不同，我们可以在大脑中放置电极，并且只需观察大脑活动就能够确定正在向一个人演奏的音调。尽管音乐是基于音高关系而不是绝对音高值，但矛盾的是，大脑在其不同的处理阶段关注的是这些绝对音高值。
After sounds enter the ear, they pass by the basilar membrane, where certain hair cells fire, depending on the frequency of the sounds. The membrane acts like a motion-detector lamp you might have in your garden; activity in a certain part of the membrane causes it to send an electrical signal on up to the auditory cortex. The auditory cortex also has a tonotopic map, with low to high tones stretched out across the cortical surface. In this sense, the brain also contains a “map” of different pitches, and different areas of the brain respond to different pitches. Pitch is so important that the brain represents it directly; unlike almost any other musical attribute, we could place electrodes in the brain and be able to determine what pitches were being played to a person just by looking at the brain activity. And although music is based on pitch relations rather than absolute pitch values, it is, paradoxically, these absolute pitch values that the brain is paying attention to throughout its different stages of processing.
这种音高的直接映射非常重要，值得重复。如果我将电极放入你的视觉皮层（位于脑后部，与视觉有关的部分），然后我向你展示一个红色番茄，则没有任何神经元群会导致我的电极变红。但是，如果我将电极放入您的听觉皮层并在您的耳朵中播放 440 Hz 的纯音，您的听觉皮层中的神经元将精确地以该频率发射，导致电极以 440 Hz 发出电活动 - 音调、进入耳朵的东西从大脑出来！
This direct mapping of pitch is so important, it bears repeating. If I put electrodes in your visual cortex (the part of the brain at the back of the head, concerned with seeing), and I then showed you a red tomato, there is no group of neurons that will cause my electrodes to turn red. But if I put electrodes in your auditory cortex and play a pure tone in your ears at 440 Hz, there are neurons in your auditory cortex that will fire at precisely that frequency, causing the electrode to emit electrical activity at 440 Hz—for pitch, what goes into the ear comes out of the brain!
音阶只是理论上无限数量的音高的一个子集，每种文化都根据历史传统或有些任意地选择它们。然后将选定的具体音调指定为那个音乐系统。这些是您在上图中看到的字母。名称“A”、“B”、“C”等是我们与特定频率相关联的任意标签。在西方音乐（欧洲传统音乐）中，这些音高是唯一“合法”的音高；大多数乐器都是为了演奏这些音高而不是其他音高而设计的。（像长号和大提琴这样的乐器是一个例外，因为它们可以在音符之间滑动；长号手、大提琴手、小提琴手等，花费大量时间学习如何聆听和产生演奏每个合法音符所需的精确频率。 ) 介于两者之间的声音被视为错误（“走调”），除非它们用于表达语调（故意短暂地演奏走调的东西，以增加情绪紧张）或从一种合法音调过渡到另一种音调。
A scale is just a subset of the theoretically infinite number of pitches, and every culture selects these based on historical tradition or somewhat arbitrarily. The specific pitches chosen are then anointed as being part of that musical system. These are the letters that you see in the figure above. The names “A,” “B,” “C,” and so on are arbitrary labels that we associate with particular frequencies. In Western music—music of the European tradition—these pitches are the only “legal” pitches; most instruments are designed to play these pitches and not others. (Instruments like the trombone and cello are an exception, because they can slide between notes; trombonists, cellists, violinists, etc., spend a lot of time learning how to hear and produce the precise frequencies required to play each of the legal notes.) Sounds in between are considered mistakes (“out of tune”) unless they’re used for expressive intonation (intentionally playing something out of tune, briefly, to add emotional tension) or in passing from one legal tone to another.
调音是指所演奏的音调的频率与标准之间的精确关系，或者同时演奏的两个或多个音调之间的精确关系。管弦乐音乐家在演出前进行“调音”，将他们的乐器（随着木材、金属、弦乐和其他材料随着温度和湿度的变化而膨胀和收缩，调音自然会发生漂移）同步到标准频率，或者偶尔不同步但彼此之间有一个标准。专业音乐家在出于表达目的而演奏时经常会改变音调的频率（当然，键盘和木琴等固定音高乐器除外）；如果技巧娴熟，发出略低于或高于其标称值的音符可以传递情感。如果一位或多位音乐家在表演过程中偏离标准调音，在合奏中一起演奏的专业音乐家也会改变他们演奏的音调，使他们与其他音乐家演奏的音调更加协调。
Tuning refers to the precise relationship between the frequency of a tone being played and a standard, or between two or more tones being played together. Orchestral musicians “tuning up” before a performance are synchronizing their instruments (which naturally drift in their tuning as the wood, metal, strings, and other materials expand and contract with changes in temperature and humidity) to a standard frequency, or occasionally not to a standard but to each other. Expert musicians often alter the frequency of tones while they’re playing for expressive purposes (except, of course, on fixed-pitch instruments such as keyboards and xylophones); sounding a note slightly lower or higher than its nominal value can impart emotion when done skillfully. Expert musicians playing together in ensembles will also alter the pitch of tones they play to bring them more in tune with the tones being played by the other musicians, should one or more musicians drift away from standard tuning during the performance.
西方音乐中的音符名称从 A 到 G，或者在替代系统中，如 Do - re - mi - fa - sol - la - ti - do（替代系统用作罗杰斯和汉默斯坦歌曲的歌词“ 《音乐之声》中的“Do-Re-Mi” ： “Do，一只鹿，一只母鹿，Re，一滴金色的太阳......”）。随着频率的增加，字母名称也随之增加。B 的频率比 A 更高（因此音调更高），C 的频率比 A 或 B 更高。在 G 之后，音符名称重新开始在 A 处。具有相同名称的音符的频率是彼此频率的两倍（或一半）。我们称之为 A 的几个音符之一的频率为 110 Hz。具有该频率一半的音符（55 Hz）也是 A，而具有两倍 110 Hz（220 Hz）的音符也是 A。如果我们继续将频率加倍，我们会在 440 Hz、880 Hz、1760 Hz 等处获得更多的 As。
The note names in Western music run from A to G, or, in an alternative system, as Do - re - mi - fa - sol - la - ti - do (the alternate system is used as lyrics to the Rodgers and Hammerstein song “Do-Re-Mi” from The Sound of Music: “Do, a deer, a female deer, Re, a drop of golden sun …”). As frequencies get higher, so do the letter names; B has a higher frequency than A (and hence a higher pitch) and C has a higher frequency than either A or B. After G, the note names start all over again at A. Notes with the same name have frequencies that are double (or half) the frequencies of each other. One of the several notes we call A has a frequency of 110 Hz. The note with half that frequency—55 Hz—is also an A and the note with twice 110 Hz—220 Hz—is an A as well. If we keep doubling the frequencies we get more As at 440 Hz, 880 Hz, 1760 Hz, and so on.
这是音乐的基本品质。注意名称重复是因为与频率加倍和减半相对应的感知现象。当我们将频率加倍或减半时，我们最终会得到一个听起来与我们开始时非常相似的音符。这种频率比为 2:1 或 1:2 的关系称为倍频程。非常重要的是，尽管印度、巴厘岛、欧洲、中东、中国等音乐文化之间存在巨大差异，但我们所知道的每种文化都以八度作为其音乐的基础，甚至如果它与其他音乐传统没有什么共同点的话。这种现象导致了音高感知中的圆形概念，并且类似于颜色中的圆形。尽管红色和紫色落在电磁能可见频率连续体的两端，但我们认为它们在感知上是相似的。音乐也是如此，音乐通常被描述为具有两个维度，一个维度解释了音调的频率上升（并且听起来越来越高），另一个维度解释了我们每次都再次回家的知觉。是时候我们将音调的频率加倍了。
Here is a fundamental quality of music. Note names repeat because of a perceptual phenomenon that corresponds to the doubling and halving of frequencies. When we double or halve a frequency, we end up with a note that sounds remarkably similar to the one we started out with. This relationship, a frequency ratio of 2:1 or 1:2, is called the octave. It is so important that, in spite of the large differences that exist between musical cultures—between Indian, Balinese, European, Middle Eastern, Chinese, and so on—every culture we know of has the octave as the basis for its music, even if it has little else in common with other musical traditions. This phenomenon leads to the notion of circularity in pitch perception, and is similar to circularity in colors. Although red and violet fall at opposite ends of the continuum of visible frequencies of electromagnetic energy, we see them as perceptually similar. The same is true in music, and music is often described as having two dimensions, one that accounts for tones going up in frequency (and sounding higher and higher) and another that accounts for the perceptual sense that we’ve come back home again each time we double a tone’s frequency.
当男人和女人齐声说话时，即使他们试图说出完全相同的音调，他们的声音通常也会相差八度。儿童的发音通常比成人高一两个八度。哈罗德·阿伦 (Harold Arlen) 旋律“Over the Rainbow”（来自电影《绿野仙踪》）的前两个音符构成一个八度。在斯莱和斯通家族的《Hot Fun in the Summertime》中，斯莱和他的伴唱在主歌“End of the spring and here she come come back”的第一行中以八度的音阶演唱。当我们通过在乐器上演奏连续的音符来增加频率时，会有一种非常强烈的知觉，当我们达到频率的两倍时，我们又回到了“家”。八度是如此基本，甚至一些动物物种——例如猴子和猫——显示八度等效性，能够像人类一样对待相似的音调，并以此量分隔音调。
When men and women speak in unison, their voices are normally an octave apart, even if they try to speak the exact same pitches. Children generally speak an octave or two higher than adults. The first two notes of the Harold Arlen melody “Over the Rainbow” (from the movie The Wizard of Oz) make an octave. In “Hot Fun in the Summertime” by Sly and the Family Stone, Sly and his backup singers are singing in octaves during the first line of the verse “End of the spring and here she comes back.” As we increase frequencies by playing the successive notes on an instrument, there is a very strong perceptual sense that when we reach a doubling of frequency, we have come “home” again. The octave is so basic that even some animal species—monkeys and cats, for example—show octave equivalence, the ability to treat as similar, the way that humans do, tones separated by this amount.
音程是两个音之间的距离。西方音乐中的八度音阶被细分为十二个（对数）等距的音调。A和B之间（或“do”和“re”之间）的间隔距离称为全步或音。（后一个术语令人困惑，因为我们将任何音乐声音称为音调；我将使用术语“全步”以避免歧义）。我们西方音阶系统中最小的划分将整个音阶在感知上切成两半：半音或半音，即八度音阶的十二分之一。（我将使用“半音”这个词，因为它更常见，而且它的含义没有任何歧义。）
An interval is the distance between two tones. The octave in Western music is subdivided into twelve (logarithmically) equally spaced tones. The intervallic distance between A and B (or between “do” and “re”) is called a whole step or a tone. (This latter term is confusing, since we call any musical sound a tone; I’ll use the term whole step to avoid ambiguity). The smallest division in our Western scale system cuts a whole step perceptually in half: the half step, or semitone, which is one twelfth of an octave. (I’ll use the word semitone because it is more common, and because there is no ambiguity about what it means.)
音程是旋律的基础，比音符的实际音高更重要。旋律处理是相关的，而不是绝对的，这意味着我们通过其音程来定义旋律，而不是用于创建它们的实际音符。无论第一个音符是 A、G# 还是任何其他音符，四个半音始终会创建称为大三度的音程。请参阅我们（西方）音乐系统中已知的音程表。
Intervals are the basis of melody, much more so than the actual pitches of notes; melody processing is relational, not absolute, meaning that we define a melody by its intervals, not the actual notes used to create them. Four semitones always create the interval known as a major third regardless of whether the first note is an A or a G# or any other note. See the table of the intervals as they’re known in our (Western) musical system.
该表可以继续：十三个半音是小九度，十四个半音是大九度，等等，但这些名称通常仅在更高级的讨论中使用。纯四度和纯五度的音程之所以如此命名，是因为它们听起来特别适合许多人，而且自古希腊以来，音阶的这一特殊特征就是所有音乐的核心。（不存在“不完美五度”，这只是我们给音程起的名字。）忽略完美四度和五度或在每个乐句中使用它们，它们至少五千年来一直是音乐的支柱。
The table could continue on: Thirteen semitones is a minor ninth, fourteen semitones is a major ninth, etc., but these names are typically used only in more advanced discussions. The intervals of the perfect fourth and perfect fifth are so called because they sound particularly pleasing to many people, and since the ancient Greeks, this particular feature of the scale is at the heart of all music. (There is no “imperfect fifth,” this is just the name we give the interval.) Ignore the perfect fourth and fifth or use them in every phrase, they have been the backbone of music for at least five thousand years.
尽管对各个音高做出反应的大脑区域已经被绘制出来，但我们还无法找到编码音高关系的神经学基础；例如，我们知道听音符 C 和 E 以及听 F 和 A 时涉及皮层的哪一部分，但我们不知道这两个音程如何或为何被感知为大三度，也不知道产生这些音的神经回路这种知觉上的等价性。这些关系必须通过大脑中的计算过程来提取，但人们对此仍知之甚少。
Although the areas of the brain that respond to individual pitches have been mapped, we have not yet been able to find the neurological basis for the encoding of pitch relations; we know which part of the cortex is involved in listening to the notes C and E, for example, and for F and A, but we do not know how or why both intervals are perceived as a major third, or the neural circuits that create this perceptual equivalency. These relations must be extracted by computational processes in the brain that remain poorly understood.
| 距离以半音为单位 | 区间名称 |
| 0 | 一致 |
| 1 | 小二度 |
| 2 | 大二度 |
| 3 | 小三度 |
| 4 | 大三度 |
| 5 | 完美第四度 |
| 6 | 增四度、减五度或三全音 |
| 7 | 纯五度 |
| 8 | 小六度 |
| 9 | 大六度 |
| 10 | 小七度 |
| 11 | 大七度 |
| 12 | 八度 |
如果一个八度内有十二个命名音符，为什么只有七个字母（或 do-re-mi 音节）？在几个世纪以来被迫在仆人宿舍吃饭并使用城堡后门之后，这可能只是音乐家的发明，让非音乐家感到不自在。额外的五个音符具有复合名称，例如 E♭ 发音为“降 E”）和 F#（发音为“升 F”）。系统没有理由如此复杂，但这就是我们所坚持的。
If there are twelve named notes within an octave, why are there only seven letters (or do-re-mi syllables)? After centuries of being forced to eat in the servants’ quarters and to use the back entrance of the castle, this may just be an invention by musicians to make nonmusicians feel inadequate. The additional five notes have compound names, such as E♭ pronounced “E-flat”) and F# (pronounced “F-sharp”). There is no reason for the system to be so complicated, but it is what we’re stuck with.
从钢琴键盘来看，系统更清晰一些。钢琴上的白键和黑键排列不均匀——有时两个白键相邻，有时它们之间有一个黑键。无论键是白键还是黑键，从一个相邻键到下一个键的感知距离始终为半音，并且两个键的距离始终为全音。这适用于许多西方国家仪器; 吉他上的一个品格与下一个品格之间的距离也是半音，按下或抬起木管乐器（例如单簧管或双簧管）上的相邻琴键通常会改变半音的音高。
The system is a bit clearer looking at the piano keyboard. A piano has white keys and black keys spaced out in an uneven arrangement—sometimes two white keys are adjacent, sometimes they have a black key between them. Whether the keys are white or black, the perceptual distance from one adjacent key to the next always makes a semitone, and a distance of two keys is always a whole step. This applies to many Western instruments; the distance between one fret on a guitar and the next is also a semitone, and pressing or lifting adjacent keys on woodwind instruments (such as the clarinet or oboe) typically changes the pitch by a semitone.
白键被命名为 A、B、C、D、E、F 和 G。黑键之间的音符是具有复合名称的音符。A 和 B 之间的音符称为升 A 音或降 B 音，除了正式的音乐理论讨论之外，这两个术语是可以互换的。（事实上，这个音符也可以称为C双降，同样，A可以称为G双升，但这是更理论的用法。）升意味着高，降意味着低。降B调是比B低一个半音的音符；升 A 音是比 A 高一个半音的音符。在并列 do-re-mi 系统中，独特的音节标记这些其他音调：例如，di 和 ra 表示 do 和 re 之间的音调。
The white keys are named A, B, C, D, E, F, and G. The notes between—the black keys—are the ones with compound names. The note between A and B is called either A-sharp or B-flat, and in all but formal music theoretic discussions, the two terms are interchangeable. (In fact, this note could also be referred to as C double-flat, and similarly, A could be called G double-sharp, but this is an even more theoretical usage.) Sharp means high, and flat means low. B-flat is the note one semitone lower than B; A-sharp is the note one semitone higher than A. In the parallel do-re-mi system, unique syllables mark these other tones: di and ra indicate the tone between do and re, for example.
具有复合名称的音符无论如何都不是二等音乐公民。它们同样重要，并且在某些歌曲和某些音阶中专门使用它们。例如，Stevie Wonder 的“迷信”的主要伴奏仅在键盘的黑键上演奏。十二个音调组合在一起，加上它们相隔一个或多个八度的重复同音，是我们文化中所有歌曲的旋律的基本组成部分。你所知道的每一首歌，从《Deck the Halls》到《加州旅馆》，从《Ba Ba Black Sheep》到《欲望都市》的主题曲，都是由这十二个音及其八度音阶组合而成。
The notes with compound names are not in any way second-class musical citizens. They are just as important, and in some songs and some scales they are used exclusively. For example, the main accompaniment to “Superstition” by Stevie Wonder is played on only the black keys of the keyboard. The twelve tones taken together, plus their repeating cousins one or more octaves apart, are the basic building blocks for melody, for all the songs in our culture. Every song you know, from “Deck the Halls” to “Hotel California,” from “Ba Ba Black Sheep” to the theme from Sex and the City, is made up from a combination of these twelve tones and their octaves.
更令人困惑的是，音乐家还使用升调和降调这两个术语来表示某人是否走调。如果音乐家演奏的音调有点太高（但没有太高以致于音阶中的下一个音符），我们说演奏的音调是锐利的，如果音乐家演奏的音调太低，我们说音调是尖锐的。平坦的。当然，音乐家可能只是稍微偏离，没有人会注意到。但是，当音乐家的偏差相对较大时（例如她尝试演奏的音符与下一个音符之间的距离的四分之一到二分之一），我们大多数人通常都能察觉到这一点，并且听起来很偏差。当演奏不止一种乐器时，这一点尤其明显，并且我们所演奏的音调走调。听到与其他音乐家同时演奏的同调音调的冲突。
To add to the confusion, musicians also use the terms sharp and flat to indicate if someone is playing out of tune; if the musician plays the tone a bit too high (but not so high as to make the next note in the scale) we say that the tone being played is sharp, and if the musician plays the tone too low we say that the tone is flat. Of course, a musician can be only slightly off and nobody would notice. But when the musician is off by a relatively large amount—say one quarter to one half the distance between the note she was trying to play and the next one—most of us can usually detect this and it sounds off. This is especially apparent when there is more than one instrument playing, and the out-of-tune tone we are hearing clashes with in-tune tones being played simultaneously by other musicians.
音高的名称与特定的频率值相关联。我们当前的系统称为 A440，因为钢琴键盘中间我们称为 A 的音符已固定为 440 Hz 的频率。这完全是任意的。我们可以将A固定在任何频率，例如439、444、424或314.159；莫扎特时代使用的标准与今天不同。有些人声称精确的频率会影响音乐作品的整体声音和乐器的声音。Led Zeppelin 经常将他们的乐器调得远离现代 A440 标准，以赋予他们的音乐一种不寻常的声音，也许将其与欧洲儿童民谣联系起来，这些民谣给他们的许多作品带来了灵感。许多纯粹主义者坚持用古乐器来听巴洛克音乐，一方面是因为这些乐器具有不同的声音，另一方面是因为它们被设计为以其原始调音标准来演奏音乐，这是纯粹主义者认为很重要的一点。
The names of pitches are associated with particular frequency values. Our current system is called A440 because the note we call A that is in the middle of the piano keyboard has been fixed to have a frequency of 440 Hz. This is entirely arbitrary. We could fix A at any frequency, such as 439, 444, 424, or 314.159; different standards were used in the time of Mozart than today. Some people claim that the precise frequencies affect the overall sound of a musical piece and the sound of instruments. Led Zeppelin often tuned their instruments away from the modern A440 standard to give their music an uncommon sound, and perhaps to link it with the European children’s folk songs that inspired many of their compositions. Many purists insist on hearing baroque music on period instruments, both because the instruments have a different sound and because they are designed to play the music in its original tuning standard, something that purists deem important.
我们可以在任何我们想要的地方固定音高，因为定义音乐的是一组音高关系。音符的特定频率可能是任意的，但从一个频率到下一个频率的距离（以及因此在我们的音乐系统中从一个音符到下一个音符的距离）根本不是任意的。我们音乐系统中的每个音符对于我们的耳朵来说都是等距的（但不一定对于其他物种的耳朵来说）。尽管当我们从一个音符爬到下一个音符时，每秒周期数 (Hz) 的变化并不相同，但每个音符与下一个音符之间的距离听起来是相等的。怎么会这样？我们系统中每个音符的出现频率比前一个音符高出大约 6%。我们的听觉系统对声音的相对变化和比例变化都很敏感。因此，频率每增加 6% 都会给我们留下与上次相同的音调增加量的印象。
We can fix pitches anywhere we want because what defines music is a set of pitch relations. The specific frequencies for notes may be arbitrary, but the distance from one frequency to the next—and hence from one note to the next in our musical system—isn’t at all arbitrary. Each note in our musical system is equally spaced to our ears (but not necessarily to the ears of other species). Although there is not an equal change in cycles per second (Hz) as we climb from one note to the next, the distance between each note and the next sounds equal. How can this be? The frequency of each note in our system is approximately 6 percent more than the one before it. Our auditory system is sensitive both to relative changes and to proportional changes in sound. Thus, each increase in frequency of 6 percent gives us the impression that we have increased pitch by the same amount as we did last time.
如果考虑权重，比例变化的想法是直观的。如果您在健身房并且想将杠铃举重从 5 磅增加到 50 磅，那么每周增加 5 磅不会以相同的方式改变您举起的重量。一周举重 5 磅后，当您增加到 10 磅时，体重就会增加一倍重量; 下周，当您增加到 15 岁时，您的体重将增加到之前的 1.5 倍。等间隔——让你的肌肉每周增加相似的重量——每次增加时都会增加前一周重量的恒定百分比。例如，您可能决定每周增加 50%，然后您会从 5 磅增加到 7.5 磅，然后增加到 11.25 磅，然后增加到 16.83 磅，依此类推。听觉系统以同样的方式工作，这就是为什么我们的音阶是基于比例的：每个音调都比前一个音调高 6%，当我们将每个音阶增加 6% 十二倍时，我们最终会比原来的音阶增加一倍频率（实际比例是二的十二次根 = 1.059463 …）。
The idea of proportional change is intuitive if you think about weights. If you’re at a gym and you want to increase your weight lifting of the barbells from 5 pounds to 50 pounds, adding 5 pounds each week is not going to change the amount of weight you’re lifting in an equal way. After a week of lifting 5 pounds, when you move to 10 you are doubling the weight; the next week when you move to 15 you are adding 1.5 times as much weight as you had before. An equal spacing—to give your muscles a similar increase of weight each week—would be to add a constant percentage of the previous week’s weight each time you increase. For example, you might decide to add 50 percent each week, and so you would then go from 5 pounds to 7.5, then to 11.25, then to 16.83, and so on. The auditory system works the same way, and that is why our scale is based on a proportion: Every tone is 6 percent higher than the previous one, and when we increase each step by 6 percent twelve times, we end up having doubled our original frequency (the actual proportion is the twelfth root of two = 1.059463 …).
我们音乐系统中的十二个音符称为半音阶。任何音阶都只是一组被选择为彼此可区分的音高，并用作构建旋律的基础。
The twelve notes in our musical system are called the chromatic scale. Any scale is simply a set of musical pitches that have been chosen to be distinguishable from each other and to be used as the basis for constructing melodies.
在西方音乐中，我们很少在作曲中使用半音阶的所有音符；相反，我们使用这十二个音调中的七个（或更少数情况下，五个）子集。每个子集本身就是一个音阶，我们使用的音阶类型对旋律的整体声音及其情感品质有很大影响。西方音乐中最常见的七音子集称为大调音阶或爱奥尼亚调式（反映其古希腊起源）。与所有音阶一样，它可以从十二个音符中的任何一个开始，定义大调音阶的是每个音符与其连续音符之间的特定模式或距离关系。在任何大调音阶中，音程模式（连续键之间的音高距离）是：全音、全音、半音、全音、全音、全音、半音。
In Western music we rarely use all the notes of chromatic scale in composition; instead, we use a subset of seven (or less often, five) of those twelve tones. Each of these subsets is itself a scale, and the type of scale we use has a large impact on the overall sound of a melody, and its emotional qualities. The most common subset of seven tones used in Western music is called the major scale, or Ionian mode (reflecting its ancient Greek origins). Like all scales, it can start on any of the twelve notes, and what defines the major scale is the specific pattern or distance relationship between each note and its successive note. In any major scale, the pattern of intervals—pitch distances between successive keys—is: whole step, whole step, half step, whole step, whole step, whole step, half step.
从 C 开始，大调音阶音符为 C - D - E - F - G - A - B - C，钢琴键盘上的所有白色音符。所有其他大调音阶都需要一个或多个黑色音符来维持所需的全音/半音模式。起始音高也称为音阶的主音。
Starting on C, the major scale notes are C - D - E - F - G - A - B - C, all white notes on the piano keyboard. All other major scales require one or more black notes to maintain the required whole step/half step pattern. The starting pitch is also called the tonic of the scale.
两个半音在大调音序中的具体位置至关重要；它不仅定义了大调音阶并将其与其他音阶区分开来，而且是音乐中的重要组成部分期望。实验表明，幼儿和成年人能够更好地学习和记忆由包含不等距离的音阶绘制的旋律，例如这样。两个半音的存在及其特定的位置，将经验丰富、文化适应的听众引导到我们在音阶中的位置。我们都是专家，知道当我们听到 C 调中的 B 时（也就是说，当从 C 大调音阶中提取主音时），它是该音阶的第七个音符（或“度数”），尽管我们大多数人都无法说出音符的名称，甚至可能不知道什么是主音或音阶，但它仅比主音低半音。通过一生的聆听和被动（而不是理论上驱动）音乐接触，我们已经吸收了这个音阶和其他音阶的结构。这种知识不是与生俱来的，而是通过经验获得的。出于类似的原因，我们不需要了解任何宇宙学知识就可以知道太阳每天早上升起并在晚上落下——我们基本上是通过被动暴露来了解这一系列事件的。
The particular placement of the two half steps in the sequence of the major is crucial; it is not only what defines the major scale and distinguishes it from other scales, but it is an important ingredient in musical expectations. Experiments have shown that young children, as well as adults, are better able to learn and memorize melodies that are drawn from scales that contain unequal distances such as this. The presence of the two half steps, and their particular positions, orient the experienced, acculturated listener to where we are in the scale. We are all experts in knowing, when we hear a B in the key of C—that is, when the tones are being drawn primary from the C major scale—that it is the seventh note (or “degree”) of that scale, and that it is only a half step below the tonic, even though most of us can’t name the notes, and may not even know what a tonic or a scale degree is. We have assimilated the structure of this and other scales through a lifetime of listening and passive (rather than theoretically driven) exposure to the music. This knowledge is not innate, but is gained through experience. By a similar token, we don’t need to know anything about cosmology to have learned that the sun comes up every morning and goes down at night—we have learned this sequence of events through largely passive exposure.
全音和半音的不同模式产生了不同的音阶，其中（在我们的文化中）最常见的是小调音阶。有一种小调音阶，与 C 大调音阶一样，仅使用钢琴键盘的白音符：A 小调音阶。该音阶的音高为 A - B - C - D - E - F - G - A。（因为它使用相同的音高集，但顺序不同，所以 A 小调被称为“相对小调”） C大调音阶。”）全音和半音的模式与大调音阶不同：全-半-全-全-半-全-全。请注意，半音的位置与大调音阶有很大不同；在大调音阶中，在主音之前有一个半音“通向”主音，在第四音阶之前还有一个半音。在小调音阶中，半音位于第三音阶之前和第六音阶之前。当我们在这个音阶中仍然有一种回到主音的动力，但是创造这种动力的和弦具有明显不同的声音和情感轨迹。
Different patterns of whole steps and half steps give rise to alternative scales, the most common of which (in our culture) is the minor scale. There is one minor scale that, like the C major scale, uses only the white notes of the piano keyboard: the A minor scale. The pitches for that scale are A - B - C - D - E - F - G - A. (Because it uses the same set of pitches, but in a different order, A minor is said to be the “relative minor of the C major scale.”) The pattern of whole steps and half steps is different from that of the major scale: whole–half–whole–whole–half–whole–whole. Notice that the placement of the half steps is very different than in the major scale; in the major scale, there is a half step just before the tonic that “leads” to the tonic, and another half step just before the fourth scale degree. In the minor scale, the half steps are before the third scale degree and before the sixth. There is still a momentum when we’re in this scale to return to the tonic, but the chords that create this momentum have a clearly different sound and emotional trajectory.
现在您可能会问：如果这两个音阶使用完全相同的一组音高，我怎么知道我属于哪一个？如果音乐家正在演奏白键，我如何知道他正在演奏 A 小调音阶还是 C 大调规模？答案是——完全在我们无意识的情况下——我们的大脑正在记录特定音符被响起的次数、它们以强节拍和弱节拍出现的位置，以及它们持续的时间。大脑中的计算过程根据这些属性来推断我们所处的密钥。这是另一个例子，说明即使没有音乐训练，也没有心理学家所谓的陈述性知识——谈论它的能力；我们大多数人也能做到这一点；但尽管我们缺乏正规的音乐教育，我们还是知道作曲家打算将什么作为作品的音调中心或基调，并且当他带我们回到主音时，或者当他未能做到这一点时，我们会认识到所以。那么，建立调性的最简单方法就是多次弹奏该调的主音，大声弹奏，弹奏时间长。即使作曲家认为他是用 C 大调创作，如果他让音乐家一遍又一遍地演奏 A 音符，请大声演奏并演奏较长的时间；如果作曲家以 A 开始乐曲并以 A 结束乐曲，而且，如果他避免使用 C，那么观众、音乐家和音乐理论家很可能会决定该乐曲是 A 小调，即使这不是他的本意。在音乐调中，就像在超速罚单中一样，重要的是观察到的行为，而不是意图。
Now you might well ask: If these two scales use exactly the same set of pitches, how do I know which one I’m in? If a musician is playing the white keys, how do I know if he is playing the A minor scale or the C major scale? The answer is that—entirely without our conscious awareness—our brains are keeping track of how many times particular notes are sounded, where they appear in terms of strong versus weak beats, and how long they last. A computational process in the brain makes an inference about the key we’re in based on these properties. This is another example of something that most of us can do even without musical training, and without what psychologists call declarative knowledge—the ability to talk about it; but in spite of our lack of formal musical education, we know what the composer intended to establish as the tonal center, or key, of the piece, and we recognize when he brings us back home to the tonic, or when he fails to do so. The simplest way to establish a key, then, is to play the tonic of the key many times, play it loud, and play it long. And even if a composer thinks he is writing in C major, if he has the musicians play the note A over and over again, play it loud and play it long; if the composer starts the piece on an A and ends the piece on an A, and moreover, if he avoids the use of C, the audience, musicians, and music theorists are most probably going to decide that the piece is in A minor, even if this was not his intent. In musical keys as in speeding tickets, it is the observed action, not the intention, that counts.
出于文化原因，我们倾向于将大调音阶与快乐或胜利的情绪联系起来，将小音阶与悲伤或失败的情绪联系起来。一些研究表明，这些联想可能是与生俱来的，但事实上，这些联想在文化上并不普遍，这表明，至少任何先天倾向都可以通过接触特定的文化联想来克服。西方音乐理论承认三个小调音阶，每个小调的风格略有不同。布鲁斯音乐通常使用五声音阶（五声音阶），它是小调音阶的子集，而中国音乐则使用不同的五声音阶。当柴可夫斯基想让我们在《胡桃夹子》芭蕾舞剧中思考阿拉伯或中国文化时，他选择了他们音乐中典型的音阶，在短短的几个音符内，我们就被带到了东方。当比莉·哈乐黛想要创作一首标准的布鲁斯曲调时，她会调用布鲁斯音阶并唱出我们在标准古典音乐中不习惯听到的音阶中的音符。
For reasons that are largely cultural, we tend to associate major scales with happy or triumphant emotions, and minor scales with sad or defeated emotions. Some studies have suggested that the associations might be innate, but the fact that these are not culturally universal indicates that, at the very least, any innate tendency can be overcome by exposure to specific cultural associations. Western music theory recognizes three minor scales and each has a slightly different flavor. Blues music generally uses a five note (pentatonic) scale that is a subset of the minor scale, and Chinese music uses a different pentatonic scale. When Tchaikovsky wants us to think of Arab or Chinese culture in the Nutcracker ballet, he chooses scales that are typical to their music, and within just a few notes we are transported to the Orient. When Billie Holiday wants to make a standard tune bluesy, she invokes the blues scale and sings notes from a scale that we are not accustomed to hearing in standard classical music.
作曲家知道这些关联并有意识地使用它们。我们的大脑也通过一生接触音乐习语、模式、音阶、歌词以及它们之间的关联来了解它们。每当我们听到一种新的音乐模式时，我们的大脑就会尝试通过伴随它的视觉、听觉和其他感官线索建立联系；我们尝试将新的声音置于上下文中，最终，我们在一组特定的音符和特定的地点、时间或一组事件之间创建这些记忆链接。看过希区柯克的《惊魂记》的人，在听到伯纳德·赫尔曼尖锐的小提琴声时，都会想到淋浴的场景。任何看过华纳兄弟动画片《欢乐旋律》的人，每当听到弹拨小提琴奏出上行大调音阶时，都会想到一个偷偷爬楼梯的角色。这些联想如此强大——而且音阶足够清晰——以至于只需要几个音符：大卫·鲍伊的《中国女孩》或穆索尔斯基的《基辅大门》（选自《展览会上的图画》）的前三个音符立即传达出丰富的情感。和外国（对我们来说）音乐背景。
Composers know these associations and use them intentionally. Our brains know them, too, through a lifetime of exposure to musical idioms, patterns, scales, lyrics, and the associations between them. Each time we hear a musical pattern that is new to our ears, our brains try to make an association through whatever visual, auditory and other sensory cues accompany it; we try to contextualize the new sounds, and eventually, we create these memory links between a particular set of notes and a particular place, time, or set of events. No one who has seen Hitchcock’s Psycho can hear Bernard Hermann’s screeching violins without thinking of the shower scene; anyone who has ever seen a Warner Bros. “Merrie Melody” cartoon will think of a character sneakily climbing stairs whenever they hear plucked violins playing an ascending major scale. The associations are so powerful—and the scales distinguishable enough—that only a few notes are needed: The first three notes of David Bowie’s “China Girl” or Mussorgsky’s “Great Gate of Kiev” (from Pictures at an Exhibition) instantly convey a rich and foreign (to us) musical context.
几乎所有这些上下文和声音的变化都来自于划分八度的不同方式，并且在我们所知的几乎所有情况下，将其划分为不超过十二个音调。尽管有人声称印度和阿拉伯-波斯音乐使用“微调音”（音程远小于半音的音阶），但仔细分析表明，他们的音阶也依赖于十二个或更少的音调，而其他音阶只是表达性的变化，滑奏（连续的）从一种音调滑到另一种音调）和瞬时传递音调，类似于美国布鲁斯出于情感目的滑入音符的传统。
Nearly all this variation in context and sound comes from different ways of dividing up the octave and, in virtually every case we know of, dividing it up into no more than twelve tones. Although it has been claimed that Indian and Arab-Persian music use “microtuning”—scales with intervals much smaller than a semitone—close analysis reveals that their scales also rely on twelve or fewer tones and the others are simply expressive variations, glissandos (continuous glides from one tone to another), and momentary passing tones, similar to the American blues tradition of sliding into a note for emotional purposes.
在任何音阶中，音阶音调之间都存在重要性等级。有些比其他更稳定，结构更重要，或者听起来更最终，让我们感受到不同程度的紧张和决心。在大调音阶中，最稳定的音是第一音，也称为主音。换句话说，音阶中的所有其他音调似乎都指向主音，但它们指向的力度不同。最强烈地指向主音的音是第七音阶，即 C 大调音阶中的 B。最不强烈指向主音的音是第五音阶，即 C 大调音阶中的 G，它指向最不强烈的音调是因为它被感知到相对稳定；这只是另一种说法，即如果一首歌以第五音阶结束，我们不会感到不安——无法解决。音乐理论规定了这种音调层次。卡罗尔·克鲁汉斯尔（Carol Krumhansl）和她的同事进行了一系列研究，证实普通听众通过被动接触音乐和文化规范，已经将这种层次结构的原则融入了他们的大脑。通过要求人们评价不同的音调与她演奏的音阶的契合程度，她从他们的主观判断中恢复了理论层次。
In any scale, a hierarchy of importance exists among scale tones; some are more stable, structurally significant, or final sounding than others, causing us to feel varying amounts of tension and resolution. In the major scale, the most stable tone is the first degree, also called the tonic. In other words, all other tones in the scale seem to point toward the tonic, but they point with varying momentum. The tone that points most strongly to the tonic is the seventh scale degree, B in a C major scale. The tone that points least strongly to the tonic is the fifth scale degree, G in the C major scale, and it points least strongly because it is perceived as relatively stable; this is just another way of saying that we don’t feel uneasy—unresolved—if a song ends on the fifth scale degree. Music theory specifies this tonal hierarchy. Carol Krumhansl and her colleagues performed a series of studies establishing that ordinary listeners have incorporated the principles of this hierarchy in their brains, through passive exposure to music and cultural norms. By asking people to rate how well different tones seemed to fit with a scale she would play them, she recovered from their subjective judgments the theoretical hierarchy.
和弦只是同时演奏的一组三个或更多音符。它们通常取自常用的音阶之一，并且选择三个音符以便它们传达有关它们所取音阶的信息。典型的和弦是通过一起弹奏音阶的第一、第三和第五音符来构建的。由于小调和大调音阶的全音和半音顺序不同，因此以这种方式从两个不同音阶选取的和弦的音程大小也不同。如果我们从 C 开始构建和弦并使用 C 大调音阶中的音调，则我们使用 C、E 和 G。如果我们使用 C 小调音阶，则第一、第三和第五音符为 C、E 降调E 和降 E 之间的三度差异将和弦本身从大和弦变成了小和弦。我们所有人，即使没有受过音乐训练，也可以区分这两者，即使我们没有术语来命名它们；我们听到大和弦听起来很快乐，而小和弦听起来很悲伤、或沉思，甚至充满异国情调。最基本的摇滚和乡村音乐歌曲仅使用大调和弦：“Johnny B. Goode”、“Blowin' in the Wind”、“Honky Tonk Women”和“Mammas Don’t Let Your Babies Grow Up to Be Cowboys”例如。
A chord is simply a group of three or more notes played at the same time. They are generally drawn from one of the commonly used scales, and the three notes are chosen so that they convey information about the scale they were taken from. A typical chord is built by playing the first, third, and fifth notes of a scale together. Because the sequence of whole steps and half steps is different for minor and major scales, the interval sizes are different for chords taken in this way from the two different scales. If we build a chord starting on C and use the tones from the C major scale, we use C, E, and G. If instead we use the C minor scale, the first, third, and fifth notes are C, E-flat, and G. This difference in the third degree, between E and E-flat, turns the chord itself from a major chord into a minor chord. All of us, even without musical training, can tell the difference between these two even if we don’t have the terminology to name them; we hear the major chord as sounding happy and the minor chord as sounding sad, or reflective, or even exotic. The most basic rock and country music songs use only major chords: “Johnny B. Goode,” “Blowin’ in the Wind,” “Honky Tonk Women,” and “Mammas Don’t Let Your Babies Grow Up to Be Cowboys,” for example.
小和弦增加了复杂性；在门乐队的《Light My Fire》中，主歌以小和弦演奏（“你知道那是不真实的……”），然后副歌部分以大和弦演奏（“来吧，宝贝，点燃我的火”）。在《Jolene》中，多莉·帕顿将小调和大调和弦混合在一起，发出忧郁的声音。Steely Dan 的“Do It Again”（选自专辑Can't Buy a Thrill）仅使用小和弦。
Minor chords add complexity; in “Light My Fire” by the Doors, the verses are played in minor chords (“You know that it would be untrue …”) and then the chorus is played in major chords (“Come on baby, light my fire”). In “Jolene,” Dolly Parton mixes minor and major chords to give a melancholy sound. Steely Dan’s “Do It Again” (from the album Can’t Buy a Thrill) uses only minor chords.
就像音阶中的单个音符一样，和弦也遵循稳定性的层次结构，具体取决于上下文。某些和弦进行是其中的一部分每种音乐传统，甚至到了五岁，大多数孩子就已经内化了关于哪些和弦进行是合法的，或者是他们文化音乐的典型的规则；它们可以很容易地检测出与标准序列的偏差，就像我们可以检测出英语句子的格式错误一样容易，例如：“披萨太热了，睡不着。” 为了让大脑实现这一目标，神经元网络必须形成音乐结构和音乐规则的抽象表示，这是它们在没有我们意识的情况下自动完成的。当我们年轻的时候，我们的大脑具有最大程度的接受能力——几乎像海绵一样，如饥似渴地吸收一切可以吸收的声音，并将它们融入到我们神经线路的结构中。随着年龄的增长，这些神经回路的柔韧性会降低，因此在深层神经水平上融入新的音乐系统，甚至新的语言系统变得更加困难。
Like single notes in the scale, chords also fall along a hierarchy of stability, depending on context. Certain chord progressions are part of every musical tradition, and even by the age of five, most children have internalized rules about what chord progressions are legal, or typical of their culture’s music; they can readily detect deviations from the standard sequences just as easily as we can detect when an English sentence is malformed, such as this one: “The pizza was too hot to sleep.” For brains to accomplish this, networks of neurons must form abstract representations of musical structure, and musical rules, something that they do automatically and without our conscious awareness. Our brains are maximally receptive—almost spongelike—when we’re young, hungrily soaking up any and all sounds they can and incorporating them into the very structure of our neural wiring. As we age, these neural circuits are somewhat less pliable, and so it becomes more difficult to incorporate, at a deep neural level, new musical systems, or even new linguistic systems.
现在关于音调的故事变得有点复杂了，这都是物理学的错。但这种复杂性导致了我们在不同乐器中听到的丰富的声音频谱。世界上所有自然物体都有多种振动模式。钢琴弦实际上同时以几种不同的速率振动。同样的情况也适用于我们用锤子敲击的钟、用手敲击的鼓或我们吹入空气的笛子：空气分子同时以多种速率振动，而不仅仅是单一速率。
Now the story about pitch becomes a bit more complicated, and it’s all the fault of physics. But this complication gives rise to the rich spectrum of sounds we hear in different instruments. All natural objects in the world have several modes of vibration. A piano string actually vibrates at several different rates at once. The same thing is true of bells that we hit with a hammer, drums that we hit with our hands, or flutes that we blow air into: The air molecules vibrate at several rates simultaneously, not just a single rate.
一个类比是地球同时发生的几种运动。我们知道，地球每二十四小时绕地轴自转一周，每365.25天绕太阳公转一周，整个太阳系与银河系一起旋转。多种类型的运动同时发生。另一个类比是我们在乘坐火车时经常感受到的多种振动。想象一下，您坐在室外车站的火车上，引擎关闭。风很大，你会感觉车子有点前后摇晃。它这样做的规律性很高，你可以用你方便的秒表计时，你会感觉到火车大约每秒来回移动两次。接下来，工程师启动发动机，你会感受到不一样的震动穿过您的座椅（由于电机的振动——活塞和曲轴以一定的速度转动）。当火车开始移动时，您会体验到第三种感觉，即车轮每次经过轨道接头时发出的撞击声。总而言之，您会感受到几种不同类型的振动，所有这些振动都可能具有不同的速率或频率。当火车行驶时，您无疑会意识到存在振动。但要确定有多少振动以及它们的速率是多少，即使不是不可能，也是非常困难的。然而，使用专门的测量仪器，人们也许能够弄清楚这一点。
An analogy is the several types of motion of the earth that are simultaneously occurring. We know that the earth spins on its axis once every twenty-four hours, that it travels around the sun once every 365.25 days, and that the entire solar system is spinning along with the Milky Way galaxy. Several types of motion, all occurring at once. Another analogy is the many kinds of vibration that we often feel when riding a train. Imagine that you’re sitting on a train in an outdoor station, with the engine off. It’s windy, and you feel the car rock back and forth just a little bit. It does so with a regularity that you can time with your handy stopwatch, and you feel the train moving back and forth about twice a second. Next, the engineer starts the engine, and you feel a different kind of vibration through your seat (due to the oscillations of the motor—pistons and crankshafts turning around at a certain speed). When the train starts moving, you experience a third sensation, the bump the wheels make every time they go over a track joint. Altogether, you will feel several different kinds of vibrations, all of them likely to be at different rates, or frequencies. When the train is moving, you are no doubt aware that there is vibration. But it is very difficult, if not impossible, for you to determine how many vibrations there are and what their rates are. Using specialized measuring instruments, however, one might be able to figure this out.
当钢琴、长笛或任何其他乐器（包括鼓和牛铃等打击乐器）发出声音时，它会同时产生多种振动模式。当您聆听乐器上演奏的单个音符时，您实际上是同时听到许多很多音高，而不是单个音高。我们大多数人都没有意识到这一点，尽管有些人可以训练自己听到这一点。振动速率最慢的频率（音调最低的频率）被称为基频，其他频率统称为泛音。
When a sound is generated on a piano, flute, or any other instrument—including percussion instruments like drums and cowbells—it produces many modes of vibration occurring simultaneously. When you listen to a single note played on an instrument, you’re actually hearing many, many pitches at once, not a single pitch. Most of us are not aware of this consciously, although some people can train themselves to hear this. The one with the slowest vibration rate—the one lowest in pitch—is referred to as the fundamental frequency, and the others are collectively called overtones.
回顾一下，世界上物体的一个特性是它们通常同时以几个不同的频率振动。令人惊讶的是，这些其他频率通常以一种非常简单的方式在数学上相互关联：彼此为整数倍。因此，如果您拨动一根弦，其最慢的振动频率是每秒一百次，则其他振动频率将为 2 × 100 (200 Hz)、3 × 100 Hz (300 Hz) 等。记录仪并引起 310 Hz 的振动，附加振动将发生两次、三次、四次等，此速率：620 Hz、930 Hz、1240 Hz 等。当仪器以整数倍的频率产生能量时例如，我们说声音是谐波的，我们将不同频率下的能量模式称为泛音系列。有证据表明，大脑通过同步神经放电对这种谐波声音做出反应——听觉皮层中对声音的每个成分做出反应的神经元使它们的放电频率彼此同步，从而为这些声音的一致性创造了神经基础。
To recap, it is a property of objects in the world that they generally vibrate at several different frequencies at once. Surprisingly, these other frequencies are often mathematically related to each other in a very simple way: as integer multiples of one another. So if you pluck a string and its slowest vibration frequency is one hundred times per second, the other vibration frequencies will be 2 × 100 (200 Hz), 3 × 100 Hz (300 Hz), etc. If you blow into a flute or recorder and cause vibrations at 310 Hz, additional vibrations will be occurring at twice, three times, four times, etc., this rate: 620 Hz, 930 Hz, 1240 Hz, etc. When an instrument creates energy at frequencies that are integer multiples such as this, we say that the sound is harmonic, and we refer to the pattern of energy at different frequencies as the overtone series. There is evidence that the brain responds to such harmonic sounds with synchronous neural firings—the neurons in auditory cortex responding to each of the components of the sound synchronize their firing rates with one another, creating a neural basis for the coherence of these sounds.
大脑对泛音序列非常敏感，如果我们遇到一个声音包含除基音以外的所有成分，大脑就会为我们填补它，这种现象称为恢复缺失的基音。由 100 Hz、200 Hz、300 Hz、400 Hz 和 500 Hz 能量组成的声音被感知为具有 100 Hz 的音高，即其基频。但如果我们人为地创造出能量为 200 Hz、300 Hz、400 Hz 和 500 Hz 的声音（不考虑基频），我们仍然会认为它的音高为 100 Hz。我们不会认为它具有 200 Hz 的音调，因为我们的大脑“知道”音调为 200 Hz 的正常谐波声音将具有 200 Hz、400 Hz、600 Hz、800 Hz 的泛音系列，我们还可以通过播放偏离泛音系列的序列来欺骗大脑，例如：100 Hz、210 Hz、302 Hz、405 Hz 等。在这些情况下，感知到的音高会在一段时间内偏离 100 Hz。所呈现的内容与正常调和级数所暗示的内容之间的折衷。
The brain is so attuned to the overtone series that if we encounter a sound that has all of the components except the fundamental, the brain fills it in for us in a phenomenon called restoration of the missing fundamental. A sound composed of energy at 100 Hz, 200 Hz, 300 Hz, 400 Hz, and 500 Hz is perceived as having a pitch of 100 Hz, its fundamental frequency. But if we artificially create a sound with energy at 200 Hz, 300 Hz, 400 Hz, and 500 Hz (leaving off the fundamental), we still perceive it as having a pitch of 100 Hz. We don’t perceive it as having a pitch of 200 Hz, because our brain “knows” that a normal, harmonic sound with a pitch of 200 Hz would have an overtone series of 200 Hz, 400 Hz, 600 Hz, 800 Hz, etc. We can also fool the brain by playing sequences that deviate from the overtone series such as this: 100 Hz, 210 Hz, 302 Hz, 405 Hz, etc. In cases like these, the perceived pitch shifts away from 100 Hz in a compromise between what is presented and what a normal harmonic series would imply.
当我在读研究生时，我的导师迈克·波斯纳（Mike Posner）向我讲述了生物学研究生彼得·贾纳塔（Petr Janata）的工作。尽管彼得不像我一样在旧金山长大，但他留着浓密的长发，扎成马尾辫，演奏爵士乐和摇滚钢琴，穿着扎染衣服：我们是真正的志同道合的人。彼得将电极放置在仓鸮的下丘中，这是其听觉系统的一部分。然后，他为猫头鹰演奏了施特劳斯的《蓝色多瑙河华尔兹》的一个版本，该版本由去除基频的音调组成。彼得假设，如果缺失的基频在听觉处理的早期水平得到恢复，猫头鹰下丘中的神经元应该以缺失的基频的速率放电。这正是他所发现的。因为电极每次发射都会发出一个小电信号，而且发射速率与发射频率相同（如我们在上面看到的），Petr 将这些电极的输出发送到一个小型放大器，并回放猫头鹰神经元通过扬声器发出的声音。他所听到的内容令人震惊。扩音器里清晰地传出《蓝色多瑙河华尔兹》的旋律：巴达达达达、deet deet、deet deet。我们听到神经元的放电率，它们与缺失的基频的频率相同。泛音系列有一个实例化不仅发生在听觉处理的早期阶段，而且发生在完全不同的物种中。
When I was in graduate school, my advisor, Mike Posner, told me about the work of a graduate student in biology, Petr Janata. Although he hadn’t been raised in San Francisco like me, Petr had long bushy hair that he wore in a ponytail, played jazz and rock piano, and dressed in tiedye: a true kindred spirit. Peter placed electrodes in the inferior colliculus of the barn owl, part of its auditory system. Then, he played the owls a version of Strauss’s “The Blue Danube Waltz” made up of tones from which the fundamental frequency had been removed. Petr hypothesized that if the missing fundamental is restored at early levels of auditory processing, neurons in the owl’s inferior colliculus should fire at the rate of the missing fundamental. This was exactly what he found. And because the electrodes put out a small electrical signal with each firing—and because the firing rate is the same as a frequency of firing (as we saw above)—Petr sent the output of these electrodes to a small amplifier, and played back the sound of the owl’s neurons through a loudspeaker. What he heard was astonishing; the melody of “The Blue Danube Waltz” sang clearly from the loudspeakers: ba da da da da, deet deet, deet deet. We were hearing the firing rates of the neurons and they were identical to the frequency of the missing fundamental. The overtone series had an instantiation not just in the early levels of auditory processing, but in a completely different species.
人们可以想象一种没有耳朵的外星物种，或者没有与我们相同的内部听觉体验。但很难想象一个高级物种没有任何感知振动物体的能力。有大气层的地方就有响应运动而振动的分子。即使我们看不到某物（因为天很黑，我们的眼睛没有注意到它，或者我们睡着了），知道某物是否会产生噪音，或者是否向我们移动或远离我们，也具有很大的生存价值。
One could imagine an alien species that does not have ears, or that doesn’t have the same internal experience of hearing that we do. But it would be difficult to imagine an advanced species that had no ability whatsoever to sense vibrating objects. Where there is atmosphere there are molecules that vibrate in response to movement. And knowing whether something is generating noise or moving toward us or away from us, even when we can’t see it (because it is dark, our eyes aren’t attending to it, or we’re asleep) has a great survival value.
因为大多数物理物体会导致分子同时以多种模式振动，并且因为对于很多很多物体来说，这些模式彼此之间具有简单的整数关系，所以泛音级数是我们期望在任何地方都能找到的世界事实。看看：在北美，在斐济，在火星上，在绕心宿二运行的行星上。任何在物体振动的世界中进化的有机体——如果有足够的进化时间——很可能在大脑中进化出一个处理单元，将其世界的这些规律结合起来。因为音高是物体身份的基本线索，所以我们期望找到像在人类听觉皮层中所做的那样的音调映射，以及具有八度音阶和其他彼此和声关系的音调的同步神经放电；这将有助于大脑（外星人或陆地）弄清楚所有这些音调可能源自同一个物体。
Because most physical objects cause molecules to vibrate in several modes at once, and because for many, many objects the modes bear simple integer relations to one another, the overtone series is a fact-of-the-world that we expect to find everywhere we look: in North America, in Fiji, on Mars, and on the planets orbiting Antares. Any organism that evolved in a world with vibrating objects is likely—given enough evolutionary time—to have evolved a processing unit in the brain that incorporated these regularities of its world. Because pitch is a fundamental cue to an object’s identity, we would expect to find tonotopic mappings as we do in human auditory cortex, and synchronous neural firings for tones that bear octave and other harmonic relations to one another; this would help the brain (alien or terrestrial) to figure out that all these tones probably originated from the same object.
泛音通常用数字来表示：第一泛音是高于基波的第一个振动频率，第二泛音是高于基波的第二振动频率，依此类推。因为物理学家喜欢让我们其他人感到困惑，所以有是一个并行的术语系统，称为谐波，我认为它的设计目的是让本科生疯狂。在谐波术语中，一次谐波是基频，二次谐波等于一次泛音，依此类推。并非所有乐器都以如此明确定义的模式振动。有时，就像钢琴一样（因为它是一种打击乐器），泛音可能很接近，但不准确，基频的倍数，这有助于形成其特有的声音。打击乐器、编钟和其他物体（取决于组成和形状）通常具有明显不是基音整数倍的泛音，这些泛音称为偏音或不和谐泛音。一般来说，具有不和谐泛音的乐器缺乏我们与和声乐器相关的清晰音高感，其皮质基础可能与缺乏同步神经放电有关。但它们仍然具有音高感，当我们能够连续演奏不和谐的音符时，我们听得最清楚。虽然你可能无法随着木版或编钟上演奏的单个音符的声音而哼唱，但我们可以在一组木版或编钟上演奏可识别的旋律，因为我们的大脑专注于泛音从一个到一个的变化。其他。这本质上就是当我们听到人们在脸颊上演奏歌曲时所发生的情况。
The overtones are often referred to by numbers: The first overtone is the first vibration frequency above the fundamental, the second overtone is the second vibration frequency above the fundamental, etc. Because physicists like to make the world confusing for the rest of us, there is a parallel system of terminology called harmonics, and I think it was designed to make undergraduates go crazy. In the lingo of harmonics, the first harmonic is the fundamental frequency, the second harmonic is equal to the first overtone, and so on. Not all instruments vibrate in modes that are so neatly defined. Sometimes, as with the piano (because it is a percussive instrument), the overtones can be close, but not exact, multiples of the fundamental frequency, and this contributes to their characteristic sound. Percussion instruments, chimes, and other objects—depending on composition and shape—often have overtones that are clearly not integer multiples of the fundamental, and these are called partials or inharmonic overtones. Generally, instruments with inharmonic overtones lack the clear sense of pitch that we associate with harmonic instruments, and the cortical basis for this may relate to a lack of synchronous neural firing. But they still do have a sense of pitch, and we hear this most clearly when we can play inharmonic notes in succession. Although you may not be able to hum along with the sound of a single note played on a woodblock or a chime, we can play a recognizable melody on a set of woodblocks or chimes because our brain focuses on the changes in the overtones from one to another. This is essentially what is happening when we hear people playing a song on their cheeks.
长笛、小提琴、小号和钢琴都可以演奏相同的音调，也就是说，您可以在乐谱上写下一个音符，每种乐器都会演奏具有相同基频的音调，并且我们将（倾向于）听到相同的音调。但这些乐器听起来彼此都非常不同。
A flute, a violin, a trumpet, and a piano can all play the same tone—that is, you can write a note on a musical score and each instrument will play a tone with an identical fundamental frequency, and we will (tend to) hear an identical pitch. But these instruments all sound very different from one another.
这种差异就是音色，它是听觉事件最重要且与生态相关的特征。声音的音色是区分狮子的咆哮和猫的呼噜声、雷声和海浪的撞击声、朋友的声音和试图躲避的收银员的声音的主要特征。 。人类的音色辨别力非常严重，以至于我们大多数人都能识别数百种不同的声音。我们甚至可以根据声音的音色来判断我们身边的人（我们的母亲、我们的配偶）是快乐还是悲伤、健康还是感冒。
This difference is timbre, and it is the most important and ecologically relevant feature of auditory events. The timbre of a sound is the principal feature that distinguishes the growl of a lion from the purr of a cat, the crack of thunder from the crash of ocean waves, the voice of a friend from that of a bill collector one is trying to dodge. Timbral discrimination is so acute in humans that most of us can recognize hundreds of different voices. We can even tell whether someone close to us—our mother, our spouse—is happy or sad, healthy or coming down with a cold, based on the timbre of that voice.
音色是泛音的结果。不同的材料有不同的密度。一块金属容易沉入池塘底部；一块大小和形状相同的木头会漂浮起来。部分由于密度，部分由于大小和形状，不同的物体在用手敲击或轻轻敲击时也会发出不同的声音用锤子。想象一下，如果您用锤子敲击吉他（请轻轻地！），您会听到一种空心的木头重击声。或者，如果你敲击一块金属，比如萨克斯管，就会发出清脆的叮当声。当你敲击这些物体时，锤子产生的能量会导致它们内部的分子振动，以几种不同的频率跳舞，这些频率由物体的材质、尺寸和形状决定。如果物体以 100 Hz、200 Hz、300 Hz、400 Hz 等频率振动，则每个谐波的振动强度不必相同，事实上，通常情况下，不是。
Timbre is a consequence of the overtones. Different materials have different densities. A piece of metal will tend to sink to the bottom of a pond; an identically sized and shaped piece of wood will float. Partly due to density, and partly due to size and shape, different objects also make different noises when you strike them with your hand, or gently tap them with a hammer. Imagine the sound that you’d hear if you tap a hammer (gently, please!) against a guitar—a hollow, wooden plunk sound. Or if you tap a piece of metal, like a saxophone—a tinny plink. When you tap these objects, the energy from the hammer causes the molecules within them to vibrate, to dance at several different frequencies, frequencies determined by the material the object is made out of, its size, and its shape. If the object is vibrating at, say, 100 Hz, 200 Hz, 300 Hz, 400 Hz, etc., the intensity of vibration doesn’t have to be the same for each of these harmonics, and in fact, typically, it is not.
当您听到萨克斯管演奏基频为 220 Hz 的音调时，您实际上听到的是多种音调，而不仅仅是一种。您听到的其他音调是基音的整数倍：440、660、880、1100、1320、1540 等。这些不同的音调（泛音）具有不同的强度，因此我们听到它们具有不同的响度。这些音调的特定响度模式是萨克斯管的独特之处，正是它们产生了其独特的音色、独特的声音——音色。演奏相同书面音符（220 Hz）的小提琴将在相同频率下产生泛音，但每个泛音相对于其他泛音的响度模式会有所不同。事实上，对于每种乐器来说，都存在独特的泛音模式。对于一种乐器，第二泛音可能比另一种乐器更大，而第五泛音可能更柔和。事实上，我们听到的所有音调变化（赋予小号以喇叭声和赋予钢琴钢琴性的品质）都来自于泛音响度分布的独特方式。
When you hear a saxophone playing a tone with a fundamental frequency of 220 Hz, you are actually hearing many tones, not just one. The other tones you hear are integer multiples of the fundamental: 440, 660, 880, 1100, 1320, 1540, etc. These different tones—the overtones—have different intensities, and so we hear them as having different loudnesses. The particular pattern of loudnesses for these tones is distinctive of the saxophone, and they are what give rise to its unique tonal color, its unique sound—its timbre. A violin playing the same written note (220 Hz) will have overtones at the same frequencies, but the pattern of how loud each one is with respect to the others will be different. Indeed, for each instrument, there exists a unique pattern of overtones. For one instrument, the second overtone might be louder than in another, while the fifth overtone might be softer. Virtually all of the tonal variation we hear—the quality that gives a trumpet its trumpetiness and that gives a piano its pianoness—comes from the unique way in which the loudnesses of the overtones are distributed.
每种乐器都有自己的泛音轮廓，就像指纹一样。这是一个复杂的模式，我们可以用它来识别仪器。例如，单簧管的特点是在奇次谐波中具有相对较高的能量——基频的三倍、五倍和七倍等。（这是因为它们是封闭的管子的结果）一端开放，另一端开放。）小号的特点是奇数和偶数谐波的能量相对均匀（如单簧管、小号也是一端封闭、另一端打开，但吹口和喇叭口的设计是为了平滑和声级数）。中央弯曲的小提琴将产生大部分奇数谐波，因此听起来类似于单簧管。但是，将乐器向下弯曲三分之一会强调三次和声及其倍数：六度、九度、十二度等。
Each instrument has its own overtone profile, which is like a fingerprint. It is a complicated pattern that we can use to identify the instrument. Clarinets, for example, are characterized by having relatively high amounts of energy in the odd harmonics—three times, five times, and seven times the multiples of the fundamental frequency, etc. (This is a consequence of their being a tube that is closed at one end and open at the other.) Trumpets are characterized by having relatively even amounts of energy in both the odd and the even harmonics (like the clarinet, the trumpet is also closed at one end and open at the other, but the mouthpiece and bell are designed to smooth out the harmonic series). A violin that is bowed in the center will yield mostly odd harmonics and accordingly can sound similar to a clarinet. But bowing one third of the way down the instrument emphasizes the third harmonic and its multiples: the sixth, the ninth, the twelfth, etc.
所有小号都有音色指纹，并且很容易与小提琴、钢琴甚至人声的音色指纹区分开来。对于训练有素的耳朵和大多数音乐家来说，小号之间甚至存在差异——所有的小号听起来都不一样，所有的钢琴或所有的手风琴也不一样。一架特定钢琴与另一架钢琴的区别在于，它们的泛音轮廓彼此略有不同，但当然，与羽管键琴、管风琴或大号的轮廓差异不大。音乐家大师可以在一两个音符内听出斯特拉迪瓦里小提琴和瓜纳里小提琴之间的区别。我可以非常清楚地听到 1956 年的 Martin 000-18 原声吉他、1973 年的 Martin D-18 和 1996 年的 Collings D2H 之间的区别；它们听起来像不同的乐器，尽管它们都是原声吉他；我永远不会将其中一个与另一个混淆。那就是音色。
All trumpets have a timbral fingerprint, and it is readily distinguishable from the timbral fingerprint for a violin, piano, or even the human voice. To the trained ear, and to most musicians, there even exist differences among trumpets—all trumpets don’t sound alike, nor do all pianos or all accordions. What distinguishes one particular piano from another is that their overtone profiles will differ slightly from each other, but not, of course, as much as they will differ from the profile for a harpsichord, organ, or tuba. Master musicians can hear the difference between a Stradivarius violin and a Guarneri within one or two notes. I can hear the difference between my 1956 Martin 000-18 acoustic guitar, my 1973 Martin D-18, and my 1996 Collings D2H very clearly; they sound like different instruments, even though they are all acoustic guitars; I would never confuse one with another. That is timbre.
天然乐器——即由金属和木材等现实材料制成的声学乐器——由于其分子内部结构的振动方式，往往会同时产生多个频率的能量。假设我发明了一种仪器，与我们所知的任何自然仪器不同，它以一种且仅一种频率产生能量。我们将这种假设的乐器称为发生器（因为它可以生成特定频率的音调）。如果我排列一堆发生器，我可以将它们中的每一个设置为播放与演奏特定音调的特定乐器的泛音系列相对应的特定频率。我可以使用一组这样的发生器来发出 110、220、330、440、550 和 660 Hz 的声音，这会给听众一种乐器演奏 110 Hz 音调的印象。此外，我可以控制每个发生器的幅度，并使每个音调以特定的响度播放，对应于天然乐器的泛音轮廓。如果我这样做，生成的发生器组将近似于单簧管、长笛或我试图模仿的任何其他乐器的声音。
Natural instruments—that is, acoustic instruments made out of real-world materials such as metal and wood—tend to produce energy at several frequencies at once because of the way the internal structure of their molecules vibrates. Suppose that I invent an instrument that, unlike any natural instruments we know of, produces energy at one, and only one, frequency. Let’s call this hypothetical instrument a generator (because it can generate tones of specific frequencies). If I line up a bunch of generators, I could set each one of them to play a specific frequency corresponding to the overtone series for a particular instrument playing a particular tone. I could have a bank of these generators making sounds at 110, 220, 330, 440, 550, and 660 Hz, which would give the listener the impression of a 110 Hz tone played by a musical instrument. Furthermore, I could control the amplitude of each of my generators and make each of the tones play at a particular loudness, corresponding to the overtone profile of a natural musical instrument. If I did that, the resulting bank of generators would approximate the sound of a clarinet, or flute, or any other instrument I was trying to emulate.
诸如上述方法之类的加法合成通过将声音的基本声音成分添加在一起来实现乐器音色的合成版本。许多管风琴，例如教堂中的管风琴，都有一个可以让您演奏的功能。在大多数管风琴上，您按下琴键（或踏板），就会通过金属管发出一阵空气。管风琴由数百根不同尺寸的管子构成，当空气射入其中时，每根管子都会产生与其尺寸相对应的不同音高；您可以将它们视为机械笛子，其中空气由电动机提供，而不是由人吹奏。我们与教堂管风琴联系在一起的声音（其独特的音色）是同时存在多个不同频率的能量的函数，就像其他乐器一样。风琴的每个管子都会产生一系列泛音，当您按下风琴键盘上的一个琴键时，一股空气会同时穿过多个管子，从而产生非常丰富的声音频谱。这些辅助管，除了以您要演奏的音调的基频振动的管之外，要么产生基频整数倍的音调，要么在数学和谐波上与基频密切相关。
Additive synthesis such as the above approach achieves a synthetic version of a musical-instrument timbre by adding together elemental sonic components of the sound. Many pipe organs, such as those found in churches, have a feature that will let you play around with this. On most pipe organs you press a key (or a pedal), which sends a blast of air through a metal pipe. The organ is constructed of hundreds of pipes of different sizes, and each one produces a different pitch, corresponding to its size, when air is shot through it; you can think of them as mechanical flutes, in which the air is supplied by an electric motor rather than by a person blowing. The sound that we associate with a church organ—its particular timbre—is a function of there being energy at several different frequencies at once, just as with other instruments. Each pipe of the organ produces an overtone series, and when you press a key on the organ keyboard, a column of air is blasted through more than one pipe at a time, giving a very rich spectrum of sounds. These supplementary pipes, in addition to the one that vibrates at the fundamental frequency of the tone you’re trying to play, either produce tones that are integer multiples of the fundamental frequency, or are closely related to it mathematically and harmonically.
风琴演奏者通常可以通过拉动和推动引导空气流动的杠杆或拉杆来控制他想要将空气吹过这些辅助管道中的哪一个。知道单簧管在泛音系列的奇数谐波中具有大量能量，聪明的风琴演奏者可以通过操纵拉杆来模拟单簧管的声音，从而重新创建该乐器的泛音系列。这里有一点 220 Hz，一点 330 Hz，一点 440 Hz，一大堆 550 Hz，瞧！ ——你已经为自己制作了一个合理的乐器复制品。
The organ player typically has control over which of these supplementary pipes he wants to blow air through by pulling and pushing levers, or drawbars, that direct the flow of air. Knowing that clarinets have a lot of energy in the odd harmonics of the overtone series, a clever organ player could simulate the sound of a clarinet by manipulating drawbars in such a way as to re-create the overtone series of that instrument. A little bit of 220 Hz here, a dash of 330 Hz, a dollop of 440 Hz, a heaping helping of 550 Hz, and voilà!—you’ve cooked yourself up a reasonable facsimile of an instrument.
从 20 世纪 50 年代末开始，科学家们开始尝试将这种合成功能构建到更小、更紧凑的电子设备中，创造出一系列统称为“新乐器”的乐器。作为合成器。到了 20 世纪 60 年代，披头士乐队（“Here Comes the Sun”和“Maxwell's Silver Hammer”）和 Walter/Wendy Carlos （Switched-On Bach）的唱片中都可以听到合成器的声音，随后乐队围绕合成器塑造了自己的声音，如平克·弗洛伊德和艾默生、莱克和帕尔默。
Starting in the late 1950s, scientists began experimenting with building such synthesis capabilities into smaller, more compact electronic devices, creating a family of new musical instruments known collectively as synthesizers. By the 1960s, synthesizers could be heard on records by the Beatles (on “Here Comes the Sun” and “Maxwell’s Silver Hammer”) and Walter/Wendy Carlos (Switched-On Bach), followed by groups who sculpted their sound around the synthesizer, such as Pink Floyd and Emerson, Lake and Palmer.
其中许多合成器使用了加法合成，正如我在这里所描述的，后来的合成器使用了更复杂的算法，例如波导合成（由斯坦福大学的 Julius Smith 发明）和 FM 合成（由斯坦福大学的 John Chowning 发明）。但是，仅仅复制泛音轮廓虽然可以产生让人想起实际乐器的声音，但会产生相当苍白的副本。音色不仅仅是泛音系列。研究人员仍在争论这个“更多”是什么，但人们普遍认为，除了泛音轮廓之外，音色还由另外两个属性定义，这两个属性导致一种乐器与另一种乐器之间的感知差异：起音和通量。
Many of these synthesizers used additive synthesis as I’ve described it here, and later ones used more complex algorithms such as wave guide synthesis (invented by Julius Smith at Stanford) and FM synthesis (invented by John Chowning at Stanford). But merely copying the overtone profile, while it can create a sound reminiscent of the actual instrument, yields a rather pale copy. There is more to timbre than just the overtone series. Researchers still argue about what this “more” is, but it is generally accepted that, in addition to the overtone profile, timbre is defined by two other attributes that give rise to a perceptual difference from one instrument to another: attack and flux.
斯坦福大学坐落在旧金山以南、太平洋以东的一片田园风光上。西边是连绵起伏的丘陵，覆盖着牧场，东边一小时左右就是肥沃的加利福尼亚中央山谷，这里盛产世界上大部分葡萄干、棉花、橙子和杏仁。南部吉尔罗伊镇附近有大片大蒜田。南部还有卡斯特罗维尔，被称为“世界朝鲜蓟之都”。（我曾向卡斯特罗维尔商会建议他们将国会大厦铭记于心。反应并不热烈。）
Stanford University sits on a bucolic stretch of land just south of San Francisco and east of the Pacific Ocean. Rolling hills covered with pastureland lie to the west, and the fertile Central Valley of California is just an hour or so to the east, home of a large proportion of the world’s raisins, cotton, oranges, and almonds. To the south, near the town of Gilroy, are vast fields of garlic. Also to the south is Castroville, known as the “artichoke capitol of the world.” (I once suggested to the Castroville Chamber of Commerce that they change capitol to heart. The response was not enthusiastic.)
斯坦福大学已经成为热爱音乐的计算机科学家和工程师的第二故乡。约翰·乔宁（John Chowning）是著名的前卫作曲家，自 20 世纪 70 年代以来一直在该校音乐系担任教授，是当时利用计算机进行创作、存储和再现的一批先锋作曲家之一。他们的作品中的声音。乔宁后来成为斯坦福大学音乐和声学计算机研究中心的创始主任，该中心被称为 CCRMA（发音为 CAR-ma；内部人士开玩笑说第一个c是不发音的）。乔宁热情友好。当我在斯坦福大学读本科时，他会把手放在我的身上肩膀并问我在做什么。你会觉得与学生交谈对他来说是一个学习东西的机会。在 20 世纪 70 年代初，当摆弄计算机和正弦波（由计算机发出并用作加法合成的构建块的各种人造声音）时，乔宁注意到，在播放时改变这些波的频率会产生声音那是音乐剧。通过控制这些参数，他能够模拟许多乐器的声音。这项新技术被称为调频合成或 FM 合成，并首先嵌入到 Yamaha DX9 和 DX7 系列合成器中，自 1983 年推出以来，彻底改变了音乐行业。FM 合成使音乐合成大众化。在 FM 出现之前，合成器价格昂贵、笨重且难以控制。创造新的声音需要大量的时间、实验和专业知识。但有了 FM，任何音乐家只需按一下按钮即可获得令人信服的乐器声音。无力聘请喇叭组或管弦乐队的词曲作者和作曲家现在可以使用这些纹理和声音。作曲家和编曲家可以先测试编曲，然后再花整个管弦乐队的时间来看看哪些有效，哪些无效。Cars 和 Pretenders 等新浪潮乐队，以及 Stevie Wonder、Hall and Oates 和 Phil Collins 等主流艺术家，开始在他们的录音中广泛使用 FM 合成。我们所认为的流行音乐中的许多“八十年代声音”都将其独特性归功于 FM 合成的特殊声音。
Stanford has become something of a second home for computer scientists and engineers who love music. John Chowning, who was well known as an avant-garde composer, has had a professorship in the music department there since the 1970s, and was among a group of pioneering composers at the time who were using the computer to create, store, and reproduce sounds in their compositions. Chowning later became the founding director of the Center for Computer Research in Music and Acoustics at Stanford, known as CCRMA (pronounced CAR-ma; insiders joke that the first c is silent). Chowning is warm and friendly. When I was an undergraduate at Stanford, he would put his hand on my shoulder and ask what I was working on. You got the feeling talking to a student was for him an opportunity to learn something. In the early 1970s, while fiddling with the computer and with sine waves—the sorts of artificial sounds that are made by computers and used as the building blocks of additive synthesis—Chowning noticed that changing the frequency of these waves as they were playing created sounds that were musical. By controlling these parameters just so, he was able to simulate the sounds of a number of musical instruments. This new technique became known as frequency modulation synthesis, or FM synthesis, and became embedded first in the Yamaha DX9 and DX7 line of synthesizers, which revolutionized the music industry from the moment of their introduction in 1983. FM synthesis democratized music synthesis. Before FM, synthesizers were expensive, clunky, and hard to control. Creating new sounds took a great deal of time, experimentation, and know-how. But with FM, any musician could obtain a convincing instrumental sound at the touch of a button. Songwriters and composers who could not afford to hire a horn section or an orchestra could now play around with these textures and sounds. Composers and orchestrators could test out arrangements before taking the time of an entire orchestra to see what worked and what didn’t. New Wave bands like the Cars and the Pretenders, as well as mainstream artists like Stevie Wonder, Hall and Oates, and Phil Collins, started to use FM synthesis widely in their recordings. A lot of what we think of as “the eighties sound” in popular music owes its distinctiveness to the particular sound of FM synthesis.
随着 FM 的普及，带来了源源不断的版税收入，这使得 Chowning 能够建立 CCRMA，吸引了研究生和一流的教员。约翰·皮尔斯 (John R. Pierce) 和马克斯·马修斯 (Max Mathews) 是首批来到 CCRMA 的众多著名电子音乐/音乐心理学名人之一。皮尔斯曾担任新泽西州贝尔电话实验室的研究副总裁，负责监督制造晶体管并获得专利的工程师团队，正是皮尔斯将新设备命名为“传输电阻”。在他杰出的职业生涯中，他还因发明行波真空管和发射第一颗电信卫星 Telstar 而受到赞誉。他也是一位受人尊敬的科幻小说作家，笔名 JJ Coupling。皮尔斯在任何行业或研究实验室中创造了一种罕见的环境，在这种环境中，科学家们感到自己有能力尽力而为，并且创造力受到高度重视。当时，贝尔电话公司/AT&T完全垄断了美国的电话服务，并拥有大量现金储备。他们的实验室是美国最优秀、最聪明的发明家、工程师和科学家的游乐场。在贝尔实验室的“沙盒”中，皮尔斯允许他的员工发挥创造力，而不必担心底线或他们的想法在商业中的适用性。皮尔斯明白，真正的创新发生的唯一途径是人们不必审查自己，可以让他们的想法自由发挥。尽管这些想法中只有一小部分可能是实用的，并且较小的一部分仍将成为产品，但那些实现的想法将是创新的、独特的，并且可能非常有利可图。在这种环境下诞生了许多创新，包括激光、数字计算机和 Unix 操作系统。
With the popularization of FM came a steady stream of royalty income that allowed Chowning to build up CCRMA, attracting graduate students and top-flight faculty members. Among the first of many famous electronic music/music-psychology celebrities to come to CCRMA were John R. Pierce and Max Mathews. Pierce had been the vice president of research at the Bell Telephone Laboratories in New Jersey, and supervised the team of engineers who built and patented the transistor—and it was Pierce who named the new device (TRANSfer resISTOR). In his distinguished career, he also is credited with inventing the traveling wave vacuum tube, and launching the first telecommunications satellite, Telstar. He was also a respected science fiction writer under the pseudonym J. J. Coupling. Pierce created a rare environment in any industry or research lab, one in which the scientists felt empowered to do their best and in which creativity was highly valued. At the time, the Bell Telephone Company/AT&T had a complete monopoly on telephone service in the U.S. and a large cash reserve. Their laboratory was something of a playground for the very best and brightest inventors, engineers, and scientists in America. In the Bell Labs “sandbox,” Pierce allowed his people to be creative without worrying about the bottom line or the applicability of their ideas to commerce. Pierce understood that the only way true innovation can occur is when people don’t have to censor themselves and can let their ideas run free. Although only a small proportion of those ideas may be practical, and a smaller proportion still would become products, those that did would be innovative, unique, and potentially very profitable. Out of this environment came a number of innovations including lasers, digital computers, and the Unix operating system.
我第一次见到皮尔斯是在 1990 年，当时他已经八十岁了，正在 CCRMA 讲授心理声学课程。几年后，当我获得博士学位后。搬回斯坦福后，我们成为了朋友，每周三晚上都会出去吃饭并讨论研究。他曾经让我给他解释摇滚音乐，这是他从来没有关注过、也听不懂的。他了解我之前在音乐行业的职业生涯，他问我是否可以有一天晚上过来吃晚饭并播放六首歌曲，这些歌曲涵盖了有关摇滚乐的所有重要知识。六首歌曲来捕捉所有摇滚乐？我不确定我能否想出六首歌曲来捕捉披头士乐队的风格，更不用说所有的摇滚乐了。前一天晚上，他打电话告诉我他听到了埃尔维斯·普雷斯利的歌，所以我不需要报道这一点。
I first met Pierce in 1990 when he was already eighty and was giving lectures on psychoacoustics at CCRMA. Several years later, after I had earned my Ph.D. and moved back to Stanford, we became friends and would go out to dinner every Wednesday night and discuss research. He once asked me to explain rock and roll music to him, something he had never paid any attention to and didn’t understand. He knew about my previous career in the music business, and he asked if I could come over for dinner one night and play six songs that captured all that was important to know about rock and roll. Six songs to capture all of rock and roll? I wasn’t sure I could come up with six songs to capture the Beatles, let alone all of rock and roll. The night before he called to tell me that he had heard Elvis Presley, so I didn’t need to cover that.
这是我晚餐时带的东西：
Here’s what I brought to dinner:
1）“高个子莎莉”，小理查德
2）披头士乐队的“翻滚贝多芬”
3) 吉米·亨德里克斯《沿着瞭望塔》
4）“今晚精彩”，埃里克·克莱普顿
5）“小红色克尔维特”王子
6）“英国的无政府状态”，性手枪乐队
1) “Long Tall Sally,” Little Richard
2) “Roll Over Beethoven,” the Beatles
3) “All Along the Watchtower,” Jimi Hendrix
4) “Wonderful Tonight,” Eric Clapton
5) “Little Red Corvette,” Prince
6) “Anarchy in the U.K.,” the Sex Pistols
其中一些选择结合了伟大的歌曲作者和不同的表演者。都是很棒的歌曲，但即使现在我也想做出一些调整。皮尔斯听着，不断询问这些人是谁，他听到的是什么乐器，以及他们是如何发出这样的声音的。大多数情况下，他说他喜欢音乐的音色。他对歌曲本身和节奏不太感兴趣，但他发现音色非常出色——新的、陌生的、令人兴奋的。《Wonderful Tonight》中克莱普顿吉他独奏的流畅浪漫主义与柔软、枕头般的鼓声相结合。Sex Pistols 的砖墙式吉他、贝斯和鼓的纯粹力量和密度。扭曲的电吉他声音对皮尔斯来说并不是新鲜事。贝司、鼓、电吉他、原声吉他以及人声等乐器组合成一个统一的整体的方式是他以前从未听说过的。音色对皮尔斯来说是摇滚的定义。这对我们俩来说都是一个启示。
A couple of the choices combined great songwriters with different performers. All are great songs, but even now I’d like to make some adjustments. Pierce listened and kept asking who these people were, what instruments he was hearing, and how they came to sound the way they did. Mostly, he said that he liked the timbres of the music. The songs themselves and the rhythms didn’t interest him that much, but he found the timbres to be remarkable—new, unfamiliar, and exciting. The fluid romanticism of Clapton’s guitar solo in “Wonderful Tonight,” combined with the soft, pillowy drums. The sheer power and density of the Sex Pistols’ brick-wall-of-guitars-and-bass-and-drums. The sound of a distorted electric guitar wasn’t all that was new to Pierce. The ways in which instruments were combined to create a unified whole—bass, drums, electric and acoustic guitars, and voice—that was something he had never heard before. Timbre was what defined rock for Pierce. And it was a revelation to both of us.
我们在音乐中使用的音高（音阶）自希腊时代以来基本上保持不变，除了巴赫时代平均律音阶的发展（实际上是一种改进）。摇滚乐可能是长达一千年的音乐革命的最后一步，这场革命使完美的四度和五度在历史上只属于八度音阶的音乐中占据了突出地位。在此期间，西方音乐主要以音高为主。在过去的两百多年里，音色变得越来越重要。所有流派音乐的一个标准组成部分是使用不同的乐器重述旋律——从贝多芬的《第五交响曲》和拉威尔的《波莱罗》到披头士乐队的《米歇尔》和乔治·斯特雷特的《所有我的前任都在德克萨斯州现场》。新乐器的发明使得作曲家可以有更多的音色可供选择。当一位乡村歌手或流行歌手停止演唱而另一种乐器开始演奏旋律时（即使没有以任何方式改变它），我们会发现以不同的音色重复相同的旋律是令人愉快的。
The pitches that we use in music—the scales—have remained essentially unchanged since the time of the Greeks, with the exception of the development—really a refinement—of the equal tempered scale during the time of Bach. Rock and roll may be the final step in a millennium-long musical revolution that gave perfect fourths and fifths a prominence in music that had historically been been given only to the octave. During this time, Western music was largely dominated by pitch. For the past two hundred years or so, timbre has become increasingly important. A standard component of music across all genres is to restate a melody using different instruments—from Beethoven’s Fifth and Ravel’s Bolero to the Beatles’ “Michelle” and George Strait’s “All My Ex’s Live in Texas.” New musical instruments have been invented so that composers might have a larger palette of timbral colors from which to draw. When a country or popular singer stops singing and another instrument takes up the melody—even without changing it in any way—we find pleasurable the repetition of the same melody with a different timbre.
前卫作曲家 Pierre Schaeffer（发音为 Sheh-FEHR，使用对法国口音的最佳模仿）在 20 世纪 50 年代进行了一些重要的实验，在他著名的“切钟”实验中证明了音色的重要属性。谢弗将许多管弦乐器录制在磁带上。然后，他用刀片切断了这些声音的开头。乐器声音的第一部分称为起音；这是导致乐器发声的最初敲击、扫弦、拉弦或吹奏的声音。
The avant-garde composer Pierre Schaeffer (pronounced Sheh-FEHR, using your best imitation of a French accent) performed some crucial experiments in the 1950s that demonstrated an important attribute of timbre in his famous “cut bell” experiments. Schaeffer recorded a number of orchestral instruments on tape. Then, using a razor blade, he cut the beginnings off of these sounds. This very first part of a musical instrument sound is called the attack; this is the sound of the initial hit, strum, bowing, or blowing that causes the instrument to make sound.
我们的身体为了从乐器中发出声音而做出的姿势对乐器发出的声音有着重要的影响。但大部分在最初几秒钟后就消失了。几乎所有我们发出声音的手势都是冲动的——它们涉及短暂的、间断的突发活动。在打击乐器中，音乐家在最初的爆发之后通常不会与乐器保持接触。另一方面，在管乐器和弓乐器中，音乐家在最初的冲动接触之后继续与乐器接触——空气第一次离开她的嘴或弓第一次接触琴弦的那一刻；持续的吹奏和鞠躬具有平稳、连续且较少冲动的品质。
The gesture our body makes in order to create sound from an instrument has an important influence on the sound the instrument makes. But most of that dies away after the first few seconds. Nearly all of the gestures we make to produce a sound are impulsive—they involve short, punctuated bursts of activity. In percussion instruments, the musician typically does not remain in contact with the instrument after this initial burst. In wind instruments and bowed instruments, on the other hand, the musician continues to be in contact with the instrument after the initial impulsive contact—the moment when the air burst first leaves her mouth or the bow first contacts the string; the continued blowing and bowing has a smooth, continuous, and less impulsive quality.
将能量引入乐器（起音阶段）通常会产生许多不同频率的能量，这些频率彼此之间不存在简单整数倍的关系。换句话说，在我们敲击、吹气、拨弦或以其他方式使乐器开始发出声音后的短暂时间内，冲击本身具有相当嘈杂的品质，并不是特别有音乐性——更像是锤子敲击乐器的声音。比如说，一块木头，而不是像锤子敲击铃或钢琴弦，或者像风吹过管子的声音。起音之后是一个更稳定的阶段，其中随着制成乐器的金属或木材（或其他材料）开始共振，乐音呈现出有序的泛音频率模式。乐音的中间部分被称为稳定状态——在大多数情况下，泛音轮廓相对稳定，而声音在此期间从乐器中发出。
The introduction of energy to an instrument—the attack phase—usually creates energy at many different frequencies that are not related to one another by simple integer multiples. In other words, for the brief period after we strike, blow into, pluck, or otherwise cause an instrument to start making sound, the impact itself has a rather noisy quality that is not especially musical—more like the sound of a hammer hitting a piece of wood, say, than like a hammer hitting a bell or a piano string, or like the sound of wind rushing through a tube. Following the attack is a more stable phase in which the musical tone takes on the orderly pattern of overtone frequencies as the metal or wood (or other material) that the instrument is made out of starts to resonate. This middle part of a musical tone is referred to as the steady state—in most instances the overtone profile is relatively stable while the sound emanates from the instrument during this time.
谢弗编辑掉管弦乐器录音的起音后，回放磁带，发现大多数人几乎不可能识别正在演奏的乐器。在没有攻击的情况下，钢琴和钟声听起来与钢琴和钟声非常不同，而且彼此非常相似。如果将一种乐器的起音拼接到另一种乐器的稳定状态或主体上，您会得到不同的结果：在某些情况下，您会听到一种模糊的混合乐器，它听起来更像是起音所来自的乐器，而不是稳定状态的乐器。状态来自。米歇尔·卡斯特伦戈（Michelle Castellengo）和其他人发现你可以用这种方式创造全新的乐器；例如，将小提琴弓声拼接到长笛音色上会产生一种非常类似于 hurdy-gurdy 街头风琴的声音。这些实验表明了攻击的重要性。
After Schaeffer edited out the attack of orchestral instrument recordings, he played back the tape and found that it was nearly impossible for most people to identify the instrument that was playing. Without the attack, pianos and bells sounded remarkably unlike pianos and bells, and remarkably similar to one another. If you splice the attack of one instrument onto the steady state, or body, from another, you get varied results: In some cases, you hear an ambiguous hybrid instrument that sounds more like the instrument that the attack came from than the one the steady state came from. Michelle Castellengo and others have discovered that you can create entirely new instruments this way; for example, splicing a violin bow sound onto a flute tone creates a sound that strongly resembles a hurdy-gurdy street organ. These experiments showed the importance of the attack.
音色的第三个维度——通量——指的是声音开始演奏后如何变化。铙钹或锣有很大的通量——它的声音随着声音的时间进程而发生巨大的变化——而喇叭的通量较小——它的音调随着它的演变而更加稳定。此外，乐器在其音域内的声音也不尽相同。也就是说，乐器演奏高音和低音时的音色听起来是不同的。当斯汀在《警察》的《罗克珊》中达到音域的最高点时，他紧张、尖利的声音传达了一种他在音域较低部分无法达到的情感，就像我们在《警察》中听到的那样。 “你的每一次呼吸”的开场诗，一种更加从容、渴望的声音。斯汀的高音部分在声带拉紧时向我们发出紧急的恳求，而低音部分则暗示着一种隐隐的疼痛，我们感觉这种疼痛已经持续了很长时间，但尚未达到临界点。
The third dimension of timbre—flux—refers to how the sound changes after it has started playing. A cymbal or gong has a lot of flux—its sound changes dramatically over the time course of its sound—while a trumpet has less flux—its tone is more stable as it evolves. Also, instruments don’t sound the same across their range. That is, the timbre of an instrument sounds different when playing high and low notes. When Sting reaches up toward the top of his vocal range in “Roxanne” (by The Police), his straining, reedy voice conveys a type of emotion that he can’t achieve in the lower parts of his register, such as we hear on the opening verse of “Every Breath You Take,” a more deliberate, longing sound. The high part of Sting’s register pleads with us urgently as his vocal cords strain, the low part suggests a dull aching that we feel has been going on for a long time, but has not yet reached the breaking point.
音色不仅仅是乐器发出的不同声音。作曲家使用音色作为作曲工具；他们选择乐器以及乐器的组合来表达特定的情感，并传达一种氛围或情绪。柴可夫斯基的胡桃夹子组曲《中国舞》开场时巴松管的音色近乎滑稽，斯坦·盖茨的萨克斯管在《雨天》中的感性也很明显。在滚石乐队的“Satisfaction”中用钢琴代替电吉他，你会得到一个完全不同的动物。拉威尔在《波莱罗舞曲》中使用音色作为作曲手段，用不同的音色一遍又一遍地重复主题；他在遭受脑损伤后这样做了，这削弱了他听音调的能力。当我们想到吉米·亨德里克斯时，我们最可能记得最清晰的是他的电吉他音色和声音。
Timbre is more than the different sounds that instruments make. Composers use timbre as a compositional tool; they choose musical instruments—and combinations of musical instruments—to express particular emotions, and to convey a sense of atmosphere or mood. There is the almost comical timbre of the bassoon in Tchaikovsky’s Nutcracker Suite as it opens the “Chinese Dance,” and the sensuousness of Stan Getz’s saxophone on “Here’s That Rainy Day.” Substitute a piano for the electric guitars in the Rolling Stones’ “Satisfaction” and you’d have an entirely different animal. Ravel used timbre as a compositional device in Bolero, repeating the main theme over and over again with different timbres; he did this after he suffered brain damage that impaired his ability to hear pitch. When we think of Jimi Hendrix, it is the timbre of his electric guitars and his voice that we are likely to recall the most vividly.
斯克里亚宾和拉威尔等作曲家将他们的作品称为声音绘画，其中音符和旋律相当于形状和形式，音色相当于颜色和阴影的使用。几位受欢迎的歌曲作者——史蒂夫·旺德、保罗·西蒙和林赛·白金汉——将他们的作品描述为声音绘画，音色的作用相当于视觉艺术中色彩的作用，将旋律形状彼此分开。但音乐与绘画的不同之处之一是它是动态的，随着时间的推移而变化，而推动音乐前进的是节奏和节奏。节奏和节拍几乎是驱动所有音乐的引擎，它们很可能是我们的祖先最早用来制作原始音乐的元素，这是我们今天在部落鼓乐和各种前工业文化的仪式中仍然听到的传统。虽然我相信音色现在是我们欣赏音乐的核心，但节奏在更长时间内对听众具有至高无上的力量。
Composers such as Scriabin and Ravel talk about their works as sound paintings, in which the notes and melodies are the equivalent of shape and form, and the timbre is equivalent to the use of color and shading. Several popular songwriters—Stevie Wonder, Paul Simon, and Lindsey Buckingham—have described their compositions as sound paintings, with timbre playing a role equivalent to the one that color does in visual art, separating melodic shapes from one another. But one of the things that makes music different from painting is that it is dynamic, changing across time, and what moves the music forward are rhythm and meter. Rhythm and meter are the engine driving virtually all music, and it is likely that they were the very first elements used by our ancestors to make protomusics, a tradition we still hear today in tribal drumming, and in the rituals of various preindustrial cultures. While I believe timbre is now at the center of our appreciation of music, rhythm has held supreme power over listeners for much longer.
2. 足踏
2. Foot Tapping
辨别节奏、响度和和声
Discerning Rhythm, Loudness, and Harmony
1977 年，我在伯克利观看了桑尼·罗林斯 (Sonny Rollins) 的表演；他是我们这个时代最优美的萨克斯管演奏家之一。然而近三十年后，虽然我记不起他弹过的任何音调，但我清楚地记得一些节奏。有一次，罗林斯即兴演奏了三分半钟，用不同的节奏和微妙的时间变化一遍又一遍地演奏同一个音符。所有的力量都集中在一个音符上！让观众站起来的不是他的旋律创新，而是节奏。事实上，每种文化和文明都认为运动是音乐制作和聆听的一个组成部分。节奏是我们跳舞、摇摆身体、踩踏脚步的节奏。在这么多的爵士乐表演中，最让观众兴奋的部分就是鼓独奏。创作音乐需要协调、有节奏地使用我们的身体，并且能量从身体运动传递到乐器，这并非巧合。在神经层面上，演奏乐器需要协调我们原始爬行动物大脑中的区域（小脑和脑干）以及更高的认知系统，例如运动皮层（位于顶叶）和我们大脑的规划区域。额叶，大脑最先进的区域。
I saw Sonny Rollins perform in Berkeley in 1977; he is one of the most melodic saxophone players of our time. Yet nearly thirty years later, while I can’t remember any of the pitches that he played, I clearly remember some of the rhythms. At one point, Rollins improvised for three and a half minutes by playing the same one note over and over again with different rhythms and subtle changes in timing. All that power in one note! It wasn’t his melodic innovation that got the crowd to their feet—it was rhythm. Virtually every culture and civilization considers movement to be an integral part of music making and listening. Rhythm is what we dance to, sway our bodies to, and tap our feet to. In so many jazz performances, the part that excites the audience most is the drum solo. It is no coincidence that making music requires the coordinated, rhythmic use of our bodies, and that energy be transmitted from body movements to a musical instrument. At a neural level, playing an instrument requires the orchestration of regions in our primitive, reptilian brain—the cerebellum and the brain stem—as well as higher cognitive systems such as the motor cortex (in the parietal lobe) and the planning regions of our frontal lobes, the most advanced region of the brain.
节奏、韵律和节奏是经常相互混淆的相关概念。简而言之，节奏指的是音符的长度，节奏是指一段音乐的节奏（你用脚敲击音乐的速度），节拍是指当你用力敲击你的脚与轻敲你的脚时，以及这些用力和轻敲击如何组合在一起形成更大的单位。
Rhythm, meter, and tempo are related concepts that are often confused with one another. Briefly, rhythm refers to the lengths of notes, tempo refers to the pace of a piece of music (the rate at which you would tap your foot to it), and meter refers to when you tap your foot hard versus light, and how these hard and light taps group together to form larger units.
演奏音乐时我们通常想知道的事情之一是一个音符要演奏多长时间。一个音符与另一个音符的长度之间的关系就是我们所说的节奏，它是将声音变成音乐的关键部分。我们文化中最著名的节奏之一是通常被称为“刮胡子和理发，两位”的节奏，有时用作“秘密”敲门声。Charles Hale 于 1899 年录制的唱片《At a Darktown Cakewalk》是该节奏的首次有记录的使用。后来，吉米·莫纳科和乔·麦卡锡将歌词附加到歌曲的节奏中，名为“Bum-Diddle-De-Um-Bum，就这样！” 1914 年。1939 年，丹·夏皮罗、莱斯特·李和米尔顿·伯利的歌曲《剃须和理发—洗发水》中使用了相同的音乐短语。洗发水这个词是如何变成两位的还是个谜。就连伦纳德·伯恩斯坦 (Leonard Bernstein) 也在音乐剧《西区故事》中的歌曲“哎呀，克鲁普克警官”中对这种节奏进行了变奏，从而加入了这一表演。在“剃须和理发”中，我们听到一系列不同长度的音符，长的和短的；长音符是短音符的两倍：长-短-短-长-长（其余）长-长。（在《克鲁普克警官》中，伯恩斯坦添加了一个额外的音符，以便这三个短音符与《刮胡子和理发》中的两个短音符占用的时间相同：长-短-短-短-长-long {rest} long-long。换句话说，改变长与短的比例，使长音符的长度是短音符的三倍；在音乐理论中，这三个音符一起称为三连音。）
One of the things we usually want to know when performing music is how long a note is to be played. The relationship between the length of one note and another is what we call rhythm, and it is a crucial part of what turns sounds into music. Among the most famous rhythms in our culture is the rhythm often called “shave-and-a-haircut, two bits,” sometimes used as the “secret” knock on a door. An 1899 recording by Charles Hale, “At a Darktown Cakewalk,” is the first documented use of this rhythm. Lyrics were later attached to the rhythm in a song by Jimmie Monaco and Joe McCarthy called “Bum-Diddle-De-Um-Bum, That’s It!” in 1914. In 1939, the same musical phrase was used in the song “Shave and a Haircut—Shampoo” by Dan Shapiro, Lester Lee, and Milton Berle. How the word shampoo became two-bits is a mystery. Even Leonard Bernstein got into the act by scoring a variation of this rhythm in the song “Gee, Officer Krupke” from the musical West Side Story. In “shave-and-a-haircut” we hear a series of notes of two different lengths, long and short; the long notes are twice as long as the short ones: long-short-short-long-long (rest) long-long. (In “Officer Krupke,” Bernstein adds an extra note so that the three short notes take up the same amount of time as the two short notes in “shave-and-a-haircut”: long-short-short-short-long-long {rest} long-long. In other words, the ratio of long to short is changed so that the long notes are three times as long as the short ones; in music theory these three notes together are called a triplet.)
在罗西尼的《威廉泰尔序曲》 （我们很多人都知道《独行侠》的主题曲）中，我们还听到了一系列长短两种不同长度的音符；再说一遍，长音是短音的两倍：da-da-bump da-da-bump da-da-bump impump（这里我用“da”音节来简称，“bump”长音节）。“Mary Had a Little Lamb”也使用短音节和长音节，在这种情况下，有六个相同时长的音符（Mary had a Little Lamb），后面跟着一个长音节（羔羊），长度大约是短音节的两倍。节奏比2:1，就像音高比中的八度一样，似乎是一个音乐通用性。我们在《米老鼠俱乐部》的主题中看到了这一点（bump-bamp-babump-babump-babump-babump-babaaaaah），其中我们有三个级别的持续时间，每个级别的长度是另一个级别的两倍。我们在警察的“Every Breath You Take”（da-da-bump da-da baaaaah）中看到了这一点，其中又分为三个层次：
In the William Tell Overture by Rossini (what many of us know as the theme from The Lone Ranger) we also hear a series of notes of two different lengths, long and short; again, the long notes are twice as long as the short ones: da-da-bump da-da-bump da-da-bump bump bump (here I’ve used the “da” syllable for short, and the “bump” syllable for long). “Mary Had a Little Lamb” uses short and long syllables, too, in this case six equal duration notes (Ma-ry had a lit-tle) followed by a long one (lamb) roughly twice as long as the short ones. The rhythmic ratio of 2:1, like the octave in pitch ratios, appears to be a musical universal. We see it in the theme from The Mickey Mouse Club (bump-ba bump-ba bump-ba bump-ba bump-ba bump-ba baaaaah) in which we have three levels of duration, each one twice as long as the other. We see it in The Police’s “Every Breath You Take” (da-da-bump da-da baaaaah), in which there are again three levels:
每一次呼吸你-oo taaake
1 1 2 2 4
Ev-ry breath you-oo taaake
1 1 2 2 4
（1代表某个任意时间的一个单位，只是为了说明单词Breath和you是音节Ev和ry的两倍长，并且单词take是Ev或ry 的四倍长，是Breath 的两倍长或者你。）
(The 1 represents one unit of some arbitrary time just to illustrate that the words breath and you are twice as long as the syllables Ev and ry, and that the word take is four times as long as Ev or ry and twice as long as breath or you.)
我们听到的大多数音乐的节奏很少如此简单。就像特定的音高排列（音阶）可以唤起不同文化、风格或习语的音乐一样，特定的节奏排列也可以。尽管我们大多数人都无法重现复杂的拉丁节奏，但我们一听到它就认出它是拉丁语，而不是中文、阿拉伯语、印度语或俄语。当我们将节奏组织成不同长度和重点的音符串时，我们就发展了韵律并建立了节奏。
Rhythms in most of the music we listen to are seldom so simple. In the same way that a particular arrangement of pitches—the scale—can evoke music of a different culture, style, or idiom, so can a particular arrangement of rhythms. Although most of us couldn’t reproduce a complex Latin rhythm, we recognize as soon as we hear it that it is Latin, as opposed to Chinese, Arabic, Indian, or Russian. When we organize rhythms into strings of notes, of varying lengths and emphases, we develop meter and establish tempo.
节奏是指音乐作品的节奏——它进行的速度有多快或多慢。如果您随着一首音乐及时打拍子或打响指，则该曲子的节奏将与您打拍子的快慢直接相关。如果一首歌是一个活生生的、会呼吸的实体，你可能会认为节奏是它的步态——它走过的速度——或者它的脉搏——歌曲心脏跳动的速度。节拍一词表示音乐作品的基本测量单位；这也称为tactus。大多数情况下，这是您轻拍脚、拍手或打响指的自然点。有时，由于每个人的神经处理机制不同，以及音乐背景、经验和对一首曲子的解释不同，人们会以一半或两倍的节奏敲击。即使是受过训练的音乐家也可能不同意攻丝速度应该是多少。但他们总是对乐曲展开的基本速度（也称为节奏）达成一致。分歧仅仅在于该基本速度的细分或监督。
Tempo refers to the pace of a musical piece—how quickly or slowly it goes by. If you tap your foot or snap your fingers in time to a piece of music, the tempo of the piece will be directly related to how fast or slow you are tapping. If a song is a living, breathing entity, you might think of the tempo as its gait—the rate at which it walks by—or its pulse—the rate at which the heart of the song is beating. The word beat indicates the basic unit of measurement in a musical piece; this is also called the tactus. Most often, this is the natural point at which you would tap your foot or clap your hands or snap your fingers. Sometimes, people tap at half or twice the beat, due to different neural processing mechanisms from one person to another as well as differences in musical background, experience, and interpretation of a piece. Even trained musicians can disagree on what the tapping rate should be. But they always agree on the underlying speed at which the piece is unfolding, also called tempo; the disagreements are simply about subdivisions or superdivisions of that underlying pace.
Paula Abdul 的《Straight Up》和 AC/DC 的《Back in Black》的节奏为 96，意味着每分钟有 96 个节拍。如果您随着“Straight Up”或“Back in Black”跳舞，您可能每分钟会踩下 96 次或 48 次，但不会是 58 或 69 次。在“Back in Black”中，您可以听到鼓手从一开始就用高镲钹敲击节拍，稳定、刻意地以每分钟 96 拍的精确速度。Aerosmith 的“Walk This Way”的节奏为 112，迈克尔·杰克逊的“Billie Jean”的节奏为 116，老鹰队的“Hotel California”的节奏为 75。
Paula Abdul’s “Straight Up” and AC/DC’s “Back in Black” have a tempo of 96, meaning that there are 96 beats per minute. If you dance to “Straight Up” or “Back in Black,” it is likely that you will be putting a foot down 96 times per minute or perhaps 48, but not 58 or 69. In “Back in Black” you can hear the drummer playing a beat on his high-hat cymbal at the very beginning, steadily, deliberately, at precisely 96 beats per minute. Aerosmith’s “Walk This Way” has a tempo of 112, Michael Jackson’s “Billie Jean” has a tempo of 116, and the Eagles’ “Hotel California” has a tempo of 75.
两首歌可以有相同的节奏，但感觉却截然不同。在“Back in Black”中，鼓手为每个节拍（八分音符）演奏两次铙钹，而贝斯手则与吉他完美地同步演奏简单的切分音节奏。《Straight Up》发生了太多事情，很难用语言来描述。鼓演奏出复杂、不规则的模式，节拍快如十六分音符，但不是连续的——鼓击之间的“空气”赋予了放克和嘻哈音乐典型的声音。低音演奏类似复杂且切分音的旋律线，有时与鼓声部分重合，有时填充鼓声部分的孔洞。在右扬声器（或耳机的右耳）中，我们听到唯一一种真正在每个节拍上演奏的乐器——一种称为afuche或cabasa的拉丁乐器，听起来像砂纸或豆子在葫芦里摇晃。将最重要的节奏放在轻快、高音的乐器上是一种创新的节奏技术，它颠覆了正常的节奏惯例。当这一切发生时，合成器、吉他和特殊的打击乐效果戏剧性地在歌曲中飞进飞出，时不时地强调某些节拍以增加兴奋感。由于很难预测或记住其中许多歌曲的位置，因此这首歌对许多人来说具有一定的吸引力。
Two songs can have the same tempo but feel very different. In “Back in Black,” the drummer plays his cymbal twice for every beat (eighth notes) and the bass player plays a simple, syncopated rhythm perfectly in time with the guitar. On “Straight Up” there is so much going on, it is difficult to describe it in words. The drums play a complex, irregular pattern with beats as fast as sixteenth notes, but not continuously—the “air” between drum hits imparts a sound typical of funk and hip-hop music. The bass plays a similarly complex and syncopated melodic line that sometimes coincides with and sometimes fills in the holes of the drum part. In the right speaker (or the right ear of headphones) we hear the only instrument that actually plays on the beat every beat—a Latin instrument called an afuche or cabasa that sounds like sandpaper or beans shaking inside a gourd. Putting the most important rhythm on a light, high-pitched instrument is an innovative rhythmic technique that turns upside down the normal rhythmic conventions. While all this is going on, synthesizers, guitar, and special percussion effects fly in and out of the song dramatically, emphasizing certain beats now and again to add excitement. Because it is hard to predict or memorize where many of these are, the song holds a certain appeal over many, many listenings.
节奏是传达情感的主要因素。快节奏的歌曲往往被认为是快乐的，而慢节奏的歌曲往往被认为是悲伤的。尽管这种说法过于简单化，但它适用于多种不同的环境、多种文化以及个人的一生。一般人似乎对节奏有着非凡的记忆力。在佩里·库克和我于 1996 年发表的一项实验中，我们要求人们简单地凭记忆唱出他们最喜欢的摇滚和流行歌曲，我们很想知道他们与这些歌曲录制版本的实际节奏有多接近。作为基线，我们考虑了普通人可以察觉到的节奏变化有多大；结果是 4%。换句话说，对于一首节奏为 100 bpm 的歌曲，如果节奏在 96-100 之间变化，大多数人，甚至一些专业音乐家，都不会察觉到这个微小的变化（尽管大多数鼓手会——他们的工作要求他们比其他音乐家对节奏更敏感，因为他们负责在没有指挥为他们做的情况下保持节奏）。我们研究中的大多数人（非音乐家）能够在名义节奏的 4% 以内唱歌。
Tempo is a major factor in conveying emotion. Songs with fast tempos tend to be regarded as happy, and songs with slow tempos as sad. Although this is an oversimplification, it holds in a remarkable range of circumstances, across many cultures, and across the lifespan of an individual. The average person seems to have a remarkable memory for tempo. In an experiment that Perry Cook and I published in 1996, we asked people to simply sing their favorite rock and popular songs from memory and we were interested to know how close they came to the actual tempo of the recorded versions of those songs. As a baseline, we considered how much variation in tempo the average person can detect; that turns out to be 4 percent. In other words, for a song with a tempo of 100 bpm, if the tempo varies between 96–100, most people, even some professional musicians, won’t detect this small change (although most drummers would—their job requires that they be more sensitive to tempo than other musicians, because they are responsible for maintaining tempo when there is no conductor to do it for them). A majority of people in our study—nonmusicians—were able to sing songs within 4 percent of their nominal tempo.
这种惊人准确性的神经基础可能在于小脑，人们认为小脑包含一个我们日常生活的计时系统，并与我们听到的音乐同步。这意味着，小脑能够以某种方式记住我们听到的音乐同步的“设置”，并且当我们想从记忆中唱出一首歌曲时，它可以回忆起这些设置。它使我们能够将我们的歌唱与上次歌唱的记忆同步。基底神经节——杰拉尔德·埃德尔曼所说的“继承器官”——几乎肯定也参与产生和塑造节奏、速度和节奏。
The neural basis for this striking accuracy is probably in the cerebellum, which is believed to contain a system of timekeepers for our daily lives and to synchronize to the music we are hearing. This means that somehow, the cerebellum is able to remember the “settings” it uses for synchronizing to music as we hear it, and it can recall those settings when we want to sing a song from memory. It allows us to synchronize our singing with a memory of the last time we sang. The basal ganglia—what Gerald Edelman has called “the organs of succession”—are almost certainly involved, as well, in generating and shaping rhythm, tempo, and meter.
节拍是指脉冲或节拍组合在一起的方式。一般来说，当我们随着音乐打拍子或拍手时，我们对某些节拍的感觉会比其他节拍更强烈。感觉音乐家们比其他节奏演奏得更响、更重。这种响亮、较重的节拍在感知上占主导地位，而跟随它的其他节拍在感知上较弱，直到另一个较强的节拍出现。我们所知道的每个音乐系统都有强节拍和弱节拍的模式。西方音乐中最常见的模式是强节奏每 4 个节拍发生一次：强-弱-弱-弱 强-弱-弱-弱。通常，四节拍模式中的第三节拍比第二节拍和第四节拍强一些：节拍强度有一个层次结构，第一节拍最强，第三节拍次之，其次是第二节拍和第四节拍。在我们所说的“华尔兹”节拍中，强节拍每隔三个节拍出现一次，这种情况稍微少一些：强-弱-弱强-弱-弱。我们通常也会数这些节拍，以强调哪一个是强节拍：一二三四、一二三四或一二三、一二三。
Meter refers to the way in which the pulses or beats are grouped together. Generally when we’re tapping or clapping along with music, there are some beats that we feel more strongly than others. It feels as if the musicians play this beat louder and more heavily than the others. This louder, heavier beat is perceptually dominant, and other beats that follow it are perceptually weaker until another strong one comes in. Every musical system that we know of has patterns of strong and weak beats. The most common pattern in Western music is for the strong beats to occur once every 4 beats: STRONG-weak-weak-weak STRONG-weak-weak-weak. Usually the third beat in a four-beat pattern is somewhat stronger than the second and fourth: There is a hierarchy of beat strengths, with the first being the strongest, the third being next, followed by the second and fourth. Somewhat less often the strong beat occurs once in every three in what we call the “waltz” beat: STRONG-weak-weak STRONG-weak-weak. We usually count to these beats as well, in a way that emphasizes which one is the strong beat: ONE-two-three-four, ONE-two-three-four, or ONE-two-three, ONE-two-three.
当然，如果我们只有这些直接的节拍，音乐就会很无聊。我们可能会漏掉一个来增加紧张感。想想“一闪一闪的小星星”。音符并非出现在每个节拍上：
Of course music would be boring if we only had these straight beats. We might leave one out to add tension. Think of “Twinkle, Twinkle Little Star.” The notes don’t occur on every beat:
一二三四
一二三（休息）
一二三四
一二三（休息）：
一闪一闪
小星星（休息）
我想知道如何
你是什么（休息）。
ONE-two-three-four
ONE-two-three-(rest)
ONE-two-three-four
ONE-two-three-(rest):
TWIN-kle twin-kle
LIT-tle star (rest)
HOW-I won-der
WHAT you are (rest).
《Ba Ba Black Sheep》是一首用同样的曲调写成的童谣，它对节拍进行了细分。一个简单的一二三四可以分为更小、更有趣的部分：
A nursery rhyme written to this same tune, “Ba Ba Black Sheep” subdivides the beat. A simple ONE-two-three-four can be divided into smaller, more interesting parts:
巴巴害群之马
你有羊毛吗？
BA ba black sheep
HAVE-you-any-wool?
请注意，“have-you-any”中每个音节的速度是音节“ba ba black”的两倍。四分音符被分成两半，我们可以把它算作
Notice that each syllable in “have-you-any” goes by twice as fast as the syllables “ba ba black.” The quarter notes have been divided in half, and we can count this as
一二三四
一二三（休息）。
ONE-two-three-four
ONE-and-two-and-three-(rest).
在埃尔维斯·普雷斯利 (Elvis Presley) 演唱、摇滚时代两位杰出作曲家杰里·雷伯 (Jerry Leiber) 和迈克·斯托勒 (Mike Stoller) 创作的《监狱摇滚》(Jailhouse Rock) 中，强节奏出现在普雷斯利演唱的第一个音符上，然后是之后的每四个音符：
In “Jailhouse Rock,” performed by Elvis Presley and written by two outstanding songwriters of the rock era, Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller, the strong beat occurs on the first note Presley sings, and then every fourth note after that:
[第 1 行：] WAR-den 在
[第 2 行：] 县监狱（休息）
[第 3 行：] PRIS-on 乐队在那里，他们是-
【第4行：】GAN要哭了
[Line 1:] WAR-den threw a party at the
[Line 2:] COUN-ty jail (rest) the
[Line 3:] PRIS-on band was there and they be-
[Line 4:] GAN to wail
在有歌词的音乐中，歌词并不总是与强拍完美契合。在“Jailhouse Rock”中，这个词的一部分开始于强节奏之前，并以强节奏结束。大多数童谣和简单的民歌，例如“Ba Ba Black Sheep”或“Frère Jacques”，都不会这样做。这种抒情技巧在“Jailhouse Rock”中尤其有效，因为在语音中，重音位于开始的第二个音节；像这样跨行传播单词给这首歌带来了额外的动力。
In music with lyrics, the words don’t always line up perfectly with the downbeats; in “Jailhouse Rock” part of the word began starts before a strong beat and finishes on that strong beat. Most nursery rhymes and simple folk songs, such as “Ba Ba Black Sheep” or “Frère Jacques,” don’t do this. This lyrical technique works especially well on “Jailhouse Rock” because in speech the accent is on the second syllable of began; spreading the word across lines like this gives the song additional momentum.
按照西方音乐的惯例，我们对音符时长的命名类似于我们命名音程的方式。“纯五度”的音程是一个相对的概念——它可以从任何音符开始，然后根据定义，音调高七个半音或低七个半音的音符被认为是距起始音符的纯五度。标准持续时间称为全音符，无论音乐移动得有多慢或多快，即无论节奏如何，它都会持续四拍。（在每分钟六十拍的节奏下，如《葬礼进行曲》中，每拍持续一秒，因此整个音符将持续四秒。）从逻辑上讲，一个完整音符持续时间一半的音符被称为半音符。音符，长度为该音符一半的音符称为四分音符。对于大多数流行和民间传统音乐来说，四分音符是基本的脉搏——我之前提到的四个节拍是四分音符的节拍。我们将此类歌曲称为 4/4 拍：分子告诉我们歌曲由四个音符组成，分母告诉我们基本音符长度是四分音符。在记谱和对话中，我们将这些四个音符组中的每一组称为小节或小节。4/4 拍的音乐小节有四个节拍，每个节拍是一个四分音符。这并不意味着小节中唯一的音符时值是四分音符。我们可以有任何长度的音符，或者休止符——也就是说，根本没有音符；4/4 指示仅用于描述我们如何计算节拍。
By convention in Western music, we have names for the note durations similar to the way we name musical intervals. A musical interval of a “perfect fifth” is a relative concept—it can start on any note, and then by definition, notes that are either seven semitones higher or seven semitones lower in pitch are considered a perfect fifth away from the starting note. The standard duration is called a whole note and it lasts four beats, regardless of how slow or how fast the music is moving—that is, irrespective of tempo. (At a tempo of sixty beats per minute—as in the Funeral March—each beat lasts one second, so a whole note would last four seconds.) A note with half the duration of a whole note is called, logically enough, a half note, and a note half as long as that is called a quarter note. For most music in the popular and folk tradition, the quarter note is the basic pulse—the four beats that I was referring to earlier are beats of a quarter note. We talk about such songs as being in 4/4 time: The numerator tells us that the song is organized into groups of four notes, and the denominator tells us that the basic note length is a quarter note. In notation and conversation, we refer to each of these groups of four notes as a measure or a bar. One measure of music in 4/4 time has four beats, where each beat is a quarter note. This does not imply that the only note duration in the measure is the quarter note. We can have notes of any duration, or rests—that is to say, no notes at all; the 4/4 indication is only meant to describe how we count the beats.
《Ba Ba Black Sheep》第一小节有四个四分音符，第二小节有八分音符（四分音符时长的一半）和四分休止符。我使用了符号 | 表示四分音符，并且 | 来表示八分音符，我将音节之间的间距与花在它们上的时间成正比：
“Ba Ba Black Sheep” has four quarter notes in its first measure, and then eighth notes (half the duration of a quarter note) and a quarter note rest in the second measure. I’ve used the symbol | to indicate a quarter note, and | to indicate an eighth note, and I’ve kept the spacing between syllables proportional to how much time is spent on them:
【措施一：】巴巴害群之马
| | | |
[措施 2：] 你有羊毛吗（休息）
⌊ ⌊ ⌊ ⌊ | |
[measure 1:] ba ba black sheep
| | | |
[measure 2:] have you an- y wool (rest)
⌊ ⌊ ⌊ ⌊ | |
您可以在图中看到八分音符的速度是四分音符的两倍。
You can see in the diagram that the eighth notes go by twice as fast as the quarter notes.
在巴迪·霍利（Buddy Holly）的《That'll Be the Day》中，这首歌以拾音音符开头；强拍出现在下一个音符上，然后是之后的每四个音符，就像“监狱摇滚”中一样：
In “That’ll Be the Day” by Buddy Holly, the song begins with a pickup note; the strong beat occurs on the next note and then every fourth note after that, just as in “Jailhouse Rock”:
出色地
那将是（休息）的一天
你说再见——是的；
那将是（休息）的一天
你让我哭了——嗨；你
说你要离开（休息）你
知道这是一个谎言，因为
那将会是这一天-ay-
当我死的时候。
Well
THAT’ll be the day (rest) when
YOU say good-bye-yes;
THAT’ll be the day (rest) when
YOU make me cry-hi; you
SAY you gonna leave (rest) you
KNOW it’s a lie ’cause
THAT’ll be the day-ay-
AY when I die.
请注意，霍莉如何像猫王一样将一个单词切成两行（最后两行是“日”）。对于大多数人来说，tactus 是这首歌的强拍之间的四拍，他们会从一个强拍到下一个强拍之间敲击四次脚。在这里，所有大写都像以前一样表示悲观，粗体表示您何时用脚敲击地板：
Notice how, like Elvis, Holly cuts a word in two across lines (day in the last two lines). To most people, the tactus is four beats between downbeats of this song, and they would tap their feet four times from one downbeat to the next. Here, all caps indicate the downbeat as before, and bold indicates when you would tap your foot against the floor:
出色地
那将是（休息） 的一天
你说 再见——是的；
那将是（休息）的一天
你让我哭了——嗨；你
说 你要离开（休息）你
知道这是一个谎言，因为
那就是这一天-哎-
是的， 当我死的时候。
Well
THAT’ll be the day (rest) when
YOU say good-bye-yes;
THAT’ll be the day (rest) when
YOU make me cry-hi; you
SAY you gonna leave (rest) you
KNOW it’s a lie ’cause
THAT’ll be the day-ay-
AY when I die.
如果您密切注意歌曲的歌词及其与节拍的关系，您会注意到某些节拍的中间会出现踩踏声。第二行的第一个say实际上是在你放下你的脚之前开始的——当单词say开始时，你的脚可能是悬在空中的，而你把脚放在单词的中间。同样的事情也发生在该行后面的“是”一词上。每当一个音符预示着一个节拍时——也就是说，当音乐家演奏一个音符比严格节拍要求的早一点时——这就是所谓的切分音。这是一个非常重要的概念，关系到期望，并最终关系到歌曲的情感影响。切分音让我们感到惊讶，并增添了兴奋感。
If you pay close attention to the song’s lyrics and their relationship to the beat, you’ll notice that a foot tap occurs in the middle of some of the beats. The first say on the second line actually begins before you put your foot down—your foot is probably up in the air when the word say starts, and you put your foot down in the middle of the word. The same thing happens with the word yes later in that line. Whenever a note anticipates a beat—that is, when a musician plays a note a bit earlier than the strict beat would call for—this is called syncopation. This is a very important concept that relates to expectation, and ultimately to the emotional impact of a song. The syncopation catches us by surprise, and adds excitement.
和许多歌曲一样，有些人在中场时感觉“That'll Be the Day”；这没有什么问题——这是另一种解释，也是一种有效的——他们在其他人敲击四次的相同时间内敲击脚两次：一次是在强拍上，然后是两拍后。
As with many songs, some people feel “That’ll Be the Day” in half time; there’s nothing wrong with this—it is another interpretation and a valid one—and they tap their feet twice in the same amount of time other people tap four times: once on the downbeat, and again two beats later.
这首歌实际上以“ Well”一词开头，出现在强节拍之前——这称为拾音音符。霍莉也用了两个词，嗯，你，作为这节经文的拾取音符，然后就在它们之后，我们再次与悲观的节奏同步：
The song actually begins with the word Well that occurs before a strong beat—this is called a pickup note. Holly uses two words, Well, you, as pickup notes to the verse, also, and then right after them we’re in sync again with the downbeats:
| [捡起] | 好吧，你 |
| [第 1 行] | 给了我你所有的爱和你的 |
| [第2行] | （休息）海龟嬉戏（休息） |
| [第3行] | 你所有的拥抱和亲吻以及你的 |
| [第 4 行] | （休息）钱也。 |
霍利在这里所做的非常聪明的事情是，他不仅通过预期，而且还通过延迟言语来违反我们的期望。通常情况下，每一个悲观的声音都会有一个词，就像儿童童谣一样。但在歌曲的第二行和第四行，悲观的声音来了，他沉默了！这是作曲家制造兴奋的另一种方式，不给我们通常所期望的东西。
What Holly does here that is so clever is that he violates our expectations not just with anticipations, but by delaying words. Normally, there would be a word on every downbeat, as in children’s nursery rhymes. But in lines two and four of the song, the downbeat comes and he’s silent! This is another way that composers build excitement, by not giving us what we would normally expect.
当人们随着音乐拍手或打响指时，他们有时很自然地、未经训练，以与用脚不同的方式计时：他们不是在强拍上拍手或打响指，而是在第二拍和第四拍上拍手或打响指。 。这就是查克·贝里（Chuck Berry）在他的歌曲“摇滚音乐”中唱到的所谓的节奏。
When people clap their hands or snap their fingers with music, they sometimes quite naturally, and without training, keep time differently than they would do with their feet: They clap or snap not on the downbeat, but on the second beat and the fourth beat. This is the so-called backbeat that Chuck Berry sings about in his song “Rock and Roll Music.”
约翰·列侬说，对他来说摇滚歌曲创作的本质是“用简单的英语说出它是什么，让它押韵，然后加上节奏。” 在“摇滚音乐”（约翰与披头士乐队一起演唱）中，与大多数摇滚歌曲一样，小军鼓演奏的是底拍：小军鼓仅在每个小节的第二和第四拍上演奏，与强拍位于一处，次要强拍位于三处。这种反拍是摇滚乐中典型的节奏元素，列侬在“Instant Karma”中经常使用它（下面的*whack*表示歌曲中军鼓在反拍上演奏的位置）：
John Lennon said that the essence of rock and roll songwriting for him was to “Just say what it is, simple English, make it rhyme, and put a backbeat on it.” In “Rock and Roll Music” (which John sang with the Beatles), as on most rock songs, the backbeat is what the snare drum is playing: The snare drum plays only on the second and fourth beat of each measure, in opposition to the strong beat which is on one, and a secondary strong beat, on three. This backbeat is the typical rhythmic element of rock music, and Lennon used it a lot as in “Instant Karma” (*whack* below indicates where the snare drum is played in the song, on the backbeat):
即时业力会得到你
（休息）*敲击* （休息）*敲击*
“会敲你的头”
（休息）*敲击* （休息）*敲击*
……
但我们都*重击*闪耀*重击*
在*重击*（休息）*重击*
就像月亮*敲击*和星星*敲击*
和太阳*重击*（休息）*重击*
Instant karma’s gonna get you
(rest) *whack* (rest) *whack*
“Gonna knock you right on the head”
(rest) *whack* (rest) *whack*
…
But we all *whack* shine *whack*
on *whack* (rest) *whack*
Like the moon *whack* and the stars *whack*
and the sun *whack* (rest) *whack*
在 Queen 的《We Will Rock You》中，我们听到类似双脚连续两次踩在体育场看台上的声音（轰隆隆），然后以重复的节奏拍手（拍手）：轰隆轰隆，轰隆隆——轰鸣拍手；CLAP 是伴奏。
In “We Will Rock You” by Queen, we hear what sounds like feet stamping on stadium bleachers twice in a row (boom-boom) and then hand-clapping (CLAP) in a repeating rhythm: boom-boom-CLAP, boom-boom-CLAP; the CLAP is the backbeat.
现在想象一下约翰·菲利普·苏萨的进行曲“星条旗永远”。如果你能在脑海中听到它，你就可以随着心理节奏敲打你的脚。当音乐响起“DAH-dah-ta DUM-dum dah DUM-dum dum-dum DUM”时，您的脚将向下-向上、向下-向上、向下-向上、向下-向上敲击。在这首歌中，每两个四分音符就会自然地用脚打点。我们说这首歌是“两个”，意思是节奏的自然分组是每个节拍两个四分音符。
Imagine now the John Philip Sousa march, “The Stars and Stripes Forever.” If you can hear it in your mind, you can tap your foot along with the mental rhythm. While the music goes “DAH-dah-ta DUM-dum dah DUM-dum dum-dum DUM,” your foot will be tapping DOWN-up DOWN-up DOWN-up DOWN-up. In this song, it is natural to tap your foot for every two quarter notes. We say that this song is “in two,” meaning that the natural grouping of rhythms is two quarter notes per beat.
现在想象一下“我最喜欢的东西”（理查德·罗杰斯和奥斯卡·汉默斯坦的词和音乐）。这首歌是华尔兹拍子，或者说是3/4拍子。这些节拍似乎以三组为一组，先有一个强节拍，然后是两个弱节拍。“RAIN-drops-rose-es 和 WHISK-ers-on KIT-tens（休息）。” 一二三一二三一二三一二三。
Now imagine “My Favorite Things” (words and music by Richard Rodgers and Oscar Hammerstein). This song is in waltz time, or what is called 3/4 time. The beats seem to arrange themselves in groups of three, with a strong beat followed by two weak ones. “RAIN-drops-on ROSE-es and WHISK-ers-on KIT-tens (rest).” ONE-two-three ONE-two-three ONE-two-three ONE-two-three.
与音调一样，持续时间的小整数比是最常见的，并且越来越多的证据表明它们更容易被神经处理。但是，正如埃里克·克拉克（Eric Clarke）指出的那样，在真实音乐样本中几乎从未发现小整数比率。这表明在我们对音乐时间的神经处理过程中发生了量化过程——均衡持续时间。我们的大脑将相似的持续时间视为相等，将一些向上舍入，一些向下舍入，以便将它们视为简单的整数比，例如2:1、3:1和4:1。有些音乐使用比这些更复杂的比例；肖邦和贝多芬在他们的一些钢琴作品中使用了7:4和5:4的名义比例，其中一只手演奏七个或五个音符，而另一只手演奏四个音符。与音高一样，任何比率在理论上都是可能的，但是我们能够感知和记住的内容是有限的，并且基于风格和惯例也存在限制。
As with pitch, small-integer ratios of durations are the most common, and there is accumulating evidence that they are easier to process neurally. But, as Eric Clarke notes, small-integer ratios are almost never found in samples of real music. This indicates that there is a quantization process—equalizing durations—occurring during our neural processing of musical time. Our brains treat durations that are similar as being equal, rounding some up and some down in order to treat them as simple integer ratios such as 2:1, 3:1 and 4:1. Some musics use more complex ratios than these; Chopin and Beethoven use nominal ratios of 7:4 and and 5:4 in some of their piano works, in which seven or five notes are played with one hand while the other hand plays four. As with pitch, any ratio is theoretically possible, but there are limitations to what we can perceive and remember, and there are limitations based on style and convention.
西方音乐中最常见的三种米是：4/4、2/4 和 3/4。还存在其他节奏分组，例如 5/4、7/4 和 9/4。一个比较常见的拍子是 6/8，其中我们将六拍记为一个小节，每个八分音符各拍一个拍。这与 3/4 华尔兹时间类似，不同之处在于作曲家希望音乐家以六人一组而不是三人一组的方式“感受”音乐，并且潜在的脉冲是持续时间较短的八分音符而不是八分音符。比四分音符。这指向音乐分组中存在的层次结构。可以将 6/8 数为两组 3/8（一二三一二三）或一组六（一二三四四五六），并带有次要重音在第四拍上，对于大多数听众来说，这些都是无趣的微妙之处，只与表演者有关。但大脑可能存在差异。我们知道存在与检测和跟踪音律专门相关的神经回路，并且我们知道小脑参与设置可以与外部世界的事件同步的内部时钟或计时器。还没有人做过实验来看看 6/8 和 3/4 是否有不同的神经表征，但由于音乐家确实将它们视为不同的，所以大脑很可能也有不同的神经表征。认知神经科学的一个基本原理是，大脑为我们经历的任何行为或思想提供了生物学基础，因此在某种程度上，只要有行为分化，就必然存在神经分化。
The three most common meters in Western music are: 4/4, 2/4, and 3/4. Other rhythmic groupings exist, such as 5/4, 7/4, and 9/4. A somewhat common meter is 6/8, in which we count six beats to a measure, and each eighth note gets one beat. This is similar to 3/4 waltz time, the difference being that the composer intends for the musicians to “feel” the music in groups of six rather than groups of three, and for the underlying pulse to be the shorter-duration eighth note rather than a quarter note. This points to the hierarchy that exists in musical groupings. It is possible to count 6/8 as two groups of 3/8 (ONE-two-three ONE-two-three) or as one group of six (ONE-two-three-FOUR-five-six) with a secondary accent on the fourth beat, and to most listeners these are uninteresting subtleties that only concern a performer. But there may be brain differences. We know that there are neural circuits specifically related to detecting and tracking musical meter, and we know that the cerebellum is involved in setting an internal clock or timer that can synchronize with events that are out-there-in-the-world. No one has yet done the experiment to see if 6/8 and 3/4 have different neural representations, but because musicians truly treat them as different, there is a high probability that the brain does also. A fundamental principle of cognitive neuroscience is that the brain provides the biological basis for any behaviors or thoughts that we experience, and so at some level there must be neural differentiation wherever there is behavioral differentiation.
当然，4/4 和 2/4 拍子很容易跟随、跳舞或行进，因为（因为它们是偶数）你总是会以同样的脚以强劲的节奏敲击地板。步行到四分之三就不太自然了；你永远不会看到军队或步兵师行进到 3/4。五刻钟的时间是偶尔用的，最著名的例如《碟中谍》中 Lalo Shiffrin 的主题曲，以及 Paul Desmond 的歌曲“Take Five”（最著名的是 Dave Brubeck 四重奏）。当你数着这些歌曲的脉搏并用脚敲击时，你会发现基本节奏分为五组：一二三四五、一二三四五。布鲁贝克在四号曲中还有第二个强有力的节拍：一-二-三-四-五。在这种情况下，许多音乐家认为 5/4 节拍由 3/4 和 2/4 节拍交替组成。在《碟中谍》中，这五人并没有明确的细分。柴可夫斯基在他的《第六交响曲》第二乐章中使用了 5/4 拍子。Pink Floyd 在他们的歌曲《Money》中使用了 7/4，Peter Gabriel 在《Solsbury Hill》中也使用了 7/4；如果您尝试用脚打拍子或一起数数，则需要在每次有力的节拍之间数到七。
Of course, 4/4 and 2/4 time are easy to walk to, dance to, or march to because (since they are even numbers) you always end up with the same foot hitting the floor on a strong beat. Three-quarter is less natural to walk to; you’ll never see a military outfit or infantry division marching to 3/4. Five-quarter time is used once in a while, the most famous examples being Lalo Shiffrin’s theme from Mission: Impossible, and the Paul Desmond song “Take Five” (performed most famously by the Dave Brubeck Quartet). As you count the pulse and tap your foot to these songs, you’ll see that the basic rhythms group into fives: ONE-two-three-four-five, ONE-two-three-four-five. There is a secondary strong beat in Brubeck’s composition on the four: ONE-two-three-FOUR-five. In this case, many musicians think of 5/4 beats as consisting of alternating 3/4 and 2/4 beats. In “Mission: Impossible,” there is no clear subdivision of the five. Tchaikovsky uses 5/4 time for the second movement of his Sixth Symphony. Pink Floyd used 7/4 for their song “Money,” as did Peter Gabriel for “Solsbury Hill”; if you try to tap your foot or count along, you’ll need to count seven between each strong beat.
我几乎把响度的讨论留到最后，因为就大多数人还不知道的定义而言，关于响度确实没有太多可说的。一个违反直觉的观点是，响度和音高一样，完全是一种心理现象，也就是说，响度不存在于世界中，它只存在于心灵中。这与音调只存在于头脑中的原因相同。当您调整立体声系统的输出时，从技术上讲，您是在增加分子振动的幅度，这反过来又被我们的大脑解释为响度。这里的要点是，需要大脑来体验我们所说的“响度”。这看起来很大程度上像是语义上的区别，但保持我们的术语简洁很重要。振幅的心理表征中存在一些奇怪的异常现象，例如响度不像振幅那样相加（响度与音调一样，是对数的），或者正弦音调的音调随着振幅的变化而变化的现象，或者发现，当声音经过某些方式（例如重金属音乐中经常采用的动态范围压缩）进行电子处理时，声音会显得比实际声音更大。
I left discussion of loudness for almost-last, because there really isn’t much to say about loudness in terms of definition that most people don’t already know. One counterintuitive point is that loudness is, like pitch, an entirely psychological phenomenon, that is, loudness doesn’t exist in the world, it only exists in the mind. And this is true for the same reason that pitch only exists in the mind. When you’re adjusting the output of your stereo system, you’re technically increasing the amplitude of the vibration of molecules, which in turn is interpreted as loudness by our brains. The point here is that it takes a brain to experience what we call “loudness.” This may seem largely like a semantic distinction, but it is important to keep our terms straight. Several odd anomalies exist in the mental representation of amplitude, such as loudnesses not being additive the way that amplitudes are (loudness, like pitch, is logarithmic), or the phenomenon that the pitch of a sinusoidal tone varies as a function of its amplitude, or the finding that sounds can appear to be louder than they are when they have been electronically processed in certain ways—such as dynamic range compression—that are often done in heavy metal music.
响度以分贝（以亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔命名，缩写为 dB）为单位，是一个无量纲单位，如百分比；它指两个声级的比率。从这个意义上说，它类似于谈论音程，但与谈论音符名称不同。刻度是对数的，声源强度加倍会导致声音增加 3 dB。由于耳朵具有非凡的敏感性，对数刻度对于讨论声音非常有用：当以声压级测量时，我们在不造成永久性损害的情况下可以听到的最响亮的声音与我们可以检测到的最柔和的声音之间的比率是百万比一。空气; 以 dB 为单位，该值为 120 dB。我们可以感知的响度范围称为动态范围。有时，评论家会谈论高质量音乐录音所实现的动态范围；如果唱片的动态范围为 90 dB，则意味着唱片上最柔和的部分与最响亮的部分之间的差异为 90 dB——大多数专家认为保真度很高，并且超出了大多数家庭音响系统的能力。
Loudness is measured in decibels (named after Alexander Graham Bell and abbreviated dB) and it is a dimensionless unit like percent; it refers to a ratio of two sound levels. In this sense, it is similar to talking about musical intervals, but not to talking about note names. The scale is logarithmic, and doubling the intensity of a sound source results in a 3 dB increase in sound. The logarithmic scale is useful for discussing sound because of the ear’s extraordinary sensitivity: The ratio between the loudest sound we can hear without causing permanent damage and the softest sound we can detect is a million to one, when measured as sound-pressure levels in the air; on the dB scale this is 120 dB. The range of loudnesses we can perceive is called the dynamic range. Sometimes critics talk about the dynamic range that is achieved on a high-quality music recording; if a record has a dynamic range of 90 dB, it means that the difference between the softest parts on the record and the loudest parts is 90 dB—considered high fidelity by most experts, and beyond the capability of most home audio systems.
我们的耳朵会压缩非常响亮的声音，以保护中耳和内耳的脆弱部件。通常，随着世界上的声音变得越来越大，我们对响度的感知也会相应地增加。但当声音非常大时，耳膜传输的信号成比例增加会造成不可逆转的损害。声级（动态范围）的压缩意味着世界上声级的大幅增加在我们的耳朵中造成的声级变化要小得多。内毛细胞的动态范围为 50 分贝 (dB)，但我们可以听到超过 120 dB 的动态范围。声级每增加 4 dB，传输至内毛细胞的声级就会增加 1 dB。我们大多数人都能察觉到这种压缩何时发生；压缩的声音具有不同的质量。
Our ears compress sounds that are very loud in order to protect the delicate components of the middle and inner ear. Normally, as sounds get louder in the world, our perception of the loudness increases proportionately to them. But when sounds are really loud, a proportional increase in the signal transmitted by the eardrum would cause irreversible damage. The compression of the sound levels—of the dynamic range—means that large increases in sound level in the world create much smaller changes of level in our ears. The inner hair cells have a dynamic range of 50 decibels (dB) and yet we can hear over a 120 dB dynamic range. For every 4 dB increase in sound level, a 1 dB increase is transmitted to the inner hair cells. Most of us can detect when this compression is taking place; compressed sounds have a different quality.
声学学家开发了一种方法，可以轻松谈论环境中的声级 - 因为 dB 表示两个值之间的比率，所以他们选择了大约等于人类听觉阈值的标准参考级（20 微帕声压）对于大多数健康人来说——十英尺外蚊子飞过的声音。为了避免混淆，当使用分贝来反映声压级的参考点时，我们将其称为 dB (SPL)。以下是声级的一些标志，以 dB (SPL) 表示：
Acousticians have developed a way to make it easy to talk about sound levels in the environment—because dBs express a ratio between two values, they chose a standard reference level (20 micropascals of sound pressure) which is approximately equal to the threshold of human hearing for most healthy people—the sound of a mosquito flying ten feet away. To avoid confusion, when decibels are being used to reflect this reference point of sound pressure level, we refer to them as dB (SPL). Here are some landmarks for sound levels, expressed in dB (SPL):
| 0分贝 | 蚊子在安静的房间里飞翔，距离你的耳朵十英尺 |
| 20分贝 | 录音室或非常安静的行政办公室 |
| 35分贝 | 典型的安静办公室，门关着，电脑关闭 |
| 50分贝 | 房间里的典型对话 |
| 75分贝 | 耳机中典型、舒适的音乐聆听水平 |
| 100–105 分贝 | 大声段落中的古典音乐或歌剧音乐会；一些便携式音乐播放器的噪音达到 105 dB |
| 110分贝 | 三英尺外有一把手提钻 |
| 120分贝 | 三百英尺外跑道上传来喷气发动机的声音；一场典型的摇滚音乐会 |
| 126–130 分贝 | 疼痛和损伤的阈值；Who 乐队的摇滚音乐会（请注意，126 dB 是 120 dB 的四倍） |
| 180分贝 | 航天飞机发射 |
| 250–275 分贝 | 龙卷风的中心；火山爆发 |
传统的泡沫耳塞可以阻挡大约 25 分贝的声音，但它们不能在整个频率范围内做到这一点。Who 音乐会上的耳塞可以将到达耳朵的声压级降低到接近 100–110 dB (SPL)，从而最大限度地降低永久性损坏的风险。步枪射击场和机场着陆人员佩戴的耳罩式护耳器通常辅以耳塞，以提供最大程度的保护。
Conventional foam insert earplugs can block about 25 dB of sound, although they do not do so across the entire frequency range. Earplugs at a Who concert can minimize the risk of permanent damage by bringing down the levels that reach the ear close to 100–110 dB (SPL). The over-the-ear type of ear protector worn at rifle firing ranges and by airport landing personnel is often supplemented by in-the-ear plugs to afford maximum protection.
很多人喜欢吵闹的音乐。当音乐非常响亮（超过 115 分贝）时，音乐会观众会谈论一种特殊的意识状态，一种激动和兴奋的感觉。我们还不知道为什么会这样。部分原因可能与大声的音乐使听觉系统饱和，导致神经元以最大速率放电有关。当许多神经元最大限度地放电时，这可能会导致一种紧急特性，即一种与它们以正常速率放电时截然不同的大脑状态。尽管如此，有些人喜欢吵闹的音乐，有些人则不喜欢。
A lot of people like really loud music. Concertgoers talk about a special state of consciousness, a sense of thrills and excitement, when the music is really loud—over 115 dB. We don’t yet know why this is so. Part of the reason may be related to the fact that loud music saturates the auditory system, causing neurons to fire at their maximum rate. When many, many neurons are maximally firing, this could cause an emergent property, a brain state qualitatively different from when they are firing at normal rates. Still, some people like loud music, and some people don’t.
响度与音高、节奏、旋律、和声、节奏、韵律并列，是音乐的七大要素之一。非常微小的变化响度对音乐的情感交流有着深远的影响。钢琴家可能会同时演奏五个音符，并且其中一个音符仅比其他音符稍大一点，导致它在我们对音乐段落的整体感知中扮演完全不同的角色。正如我们上面所看到的，响度也是节奏和节奏的重要提示，因为音符的响度决定了它们如何按节奏分组。
Loudness is one of the seven major elements of music along with pitch, rhythm, melody, harmony, tempo, and meter. Very tiny changes in loudness have a profound effect on the emotional communication of music. A pianist may play five notes at once and make one note only slightly louder than the others, causing it to take on an entirely different role in our overall perception of the musical passage. Loudness is also an important cue to rhythms, as we saw above, and to meter, because it is the loudness of notes that determines how they group rhythmically.
现在我们兜了一圈又回到了音高这个广泛的主题。节奏是一场期待的游戏。当我们敲击脚时，我们是在预测接下来音乐中会发生什么。我们还在音乐中玩了一场关于音高的期望游戏。它的规则是关键和和谐。音调是一段音乐的音调背景。并非所有音乐都有调性。例如，非洲鼓乐就没有，当代作曲家如勋伯格的十二音音乐也没有。但实际上我们在西方文化中听到的所有音乐——从广播中的商业歌曲到布鲁克纳最严肃的交响曲，从玛哈莉亚·杰克逊的福音音乐到性手枪乐队的朋克——都有一套中心音调，回到音调中心，调。调可以在歌曲的过程中改变（称为调制），但根据定义，调通常是在歌曲的过程中保持相对较长时间的东西，通常是几分钟的量级。
Now we have come full circle and return to the broad subject of pitch. Rhythm is a game of expectation. When we tap our feet we are predicting what is going to happen in the music next. We also play a game of expectations in music with pitch. Its rules are key and harmony. A musical key is the tonal context for a piece of music. Not all musics have a key. African drumming, for instance, doesn’t, nor does the twelve-tone music of contemporary composers such as Schönberg. But virtually all of the music we listen to in Western culture—from commercial jingles on the radio to the most serious symphony by Bruckner, from the gospel music of Mahalia Jackson to the punk of the Sex Pistols—has a central set of pitches that it comes back to, a tonal center, the key. The key can change during the course of the song (called modulation), but by definition, the key is generally something that holds for a relatively long period of time during the course of the song, typically on the order of minutes.
例如，如果旋律基于 C 大调音阶，我们通常会说该旋律是“C 调”。这意味着旋律有一种回到C音符的动力，即使它不是以C结尾，C音符也是听众记忆中整首曲子最突出和最焦点的音符。 。作曲家可能会暂时使用 C 大调音阶之外的音符，但我们将这些视为偏离，就像电影中快速编辑到平行场景或闪回一样，我们知道回到主要情节即将到来，并且不可避免的。（有关音乐理论的更详细信息，请参阅附录 2。）
If a melody is based on the C major scale, for example, we generally say that the melody is “in the key of C.” This means that the melody has a momentum to return to the note C, and that even if it doesn’t end on a C, the note C is what listeners are keeping in their minds as the most prominent and focal note of the entire piece. The composer may temporarily use notes from outside the C major scale, but we recognize those as departures—something like a quick edit in a movie to a parallel scene or a flashback, in which we know that a return to the main plotline is imminent and inevitable. (For a more detailed look at music theory see Appendix 2.)
音乐中的音高属性在音阶或音调/和声环境中发挥作用。每次我们听到一个音符时，它听起来并不总是一样的：我们是在旋律和即将发生的事情的背景下听到它的之前，我们在伴随它的和声和和弦的背景下听到它。我们可以把它想象成味道：牛至与茄子或番茄酱搭配味道很好，与香蕉布丁搭配可能不太好。奶油在草莓上的味道与在咖啡或奶油大蒜沙拉酱中的味道不同。
The attribute of pitch in music functions within a scale or a tonal/harmonic context. A note doesn’t always sound the same to us every time we hear it: We hear it within the context of a melody and what has come before, and we hear it within the context of the harmony and chords that are accompanying it. We can think of it like flavor: Oregano tastes good with eggplant or tomato sauce, maybe less good with banana pudding. Cream takes on a different gustatory meaning when it is on top of strawberries from when it is in coffee or part of a creamy garlic salad dressing.
在披头士乐队的《For No One》中，旋律是在一个音符上唱出两小节的，但伴随该音符的和弦会发生变化，赋予它不同的情绪和不同的声音。安东尼奥·卡洛斯·若比姆的歌曲《One Note Samba》实际上包含了许多音符，但整首歌都以一个音符为特色，伴随着不断变化的和弦，随着这首歌曲的展开，我们听到了各种不同色调的音乐含义。在某些和弦环境中，音符听起来明亮而快乐，而在其他和弦环境中，音符听起来则令人沉思。即使我们不是音乐家，我们大多数人所擅长的另一件事是识别熟悉的和弦进行，即使没有众所周知的旋律。每当老鹰队在音乐会上演奏这个和弦序列时
In “For No One” by the Beatles, the melody is sung on one note for two measures, but the chords accompanying that note change, giving it a different mood and a different sound. The song “One Note Samba” by Antonio Carlos Jobim actually contains many notes, but one note is featured throughout the song with changing chords accompanying it, and we hear a variety of different shades of musical meaning as this unfolds. In some chordal contexts, the note sounds bright and happy, in others, pensive. Another thing that most of us are expert in, even if we are nonmusicians, is recognizing familiar chord progressions, even in the absence of the well-known melody. Whenever the Eagles play this chord sequence in concert
B小调/升F大调/A大调/E大调/G大调/D大调/E小调/升F大调
B minor / F-sharp major / A major / E major / G major / D major / E minor / F-sharp major
他们不必演奏超过三个和弦，观众中成千上万的非音乐家粉丝就知道他们将演奏“加州旅馆”。尽管这些年来他们改变了乐器，从电吉他到原声吉他，从十二弦吉他到六弦吉他，人们还是能认出这些和弦；当管弦乐队在牙医诊所用廉价扬声器以穆扎克版本演奏它们时，我们甚至能认出它们。
they don’t have to play more than three chords before thousands of nonmusician fans in the audience know that they are going to play “Hotel California.” And even as they have changed the instrumentation over the years, from electric to acoustic guitars, from twelve-string to six-string guitars, people recognize those chords; we even recognize them when they’re played by an orchestra coming out of cheap speakers in a Muzak version in the dentist’s office.
与音阶和大调和小调的主题相关的是音调协和与不协和的主题。有些声音让我们感到不愉快，尽管我们并不总是知道原因。指甲在黑板上发出尖叫声就是一个典型的例子，但这似乎只适用于人类；猴子似乎并不介意（或者至少在所做的一项实验中，它们喜欢这种声音就像喜欢摇滚音乐一样）。在音乐上，有些人无法忍受失真的电吉他声音；其他的不会听其他任何事情。在和声水平上——即音符的水平，而不是所涉及的音色——有些人发现特定的音程或和弦特别不愉快。音乐家将听起来令人愉悦的和弦和音程称为协和音，将令人不悦的和弦和音程称为不协和音。大量研究都集中在为什么我们发现某些音程是辅音而不是其他音程的问题上，目前对此尚未达成一致。到目前为止，我们已经能够弄清楚脑干和耳蜗背核（所有脊椎动物都具有这些结构的原始结构）可以区分和谐和不和谐；这种区别发生在更高层次的人类大脑区域——皮质——参与之前。
Related to the topic of scales and major and minor is the topic of tonal consonance and dissonance. Some sounds strike us as unpleasant, although we don’t always know why. Fingernails screeching on a chalkboard are a classic example, but this seems to be true only for humans; monkeys don’t seem to mind (or at least in the one experiment that was done, they like that sound as much as they like rock music). In music, some people can’t stand the sound of distorted electric guitars; others won’t listen to anything else. At the harmonic level—that is, the level of the notes, rather than the timbres involved—some people find particular intervals or chords particularly unpleasant. Musicians refer to the pleasing-sounding chords and intervals as consonant and the unpleasing ones as dissonant. A great deal of research has focused on the problem of why we find consonant some intervals and not others, and there is currently no agreement about this. So far, we’ve been able to figure out that the brain stem and the dorsal cochlear nucleus—structures that are so primitive that all vertebrates have them—can distinguish between consonance and dissonance; this distinction happens before the higher level, human brain region—the cortex—gets involved.
尽管协和和不协和的神经机制存在争议，但对于某些被认为是协和的音程存在广泛的共识。同音程（同一个音符自行演奏）被视为辅音，八度音程也是如此。它们分别创建 1:1 和 2:1 的简单整数频率比。（从声学的角度来看，八度音阶波形中的一半峰值彼此完美对齐，另一半正好落在两个峰值之间。）有趣的是，如果我们将八度音阶精确地分成两半，我们最终得到的音程被称为三全音，大多数人发现它是最令人讨厌的音程。部分原因可能与三全音并非来自简单的整数比有关，其比例为45：32（实际上是√2：1，一个无理数）。我们可以从整数比的角度来看待协和。4:1 的比率是一个简单的整数比率，它定义了两个八度音程。3:2 的比率也是一个简单的整数比率，它定义了纯五度的音程。（在现代调音中，实际比例稍微偏离 3:2，这是一种折衷，允许乐器以任何音调演奏，这就是所谓的“平均律”，但不会对潜在的神经感知产生任何重要影响。协和与不协和音程将这些稍微修改过的音程同化为毕达哥拉斯理想。从数学上来说，这种妥协是必要的，这样人们就可以从任何音符开始——比如键盘上最低的 C——并以 3:2 的比例不断添加五度音，直到 1五分之十二之后再次达到 C。没有平等的气质，这个变换链的终点可能会偏离四分之一半音，或 25 音分，这是一个相当明显的差异。）纯五度是例如 C 和它上面的 G 之间的距离。从那个G到它上面的C的距离形成一个纯四度的音程，它的频率比（接近）4:3。
Although the neural mechanisms underlying consonance and dissonance are debated, there is widespread agreement about some of the intervals that are deemed consonant. A unison interval—the same note played with itself—is deemed consonant, as is an octave. These create simple integer frequencies ratios of 1:1 and 2:1 respectively. (From an acoustics standpoint, half of the peaks in the waveform for octaves line up with each other perfectly, the other half fall exactly in between two peaks.) Interestingly, if we divide the octave precisely in half, the interval we end up with is called a tritone and most people find it the most disagreeable interval possible. Part of the reason for this may be related to the fact that the tritone does not come from a simple integer ratio, its ratio being 45:32 (it is actually √2:1, an irrational number). We can look at consonance from an integer ratio perspective. A ratio of 4:1 is a simple integer ratio, and that defines two octaves. A ratio of 3:2 is also a simple integer ratio, and that defines the interval of a perfect fifth. (In modern tuning, the actual ratio is slightly off 3:2, a compromise that allows instruments to play in tune in any key—this is so-called “equal temperament” but does not have any important consequences for the underlying neural perception of consonance and disonance that assimilate these slightly modified intervals to their Pythagorean ideals. Mathematically, this compromise was necessary so that one could start with any note—say the lowest C on the keyboard—and keep adding fifths with a ratio of 3:2 until one gets to a C again, 12 fifths later. Without equal temperament, the end point of this chain of transformations could be off by as much as a quarter of a semitone, or 25 cents, a quite noticeable difference.) The perfect fifth is the distance between, for example, C and the G above it. The distance from that G to the C above it forms an interval of a perfect fourth, and its frequency ratio is (nearly) 4:3.
在我们的大调音阶中发现的特殊音符可以追溯到古希腊人和他们的协和概念。如果我们从音符 C 开始，然后简单地迭代地添加纯五度音程，我们最终会生成一组非常接近当前大调音阶的频率：C - G - D - A - E - B - F-升音 - C-升音 - G-升音 - D-升音 -A-升音 - E-升音（或 F），然后回到 C。这被称为五度循环，因为经过循环之后，我们最后回到我们开始的笔记。有趣的是，如果我们遵循泛音系列，我们也可以生成有点接近大调音阶的频率。
The particular notes found in our major scale trace their roots back to the ancient Greeks and their notions of consonance. If we start with a note C and simply add the interval of a perfect fifth to it iteratively, we end up generating a set of frequencies that are very close to the current major scale: C - G - D - A - E - B - F-sharp - C-sharp - G-sharp - D-sharp -A-sharp - E-sharp (or F), and then back to C. This is known as the circle of fifths because after going through the cycle, we end up back at the note we started on. Interestingly, if we follow the overtone series, we can generate frequencies that are somewhat close to the major scale as well.
单个音符本身不可能是不协和的，但在某些和弦的背景下听起来可能是不协和的，特别是当和弦暗示着单个音符不属于的调时。如果两个音符的顺序不符合我们所学到的与我们的音乐习惯相一致的习惯，那么无论是同时演奏还是顺序演奏，两个音符在一起听起来都会不和谐。和弦听起来也可能不和谐，尤其是当它们是从已建立的调之外拉出来的时候。将所有这些因素结合在一起是作曲家的任务。我们大多数人都是非常挑剔的听众，当作曲家的平衡稍有错误时，我们的期望就被背叛了，我们无法忍受，我们会切换广播电台，拔掉耳机，或者直接走出房间。
A single note cannot, by itself, be dissonant, but it can sound dissonant against the backdrop of certain chords, particularly when the chord implies a key that the single note is not part of. Two notes can sound dissonant together, both when played simultaneously or in sequence, if the sequence does not conform to the customs we have learned that go with our musical idioms. Chords can also sound dissonant, especially when they are drawn from outside the key that has been established. Bringing all these factors together is the task of the composer. Most of us are very discriminating listeners, and when the composer gets the balance just slightly wrong, our expectations have been betrayed more than we can stand, and we switch radio stations, pull off the earphones, or just walk out of the room.
我回顾了音乐的主要元素：音高、音色、调、和声、响度、节奏、韵律和速度。神经科学家将声音解构为各个组成部分，有选择地研究哪些大脑区域参与处理每个声音，音乐学家则讨论他们对聆听的整体审美体验的个人贡献。但音乐——真正的音乐——的成功或失败取决于这些元素之间的关系。作曲家和音乐家很少将这些视为完全隔离；他们知道改变节奏可能还需要改变音高或响度，或者伴随该节奏的和弦。研究这些元素之间关系的一种方法可以追溯到 1800 年代末的格式塔心理学家。
I’ve reviewed the major elements that go into music: pitch, timbre, key, harmony, loudness, rhythm, meter, and tempo. Neuroscientists deconstruct sound into its components to study selectively which brain regions are involved in processing each of them, and musicologists discuss their individual contributions to the overall aesthetic experience of listening. But music—real music—succeeds or fails because of the relationship among these elements. Composers and musicians rarely treat these in total isolation; they know that changing a rhythm may also require changing pitch or loudness, or the chords that accompany that rhythm. One approach to studying the relationship between these elements traces its origins back to the late 1800s and the Gestalt psychologists.
1890 年，克里斯蒂安·冯·埃伦费尔斯 (Christian von Ehrenfels) 对我们所有人都认为理所当然且知道如何做的事情感到困惑：旋律移调。变调只是用不同的调或不同的音高来演唱或演奏歌曲。当我们唱“生日快乐”时，我们只是跟随第一个开始唱歌的人，在大多数情况下，这个人只是从她喜欢的任何音符开始。她甚至可能以不被认可的音阶音调开始，例如介于 C 和升 C 之间，几乎没有人会注意到或关心。一周唱三次“生日快乐”，你可能会唱三组完全不同的音调。这首歌的每个版本都被称为其他版本的变调。
In 1890, Christian von Ehrenfels was puzzled by something all of us take for granted and know how to do: melodic transposition. Transposition is simply singing or playing a song in a different key or with different pitches. When we sing “Happy Birthday” we just follow along with the first person who started singing, and in most cases, this person just starts on any note that she feels like. She might even have started on a pitch that is not a recognized note of the musical scale, falling between, say, C and C-sharp, and almost no one would notice or care. Sing “Happy Birthday” three times in a week and you might be singing three completely different sets of pitches. Each version of the song is called a transposition of the others.
格式塔心理学家——冯·埃伦费尔斯、马克斯·韦特海默、沃尔夫冈·科勒、库尔特·考夫卡等人——对配置问题感兴趣，即元素如何组合在一起形成整体，即与物质总和有质不同的物体。他们的部分，并且不能根据他们的部分来理解。格式塔（Gestalt）一词已进入英语，表示统一的整体形式，适用于艺术和非艺术对象。人们可以将吊桥视为格式塔。桥梁的功能和用途并不容易通过查看缆索、大梁、螺栓和钢梁来了解；只有当它们以桥梁的形式结合在一起时，我们才能理解桥梁与由相同部件制成的建筑起重机有何不同。同样，在绘画中，元素之间的关系是最终艺术作品的一个关键方面。经典的例子是一张脸——如果眼睛、鼻子和嘴巴完全按原样画出来，但以不同的排列分散在画布上，那么《蒙娜丽莎》就不是现在的样子了。
The Gestalt psychologists—von Ehrenfels, Max Wertheimer, Wolfgang Köhler, Kurt Koffka, and others—were interested in the problem of configurations, that is, how it is that elements come together to form wholes, objects that are qualitatively different from the sum of their parts, and cannot be understood in terms of their parts. The word Gestalt has entered the English language to mean a unified whole form, applicable to both artistic and nonartistic objects. One can think of a suspension bridge as a Gestalt. The functions and utility of the bridge are not easily understood by looking at pieces of cable, girders, bolts, and steel beams; it is only when they come together in the form of a bridge that we can apprehend how a bridge is different from, say, a construction crane that might be made out of the same parts. Similarly, in painting, the relationship between elements is a critical aspect of the final artistic product. The classic example is a face—the Mona Lisa would not be what it is if the eyes, nose, and mouth were painted entirely as they are but were scattered across the canvas in a different arrangement.
格式塔主义者想知道，由一组特定音高组成的旋律如何能够保持其特性和可识别性，即使它的所有音高都发生了变化。这是一个他们可以的案例无法产生令人满意的理论解释，即形式最终战胜细节、整体战胜部分。使用任何一组音高来演奏旋律，只要这些音高之间的关系保持不变，它就是相同的旋律。在不同的乐器上演奏它，人们仍然能认出它。以半速或双倍速播放，或者同时施加所有这些转换，人们仍然可以轻松地将其识别为原始歌曲。有影响力的格式塔学派就是为了解决这个特殊问题而成立的。尽管他们从未回答过这个问题，但他们确实通过每门心理学入门课程中教授的一套规则“格式塔分组原则”，为我们理解视觉世界中的物体是如何组织的做出了巨大贡献。
The Gestaltists wondered how it is that a melody—composed of a set of specific pitches—could retain its identity, its recognizability, even when all of its pitches are changed. Here was a case for which they could not generate a satisfying theoretical explanation, the ultimate triumph of form over detail, of the whole over the parts. Play a melody using any set of pitches, and so long as the relation between those pitches is held constant, it is the same melody. Play it on different instruments and people still recognize it. Play it at half speed or double speed, or impose all of these transformations at the same time, and people still have no trouble recognizing it as the original song. The influential Gestalt school was formed to address this particular question. Although they never answered it, they did go on to contribute enormously to our understanding of how objects in the visual world are organized, through a set of rules that are taught in every introductory psychology class, the “Gestalt Principles of Grouping.”
麦吉尔大学的认知心理学家阿尔伯特·布雷格曼（Albert Bregman）在过去三十年中进行了许多实验，以对声音分组原则形成类似的理解。哥伦比亚大学的音乐理论家 Fred Lerdahl 和布兰代斯大学（现塔夫茨大学）的语言学家 Ray Jackendoff 解决了描述一组规则的问题，这些规则类似于口语中的语法规则，用于管理音乐创作，这些规则包括音乐的分组原则。这些原理的神经基础尚未完全弄清楚，但通过一系列巧妙的行为实验，我们已经了解了很多有关这些原理的现象学的知识。
Albert Bregman, a cognitive psychologist at McGill University, has performed a number of experiments over the last thirty years to develop a similar understanding of grouping principles for sound. The music theorist Fred Lerdahl from Columbia University and the linguist Ray Jackendoff from Brandeis University (now at Tufts University) tackled the problem of describing a set of rules, similar to the rules of grammar in spoken language, that govern musical composition, and these include grouping principles for music. The neural basis for these principles has not been competely worked out, but through a series of clever behavioral experiments we have learned a great deal about the phenomenology of the principles.
在视觉中，分组是指视觉世界中的元素在我们对世界的心理图像中组合或彼此分离的方式。分组在一定程度上是一个自动过程，这意味着其中大部分过程是在我们的大脑中快速发生的，而我们没有意识到。它被简单地描述为我们视野中“什么与什么搭配”的问题。赫尔曼·冯·亥姆霍兹 (Hermann von Helmholtz) 是十九世纪的科学家，他教会了我们许多现在被视为听觉科学基础的知识，他将听觉描述为一个无意识的过程，涉及对世界上哪些物体可能会结合在一起的推理或逻辑推论。对象的许多特征或属性。
In vision, grouping refers to the way in which elements in the visual world combine or stay separate from one another in our mental image of the world. Grouping is partly an automatic process, which means that much of it happens rapidly in our brains and without our conscious awareness. It has been described simply as the problem of “what goes with what” in our visual field. Hermann von Helmholtz, the nineteenth-century scientist who taught us much of what we now accept as the foundations of auditory science, described it as an unconscious process that involved inferencing, or logical deductions about what objects in the world are likely to go together based on a number of features or attributes of the objects.
如果你站在山顶上俯瞰不同的风景，你可能会描述看到另外两三座山、一个湖泊、一个山谷、一片肥沃的平原和一片森林。虽然森林是由数百或数千棵树组成的，但树木形成了一个感知群体，与我们看到的其他事物不同，不一定是因为我们对森林的了解，而是因为树木具有相似的形状、大小和颜色属性——至少当它们面对肥沃的平原、湖泊和山脉时是这样。但如果你身处一片长着赤杨树和松树的森林中心，赤杨树光滑的白色树皮会让它们从崎岖的深色树皮松树中“脱颖而出”。如果我把你放在一棵树前，问你看到了什么，你可能会开始关注那棵树的细节：树皮、树枝、树叶（或针叶）、昆虫和苔藓。当我们观察草坪时，我们大多数人通常看不到单独的草叶，尽管如果我们将注意力集中在它们上，我们就可以看到它们。分组是一个分层过程，我们的大脑形成感知分组的方式是多种因素的函数。一些分组因素是对象本身固有的——形状、颜色、对称性、对比度以及解决对象线条和边缘连续性的原则。其他分组因素是心理因素，即基于思想的因素，例如我们有意识地试图注意什么，我们对此或类似物体有什么记忆，以及我们对物体应该如何组合在一起的期望。
If you’re standing on a mountaintop overlooking a varied landscape, you might describe seeing two or three other mountains, a lake, a valley, a fertile plain, and a forest. Although the forest is composed of hundreds or thousands of trees, the trees form a perceptual group, distinct from other things we see, not necessarily because of our knowledge of forests, but because the trees share similar properties of shape, size, and color—at least when they stand in opposition to fertile plains, lakes, and mountains. But if you’re in the center of a forest with a mixture of alder trees and pines, the smooth white bark of the alders will cause them to “pop out” as a separate group from the craggy dark-barked pines. If I put you in front of one tree and ask you what you see, you might start to focus on details of that tree: bark, branches, leaves (or needles), insects, and moss. When looking at a lawn, most of us don’t typically see individual blades of grass, although we can if we focus our attention on them. Grouping is a hierarchical process and the way in which our brains form perceptual groups is a function of a great many factors. Some grouping factors are intrinsic to the objects themselves—shape, color, symmetry, contrast, and principles that address the continuity of lines and edges of the object. Other grouping factors are psychological, that is, mind based, such as what we’re consciously trying to pay attention to, what memories we have of this or similar objects, and what our expectations are about how objects should go together.
音组也。这就是说，虽然有些人彼此聚集在一起，但另一些人却彼此隔离。大多数人无法将管弦乐队中一把小提琴的声音与其他小提琴的声音分开，或者将其中一支小号的声音与其他人分开——他们形成了一个团体。事实上，整个管弦乐队可以形成一个单一的感知群体——在布雷格曼的术语中称为流——具体取决于上下文。如果您在一场户外音乐会上，有多个乐团同时演奏，您前面的管弦乐队的声音将凝聚成一个听觉实体，与您身后和旁边的其他管弦乐队分开。通过意志行为（注意力），你可以只专注于你面前管弦乐队的小提琴，就像你可以在一个充满对话的拥挤房间里跟踪与你旁边的人的对话一样。
Sounds group too. This is to say that while some group with one another, others segregate from each other. Most people can’t isolate the sound of one of the violins in an orchestra from the others, or one of the trumpets from the others—they form a group. In fact, the entire orchestra can form a single perceptual group—called a stream in Bregman’s terminology—depending on the context. If you’re at an outdoor concert with several ensembles playing at once, the sounds of the orchestra in front of you will cohere into a single auditory entity, separate from the other orchestras behind you and off to the side. Through an act of volition (attention) you can then focus on just the violins of the orchestra in front of you, just as you can follow a conversation with the person next to you in a crowded room full of conversations.
听觉分组的一个例子是从单一乐器发出的许多不同声音凝聚成单一乐器的感知。我们听到的不是双簧管或小号的各个和声，而是双簧管或小号的声音。如果您想象双簧管和小号同时演奏，这就更加引人注目了。我们的大脑能够分析到达我们耳朵的数十种不同频率，并以正确的方式将它们组合在一起。我们不会听到几十种无形的和声，也不会只听到一种混合乐器。相反，我们的大脑为我们构建了双簧管和小号的独立心理图像，以及两者一起演奏的声音——这是我们欣赏音乐中音色组合的基础。这就是皮尔斯在惊叹于摇滚音乐的音色时所谈论的内容——电贝司和电吉他一起演奏时发出的声音——两种乐器，完全可以彼此区分，但同时创造了一种新的声音可以听到、讨论和记住的组合。
One case of auditory grouping is the way that the many different sounds emanating from a single musical instrument cohere into a percept of a single instrument. We don’t hear the individual harmonics of an oboe or of a trumpet, we hear an oboe or we hear a trumpet. This is all the more remarkable if you imagine an oboe and a trumpet playing at the same time. Our brains are capable of analyzing the dozens of different frequencies reaching our ears, and putting them together in just the right way. We don’t have the impression of dozens of disembodied harmonics, nor do we hear just a single hybrid instrument. Rather, our brains construct for us separate mental images of an oboe and of a trumpet, and also of the sound of the two of them playing together—the basis for our appreciation of timbral combinations in music. This is what Pierce was talking about when he marveled at the timbres of rock music—the sounds that an electric bass and an electric guitar made when they were playing together—two instruments, perfectly distinguishable from one another, and yet simultaneously creating a new sonic combination that can be heard, discussed, and remembered.
我们的听觉系统利用谐波级数将声音分组在一起。我们的大脑在一个共同进化的世界中，在这个世界中，我们的物种在数万年的进化历史中遇到的许多声音彼此共享某些声学特性，包括我们现在所理解的和声系列。通过这种“无意识推理”（冯·亥姆霍兹称之为）的过程，我们的大脑认为不太可能存在多个不同的声源，每个声源都产生谐波序列的单个分量。相反，我们的大脑使用“似然原理”，即它必须是产生这些谐波分量的单个物体。我们所有人都可以做出这些推论，即使是那些无法识别或命名“双簧管”乐器的人，例如单簧管或巴松管，甚至小提琴。但是，就像不知道音阶中音符名称的人仍然可以分辨出两个不同的音符而不是相同的音符一样，几乎我们所有人（甚至不知道乐器名称）能够分辨出何时有两种不同的乐器在演奏。我们使用和声级数对声音进行分组的方式这在很大程度上解释了为什么我们听到的是喇叭声，而不是冲击在我们耳朵上的单独的泛音——它们像草叶一样聚集在一起，给我们留下了“草坪”的印象。它还解释了当小号和双簧管各自演奏不同的音符时，我们如何区分它们——不同的基频会产生不同的泛音集，而我们的大脑能够毫不费力地在计算中找出什么与什么相关。类似于计算机可能执行的过程。但它并没有解释当小号和双簧管演奏相同的音符时我们如何能够区分它们，因为这样泛音的频率几乎相同（尽管乐器的振幅特性不同）。为此，听觉系统依赖于同时开始的原理。在分组意义上，同时开始的声音（在同一时刻）被认为是在一起的。自从 Wilhelm Wundt 在 1870 年代建立第一个心理实验室以来，我们就知道我们的听觉系统对这个意义上的同时性非常敏感，能够检测到短至几毫秒的起始时间差异。
Our auditory system exploits the harmonic series in grouping sounds together. Our brains coevolved in a world in which many of the sounds that our species encountered—over the tens of thousands of years of evolutionary history—shared certain acoustical properties with one another, including the harmonic series as we now understand it. Through this process of “unconscious inference” (as von Helmholtz called it), our brains assume that it is highly unlikely that several different sound sources are present, each producing a single component of the harmonic series. Rather, our brains use the “likelihood principle” that it must be a single object producing these harmonic components. All of us can make these inferences, even those of us who can’t identify or name the instrument “oboe” as distinct, from, say, a clarinet or bassoon, or even a violin. But just as people who don’t know the names of the notes in the scale can still tell when two different notes are being played as opposed to the same notes, nearly all of us—even lacking a knowledge of the names of musical instruments—can tell when there are two different instruments playing. The way in which we use the harmonic series to group sounds goes a long way toward explaining why we hear a trumpet rather the individual overtones that impinge on our ears—they group together like blades of grass that give us the impression of “lawn.” It also explains how we can distinguish a trumpet from an oboe when they’re each playing different notes—different fundamental frequencies give rise to a different set of overtones, and our brains are able to effortlessly figure out what goes with what, in a computational process that resembles what a computer might do. But it doesn’t explain how we might be able to distinguish a trumpet from an oboe when they’re playing the same note, because then the overtones are very nearly the same in frequency (although with different amplitudes characteristic of the instrument). For that, the auditory system relies on a principle of simultaneous onsets. Sounds that begin together—at the same instant in time—are perceived as going together, in the grouping sense. And it has been known since the time Wilhelm Wundt set up the first psychological laboratory in the 1870s that our auditory system is exquisitely sensitive to what constitutes simultaneous in this sense, being able to detect differences in onset times as short as a few milliseconds.
因此，当小号和双簧管同时演奏同一个音符时，我们的听觉系统能够辨别出两种不同的乐器正在演奏，因为一种乐器的完整声谱（泛音系列）可能从千分之几开始。另一个的声谱之前一秒。这就是分组过程的含义，分组过程不仅将声音集成到单个对象中，而且将它们分离到不同的对象中。
So when a trumpet and an oboe are playing the same note at the same time, our auditory system is able to figure out that two different instruments are playing because the full sound spectrum—the overtone series—for one instrument begins perhaps a few thousandths of a second before the sound spectrum for the other. This is what is meant by a grouping process that not only integrates sounds into a single object, but segregates them into different objects.
这种同时开始的原理可以更普遍地被认为是时间定位的原理。我们将管弦乐队现在发出的所有声音与明天晚上将发出的声音进行分组。时间是听觉分组的一个因素。音色是另一回事，这就是为什么很难将一把小提琴与同时演奏的几把小提琴区分开来，尽管专业音乐家和指挥家可以训练自己做到这一点。空间位置是一种分组原则，因为我们的耳朵倾向于将来自空间中相同相对位置的声音分组在一起。我们对上下平面的位置不是很敏感，但是我们对左右平面中的位置非常敏感，对前后平面中的距离有些敏感。我们的听觉系统假设来自空间中不同位置的声音可能是世界上同一物体的一部分。这就是为什么我们可以相对容易地在拥挤的房间里跟踪对话的原因之一——我们的大脑正在利用与我们交谈的人的空间位置线索来过滤掉其他对话。与我们交谈的人具有独特的音色（他的声音），这也有帮助，可以作为额外的分组提示。
This principle of simultaneous onsets can be thought of more generally as a principle of temporal positioning. We group all the sounds that the orchestra is making now as opposed to those it will make tomorrow night. Time is a factor in auditory grouping. Timbre is another, and this is what makes it so difficult to distinguish one violin from several that are all playing at once, although expert musicians and conductors can train themselves to do this. Spatial location is a grouping principle, as our ears tend to group together sounds that come from the same relative position in space. We are not very sensitive to location in the up-down plane, but we are very sensitive to position in the left-right plane and somewhat sensitive to distance in the forward-back plane. Our auditory system assumes that sounds coming from a distinct location in space are probably part of the same object-in-the-world. This is one of the explanations for why we can follow a conversation in a crowded room relatively easily—our brains are using the cues of spatial location of the person we’re conversing with to filter out other conversations. It also helps that the person we’re speaking to has a unique timbre—the sound of his voice—that works as an additional grouping cue.
幅度也会影响分组。相似响度的声音组合在一起，这就是我们能够跟随莫扎特木管乐器嬉戏中不同旋律的方式。音色都非常相似，但有些乐器演奏的声音比其他乐器更大，在我们的大脑中产生不同的信息流。这就好像一个过滤器或筛子接收木管合奏的声音，并根据它们演奏的响度范围将其分成不同的部分。
Amplitude also affects grouping. Sounds of a similar loudness group together, which is how we are able to follow the different melodies in Mozart’s divertimenti for woodwinds. The timbres are all very similar, but some instruments are playing louder than others, creating different streams in our brains. It is as though a filter or sieve takes the sound of the woodwind ensemble and separates it out into different parts depending on what part of the loudness scale they are playing in.
频率或音高是分组中一个重要且基本的考虑因素。如果您听过巴赫长笛帕蒂塔，通常会有一些时刻，一些长笛音符似乎“突然弹出”并彼此分离，特别是当长笛演奏者演奏快速乐段时，听觉上相当于《沃尔多在哪里？》图片。巴赫知道大的频率差异能够将声音彼此隔离——阻止或抑制分组——并且他写的部分包括纯五度或更多音高的大幅跳跃。高音与一系列低音音符交替出现，形成一个单独的流，并给听众一种在只有一根长笛时演奏两根长笛的错觉。我们在洛卡特利的许多小提琴奏鸣曲中都听到了同样的事情。通过结合音调和音色提示，岳得尔歌者可以用他们的声音达到同样的效果。当一名男性约得尔歌手跳入他的假声音域时，他会创造出一种独特的音色，并且通常会产生大幅度的音调跳跃，导致高音再次分离成一种独特的、感知的流，给人一种两个人交错歌唱的错觉部分。
Frequency, or pitch, is a strong and fundamental consideration in grouping. If you’ve ever heard a Bach flute partita, there are typically moments when some flute notes seem to “pop out” and separate themselves from one another, particularly when the flautist is playing a rapid passage—the auditory equivalent of a Where’s Waldo? picture. Bach knew about the ability of large frequency differences to segregate sounds from one another—to block or inhibit grouping—and he wrote parts that included large leaps in pitch of a perfect fifth or more. The high notes, alternating with a succession of lower-pitched notes, create a separate stream and give the listener the illusion of two flutes playing when there is only one. We hear the same thing in many of the violin sonatas by Locatelli. Yodelers can accomplish the same effect with their voices, by combining pitch and timbral cues; when a male yodeler jumps into his falsetto register, he is creating both a distinct timbre and, typically, a large jump in pitch, causing the higher notes to again separate out into a distinct, perceptual stream, giving the illusion of two people singing interleaved parts.
我们现在知道，我早期描述的声音不同属性的神经生物学子系统在低水平上是分开的。大脑。这表明分组是由彼此独立工作的一般机制进行的。但同样清楚的是，当这些属性以特定方式结合时，它们会相互作用或相互对抗，而且我们也知道经验和注意力会对分组产生影响，这表明分组过程的某些部分受到有意识的认知控制。有意识和无意识过程协同工作的方式以及它们背后的大脑机制仍在争论中，但在过去的十年里，我们在理解它们方面已经取得了长足的进步。我们终于可以精确定位大脑中参与音乐处理特定方面的特定区域。我们甚至认为我们知道大脑的哪一部分会导致你注意事物。
We now know that the neurobiological subsystems for the different attributes of sound that I’ve described separate early on, at low levels of the brain. This suggests that grouping is carried out by general mechanisms working somewhat independently of one another. But it is also clear that the attributes work with or against each other when they combine in particular ways, and we also know that experience and attention can have an influence on grouping, suggesting that portions of the grouping process are under conscious, cognitive control. The ways in which conscious and unconscious processes work together—and the brain mechanisms that underlie them—are still being debated, but we’ve come a long way toward understanding them in the last ten years. We’ve finally gotten to the point where we can pinpoint specific areas of the brain that are involved in particular aspects of music processing. We even think we know which part of the brain causes you to pay attention to things.
思想是如何形成的？记忆是否“存储”在大脑的特定部分？为什么有时候歌曲会在你的脑海里萦绕不去？你的大脑是否会因为无聊的商业歌曲慢慢让你发疯而感到某种病态的快感？我将在接下来的章节中讨论这些和其他想法。
How are thoughts formed? Are memories “stored” in a particular part of the brain? Why do songs sometimes get stuck in your head and you can’t get them out? Does your brain take some sick pleasure in slowly driving you crazy with inane commercial jingles? I take up these and other ideas in the coming chapters.
3.幕后
3. Behind the Curtain
音乐与思维机器
Music and the Mind Machine
对于认知科学家来说，“心灵”这个词指的是我们每个人身上体现我们的思想、希望、欲望、记忆、信仰和经历的部分。另一方面，大脑是身体的一个器官，是细胞、水、化学物质和血管的集合，位于头骨中。大脑的活动产生了心灵的内容。认知科学家有时会打比方说，大脑就像计算机的CPU或硬件，而心灵就像CPU上运行的程序或软件。（如果这确实是真的，我们就可以去购买内存升级版了。） 不同的程序可以在本质上相同的硬件上运行——非常相似的大脑可以产生不同的思维。
For cognitive scientists, the word mind refers to that part of each of us that embodies our thoughts, hopes, desires, memories, beliefs, and experiences. The brain, on the other hand, is an organ of the body, a collection of cells and water, chemicals and blood vessels, that resides in the skull. Activity in the brain gives rise to the contents of the mind. Cognitive scientists sometimes make the analogy that the brain is like a computer’s CPU, or hardware, while the mind is like the programs or software running on the CPU. (If only that were literally true and we could just run out to buy a memory upgrade.) Different programs can run on what is essentially the same hardware—different minds can arise from very similar brains.
西方文化继承了笛卡尔的二元论传统，笛卡尔写道，心灵和大脑是两个完全独立的事物。二元论者断言，心灵在你出生之前就已存在，大脑并不是思想的所在地，相反，它只是心灵的一个工具，帮助实现心灵的意志、移动肌肉和维持身体的稳态。对于我们大多数人来说，我们的思维确实是独一无二的，与一堆神经化学过程不同。我们有一种感觉，知道我是什么样子，我读一本书是什么感觉，以及它是什么。喜欢思考成为我是什么样的。我怎么能如此毫不客气地沦为轴突、树突和离子通道呢？感觉我们是更多的东西。
Western culture has inherited a tradition of dualism from René Descartes, who wrote that the mind and the brain are two entirely separate things. Dualists assert that the mind preexisted, before you were born, and that the brain is not the seat of thought—rather, it is merely an instrument of the mind, helping to implement the mind’s will, move muscles, and maintain homeostasis in the body. To most of us, it certainly feels as though our minds are something unique and distinctive, separate from just a bunch of neurochemical processes. We have a feeling of what it is like to be me, what it is like to be me reading a book, and what it is like to think about what it is like to be me. How can me be reduced so unceremoniously to axons, dendrites, and ion channels? It feels like we are something more.
但这种感觉可能是一种幻觉，就像地球确实静止不动一样，没有以每小时一千英里的速度绕地轴旋转。大多数科学家和当代哲学家认为大脑和心灵是同一事物的两个部分，有些人认为这种区别本身就是有缺陷的。今天的主流观点是，你的思想、信念和经历的总和是以大脑中的放电模式（电化学活动）来表示的。如果大脑停止运作，思想就消失了，但大脑仍然可以不假思索地存在于某人实验室的罐子里。
But this feeling could be an illusion, just as it certainly feels as though the earth is standing still, not spinning around on its axis at a thousand miles per hour. Most scientists and contemporary philosophers believe that the brain and mind are two parts of the same thing, and some believe that the distinction itself is flawed. The dominant view today is that that the sum total of your thoughts, beliefs, and experiences is represented in patterns of firings—electrochemical activity—in the brain. If the brain ceases to function, the mind is gone, but the brain can still exist, thoughtless, in a jar in someone’s laboratory.
这方面的证据来自功能区域特异性的神经心理学发现。有时，由于中风（大脑血管阻塞，导致细胞死亡）、肿瘤、头部受伤或其他外伤，大脑的某个区域会受损。在许多这样的情况下，特定大脑区域的损伤会导致特定精神或身体功能的丧失。当数十或数百个病例显示与特定大脑区域相关的特定功能丧失时，我们推断该大脑区域在某种程度上参与或可能负责该功能。
Evidence for this comes from neuropsychological findings of regional specificity of function. Sometimes, as a result of stroke (a blockage of blood vessels in the brain that leads to cell death), tumors, head injury, or other trauma, an area of the brain becomes damaged. In many of these cases, damage to a specific brain region leads to a loss of a particular mental or bodily function. When dozens or hundreds of cases show loss of a specific function associated with a particular brain region, we infer that this brain region is somehow involved in, or perhaps responsible for, that function.
一个多世纪的神经心理学研究使我们能够绘制大脑功能区域的地图，并定位特定的认知操作。人们普遍认为大脑是一个计算系统，我们将大脑视为计算机的一种。相互连接的神经元网络对信息进行计算，并以产生思想、决策、感知和最终意识的方式组合它们的计算。不同的子系统负责认知的不同方面。左耳上方和后方的大脑区域（韦尼克区）受损会导致理解口语困难；头部最顶部的区域（运动皮层）受损会导致手指移动困难；大脑中心区域——海马复合体——的损伤会阻碍形成新记忆的能力，同时完整地保留旧的记忆。额头后面区域的损伤可能会导致性格发生巨大变化——它可能会剥夺你的某些方面。这种心理功能的定位是大脑参与思想的强有力的科学论据，也是思想来自大脑的论点。
More than a century of such neuropsychological investigation has allowed us to make maps of the brain’s areas of function, and to localize particular cognitive operations. The prevailing view of the brain is that it is a computational system, and we think of the brain as a type of computer. Networks of interconnected neurons perform computations on information and combine their computations in ways that lead to thoughts, decisions, perceptions, and ultimately consciousness. Different subsystems are responsible for different aspects of cognition. Damage to an area of the brain just above and behind the left ear—Wernicke’s area—causes difficulty in understanding spoken language; damage to a region at the very top of the head—the motor cortex—causes difficulty moving your fingers; damage to an area in the center of the brain—the hippocampal complex—can block the ability to form new memories, while leaving old memories intact. Damage to an area just behind your forehead can cause dramatic changes in personality—it can rob aspects of you from you. Such localization of mental function is a strong scientific argument for the involvement of the brain in thought, and the thesis that thoughts come from the brain.
自 1848 年（以及菲尼亚斯·盖奇的医学案例）以来，我们就知道额叶与自我和个性的各个方面密切相关。然而，即使一百五十年后，我们对人格和神经结构的大部分了解仍然是模糊且相当笼统的。我们还没有找到大脑中的“耐心”区域，也没有找到“嫉妒”或“慷慨”区域，而且似乎永远也找不到。大脑在结构和功能上存在区域分化，但复杂的人格属性无疑广泛分布在整个大脑中。
We have known since 1848 (and the medical case of Phineas Gage) that the frontal lobes are intimately related to aspects of self and personality. Yet even one hundred and fifty years later, most of what we can say about personality and neural structures is vague and quite general. We have not located the “patience” region of the brain, nor the “jealousy” or “generous” regions, and it seems unlikely that we ever will. The brain has regional differentiation of structure and function, but complex personality attributes are no doubt distributed widely throughout the brain.
人脑分为四个叶——额叶、颞叶、顶叶和枕叶——加上小脑。我们可以对函数做出一些粗略的概括，但实际上行为是复杂的，并且不容易简化为简单的映射。额叶与计划、自我控制以及从我们的感官接收到的密集而混乱的信号中找出意义有关——格式塔心理学家研究的所谓“知觉组织”。颞叶与听力和记忆有关。额叶后部与运动运动和空间技能相关，枕叶与视觉相关。小脑参与情绪和运动规划，是我们大脑中进化最古老的部分。即使许多动物，如爬行动物，缺乏皮质的“高级”大脑区域，仍然有小脑。将额叶的一部分（即前额皮质）与丘脑分离的手术称为脑白质切除术。因此，当雷蒙斯乐队在他们的歌曲“青少年脑白质切除术”（由道格拉斯·科尔文、约翰·卡明斯、托马斯·埃尔德利和杰弗里·海曼作词和作曲）中唱到“现在我想我必须告诉他们/我没有小脑”时，他们我们在解剖学上并不准确，但为了艺术许可，为了创造摇滚音乐中最伟大的韵律之一，我们很难嫉妒他们。
The human brain is divided up into four lobes—the frontal, temporal, parietal, and occipital—plus the cerebellum. We can make some gross generalizations about function, but in fact behavior is complex and not readily reducible to simple mappings. The frontal lobe is associated with planning, and with self-control, and with making sense out of the dense and jumbled signals that our senses receive—the so-called “perceptual organization” that the Gestalt psychologists studied. The temporal lobe is associated with hearing and memory. The posterior part of the frontal lobe is associated with motor movements and spatial skill, and the occipital lobe with vision. The cerebellum is involved in emotions and the planning of movements, and is the evolutionarily oldest part of our brain; even many animals, such as reptiles, that lack the “higher” brain region of the cortex still have a cerebellum. The surgical separation of a portion of the frontal lobe, the prefrontal cortex, from the thalamus is called a lobotomy. So when the Ramones sang “Now I guess I’ll have to tell ’em/That I got no cerebellum” in their song “Teenage Lobotomy” (words and music by Douglas Colvin, John Cummings, Thomas Erdelyi, and Jeffrey Hyman) they were not being anatomically accurate, but for the sake of artistic license, and for creating one of the great rhymes in rock music, it is hard to begrudge them that.
音乐活动几乎涉及我们所接触到的大脑的每个区域了解几乎每个神经子系统。音乐的不同方面由不同的神经区域处理——大脑使用功能分离进行音乐处理，并采用特征检测器系统，其工作是分析音乐信号的特定方面，例如音高、节奏、音色和很快。一些音乐处理与分析其他声音所需的操作有一些共同点；例如，理解语音需要我们将一系列声音分割成单词、句子和短语，并且我们能够理解单词之外的其他方面，例如讽刺（不是很有趣）。需要分析音乐声音的几个不同维度（通常涉及几个准独立的神经过程），然后需要将它们组合在一起以形成我们所听内容的连贯表示。
Musical activity involves nearly every region of the brain that we know about, and nearly every neural subsystem. Different aspects of the music are handled by different neural regions—the brain uses functional segregation for music processing, and employs a system of feature detectors whose job it is to analyze specific aspects of the musical signal, such as pitch, tempo, timbre, and so on. Some of the music processing has points in common with the operations required to analyze other sounds; understanding speech, for example, requires that we segment a flurry of sounds into words, sentences, and phrases, and that we be able to understand aspects beyond the words, such as sarcasm (isn’t that interesting). Several different dimensions of a musical sound need to be analyzed—usually involving several quasi-independent neural processes—and they then need to be brought together to form a coherent representation of what we’re listening to.
听音乐从皮层下（皮层以下）结构开始——耳蜗核、脑干、小脑——然后向上移动到大脑两侧的听觉皮层。尝试跟随您熟悉的音乐（或者至少是您熟悉的风格的音乐，例如巴洛克或布鲁斯）会调动大脑的其他区域，包括海马体（我们的记忆中心）和额叶的各个部分，特别是称为下额皮质的区域，它位于额叶的最低部分，即距离下巴比距离头顶更近。随着音乐敲击，无论是实际上还是只是在你的脑海中，都涉及小脑的计时电路。演奏音乐——无论你演奏什么乐器，无论你唱歌还是指挥——都会再次涉及额叶来规划你的行为，以及额叶后部的运动皮层，就在你的大脑顶部下方。头部和感觉皮层，提供触觉反馈，表明您按下了乐器上的正确按键，或者将指挥棒移到了您认为的位置。阅读音乐涉及视觉皮层，位于后脑勺枕叶。聆听或回忆歌词会调用语言中心，包括布罗卡区和韦尼克区，以及颞叶和额叶的其他语言中心。
Listening to music starts with subcortical (below-the-cortex) structures—the cochlear nuclei, the brain stem, the cerebellum—and then moves up to auditory cortices on both sides of the brain. Trying to follow along with music that you know—or at least music in a style you’re familiar with, such as baroque or blues—recruits additional regions of the brain, including the hippocampus—our memory center—and subsections of the frontal lobe, particularly a region called inferior frontal cortex, which is in the lowest parts of the frontal lobe, i.e., closer to your chin than to the top of your head. Tapping along with music, either actually or just in your mind, involves the cerebellum’s timing circuits. Performing music—regardless of what instrument you play, or whether you sing, or conduct—involves the frontal lobes again for the planning of your behavior, as well as the motor cortex in the posterior part of the frontal lobe just underneath the top of your head, and the sensory cortex, which provides the tactile feedback that you have pressed the right key on your instrument, or moved the baton where you thought you did. Reading music involves the visual cortex, in the back of your head in the occipital lobe. Listening to or recalling lyrics invokes language centers, including Broca’s and Wernicke’s area, as well as other language centers in the temporal and frontal lobes.
在更深层次上，我们对音乐的反应所经历的情绪涉及小脑蚓部的原始爬行动物区域和杏仁核（皮层情绪处理的核心）深处的结构。区域特殊性的概念在本摘要中很明显，但也适用一个补充原则，即功能分配原则。大脑是一个大规模并行设备，其操作广泛分布在各处。没有单一的语言中心，也没有单一的音乐中心。相反，有些区域执行组件操作，而其他区域则协调这些信息的汇集。最后，我们最近才发现大脑的重组能力远远超出了我们之前的想象。这种能力被称为神经可塑性，在某些情况下，它表明区域特异性可能是暂时的，因为重要心理功能的处理中心在创伤或脑损伤后实际上会转移到其他区域。
At a deeper level, the emotions we experience in response to music involve structures deep in the primitive, reptilian regions of the cerebellar vermis, and the amygdala—the heart of emotional processing in the cortex. The idea of regional specificity is evident in this summary but a complementary principle applies as well, that of distribution of function. The brain is a massively parallel device, with operations distributed widely throughout. There is no single language center, nor is there a single music center. Rather, there are regions that peform component operations, and other regions that coordinate the bringing together of this information. Finally, we have discovered only recently that the brain has a capacity for reorganization that vastly exceeds what we thought before. This ability is called neuroplasticity, and in some cases, it suggests that regional specificity may be temporary, as the processing centers for important mental functions actually move to other regions after trauma or brain damage.
很难理解大脑的复杂性，因为数量如此巨大，远远超出了我们的日常经验（除非你是宇宙学家）。大脑平均由一千亿 (100,000,000,000) 个神经元组成。假设每个神经元是一美元，你站在街角，试图在人们经过时以尽可能快的速度向他们分发美元——假设每秒一美元。如果你一年 365 天、每天 24 小时不间断地这样做，并且从耶稣诞生的那天就开始这样做，那么到今天你只会花掉你大约三分之二的钱。即使你每秒分发一次百元大钞，也需要三十二年才能将它们全部分发出去。这是很多神经元，但大脑（和思想）的真正力量和复杂性来自于它们的连接。
It is difficult to appreciate the complexity of the brain because the numbers are so huge they go well beyond our everyday experience (unless you are a cosmologist). The average brain consists of one hundred billion (100,000,000,000) neurons. Suppose each neuron was one dollar, and you stood on a street corner trying to give dollars away to people as they passed by, as fast as you could hand them out—let’s say one dollar per second. If you did this twenty-four hours a day, 365 days a year, without stopping, and if you had started on the day that Jesus was born, you would by the present day only have gone through about two thirds of your money. Even if you gave away hundred-dollar bills once a second, it would take you thirty-two years to pass them all out. This is a lot of neurons, but the real power and complexity of the brain (and of thought) come through their connections.
每个神经元都与其他神经元相连——通常是一千到一万个。仅仅四个神经元就可以以六十三种方式连接，或者根本不连接，总共有六十四种可能性。随着神经元数量的增加，可能的连接数量也会增加指数（ n 个神经元相互连接方式的公式为 2 (n*(n-1)/2)）：
Each neuron is connected to other neurons—usually one thousand to ten thousand others. Just four neurons can be connected in sixty-three ways, or not at all, for a total of sixty-four possibilities. As the number of neurons increases, the number of possible connections grows exponentially (the formula for the way that n neurons can be connected to each other is 2(n*(n-1)/2)):
对于 2 个神经元，有两种连接方式
对于 3 个神经元，有 8 种可能性
对于 4 个神经元，有 64 种可能性
对于 5 个神经元，有 1,024 种可能性
对于 6 个神经元，有 32,768 种可能性
For 2 neurons there are 2 possibilities for how they can be connected
For 3 neurons there are 8 possibilities
For 4 neurons there are 64 possibilities
For 5 neurons there are 1,024 possibilities
For 6 neurons there are 32,768 possibilities
组合的数量变得如此之多，以至于我们不可能理解大脑中所有可能的连接，或者它们的含义。可能的组合数量——以及我们每个人可能拥有的不同想法或大脑状态的数量——超过了整个已知宇宙中已知粒子的数量。
The number of combinations becomes so large that it is unlikely that we will ever understand all the possible connections in the brain, or what they mean. The number of combinations possible—and hence the number of possible different thoughts or brain states each of us can have—exceeds the number of known particles in the entire known universe.
同样，您可以看到我们听过的所有歌曲以及所有将要创作的歌曲如何仅由十二个音符组成（忽略八度）。每个音符可以转到另一个音符，或者转到它自己，或者休止符，这产生了十二种可能性。但每一种可能性都会产生另外十二种可能性。当你考虑节奏时——每个音符可以采用许多不同的音符长度之一——可能性的数量会增长得非常非常快。
Similarly, you can see how it is that all the songs we have ever heard—and all those that will ever be created—could be made up of just twelve musical notes (ignoring octaves). Each note can go to another note, or to itself, or to a rest, and this yields twelve possibilities. But each of those possibilities yields twelve more. When you factor in rhythm—each note can take on one of many different note lengths—the number of possibilities grows very, very rapidly.
大脑的计算能力很大程度上来自于这种互连的巨大可能性，而且很大程度上来自于这样一个事实：大脑是并行处理机器，而不是串行处理器。串行处理器就像一条装配线，处理从精神传送带上下来的每条信息，对该信息执行一些操作，然后将其发送到生产线以进行下一个操作。计算机是这样工作的。让计算机从网站下载一首歌曲，告诉你博伊西的天气，并保存你一直在处理的文件，它会一次完成一个文件；它做事情的速度如此之快，以至于看起来好像是同时（并行）做这些事情，但事实并非如此。另一方面，大脑可以同时重叠和并行地处理许多事情。我们的听觉系统处理以这种方式发出声音——它不必等到找出声音的音高才知道它来自哪里；致力于这两个操作的神经回路试图同时得出答案。如果一个神经回路先于另一个神经回路完成其工作，它只会将其信息发送到其他相连的大脑区域，然后它们就可以开始使用它。如果影响我们所听到内容的解释的迟到信息来自单独的处理电路，大脑可以“改变主意”并更新它认为存在的信息。我们的大脑一直在更新他们的观点——特别是在感知视觉和听觉刺激时——每秒数百次，而我们甚至不知道。
Much of the brain’s computational power comes from this enormous possibility for interconnection, and much of it comes from the fact that brains are parallel processing machines, rather than serial processors. A serial processor is like an assembly line, handling each piece of information as it comes down the mental conveyor belt, performing some operation on that piece of information, and then sending it down the line for the next operation. Computers work like this. Ask a computer to download a song from a Web site, tell you the weather in Boise, and save a file you’ve been working on, and it will do them one at a time; it does things so fast that it can seem as though it is doing them at the same time—in parallel—but it isn’t. Brains, on the other hand, can work on many things at once, overlapping and in parallel. Our auditory system processes sound in this way—it doesn’t have to wait to find out what the pitch of a sound is to know where it is coming from; the neural circuits devoted to these two operations are trying to come up with answers at the same time. If one neural circuit finishes its work before another, it just sends its information to other connected brain regions and they can begin using it. If late-arriving information that affects an interpretation of what we’re hearing comes in from a separate processing circuit, the brain can “change its mind” and update what it thinks is out there. Our brains are updating their opinions all the time—particularly when it comes to perceiving visual and auditory stimuli—hundreds of times per second, and we don’t even know it.
这是一个类比来表达神经元如何相互连接。想象一下一个周日的早上你独自坐在家里。你不会有太多这样或那样的感觉——你不是特别高兴，不是特别悲伤，既不愤怒、兴奋、嫉妒，也不紧张。你感觉或多或少是中立的。你有一群朋友，他们组成的网络，你可以给他们中的任何一个打电话。假设你的每个朋友都是一维的，他们可以对你的情绪产生很大的影响。例如，您知道，如果您给朋友汉娜打电话，她会让您心情愉快。每当你和山姆说话时，你都会感到悲伤，因为你们两个都有第三个朋友去世了，山姆提醒你这一点。与卡拉交谈会让你平静安详，因为她的声音令人舒缓，你会想起和她一起坐在美丽的森林空地上，沐浴阳光和冥想的时光。与爱德华交谈会让你感到精力充沛；与 Tammy 交谈会让您感到紧张。你可以拿起电话与这些朋友中的任何一个联系并引发某种情绪。
Here’s an analogy to convey how neurons connect to each other. Imagine that you’re sitting home alone one Sunday morning. You don’t feel much of one way or another—you’re not particularly happy, not particularly sad, neither angry, excited, jealous, nor tense. You feel more or less neutral. You have a bunch of friends, a network of them, and you can call any of them on the phone. Let’s say that each of your friends is rather one dimensional and that they can exert a great influence on your mood. You know, for example, that if you telephone your friend Hannah she’ll put you in a happy mood. Whenever you talk to Sam it makes you sad, because the two of you had a third friend who died and Sam reminds you of that. Talking to Carla makes you calm and serene, because she has a soothing voice and you’re reminded of the times you sat in a beautiful forest clearing with her, soaking up the sun and meditating. Talking to Edward makes you feel energized; talking to Tammy makes you feel tense. You can pick up your telephone and connect to any of these friends and induce a certain emotion.
你可能有成百上千个这样的一维朋友，每个朋友都能唤起特定的记忆、经历或情绪状态。这些是你的联系。访问它们会让你改变你的心情或状态。如果你同时与汉娜和山姆说话，或者一个接一个地说话，汉娜会让你感到快乐，山姆会让你感到悲伤，最后你会回到原来的状态——中立。但我们可以添加一个额外的细微差别，即是这些联系的权重或影响力——在特定时间点你感觉与某人的亲密程度。这个体重决定了这个人对你的影响程度。如果你感觉与汉娜的亲密程度是与山姆的两倍，那么与汉娜和山姆交谈相同的时间仍然会让你感到快乐，尽管不像单独与汉娜交谈那么快乐 - 山姆的悲伤会让你情绪低落，但距离你与汉娜交谈所获得的快乐只有一半。
You might have hundreds or thousands of these one-dimensional friends, each capable of evoking a particular memory, experience, or mood state. These are your connections. Accessing them causes you to change your mood, or state. If you were to talk to Hannah and Sam at the same time, or one right after the other, Hannah would make you feel happy, Sam would make you feel sad, and in the end you’d be back to where you were—neutral. But we can add an additional nuance, which is the weight or force-of-influence of these connections—how close you feel to an individual at a particular point in time. That weight determines the amount of influence the person will have on you. If you feel twice as close to Hannah as you do to Sam, talking to Hannah and Sam for an equal amount of time would still leave you feeling happy, although not as happy as if you had talked to Hannah alone—Sam’s sadness brings you down, but only halfway from the happiness you gained from talking to Hannah.
假设所有这些人都可以互相交谈，这样一来，他们的状态就可以在某种程度上被修改。尽管你的朋友汉娜性格开朗，但她与悲伤的山姆的谈话可能会削弱她的开朗情绪。如果你在爱德华刚刚与紧张的塔米（她刚刚与嫉妒的贾斯汀通完电话）通话后给他打电话，爱德华可能会让你感受到一种你以前从未经历过的新的情绪组合，一种你以前从未经历过的紧张嫉妒。有很多精力出去做点什么。这些朋友中的任何一个都可能随时给你打电话，唤起你内心的这些状态，作为一系列复杂的感受或经历，相互影响，而你反过来也会在他们身上留下你的情感印记。成千上万的朋友就这样相互联系，客厅里的一堆电话整天响个不停，你可能经历的情绪状态确实是多种多样的。
Let’s say that all of these people can talk to one another, and in so doing, their states can be modified to some extent. Although your friend Hannah is dispositionally cheery, her cheerfulness can be attenuated by a conversation she has with Sad Sam. If you phone Edward the energizer after he’s just spoken with Tense Tammy (who has just gotten off the phone with Jealous Justine), Edward may make you feel a new mix of emotions you’ve never experienced before, a kind of tense jealousy that you have a lot of energy to go out and do something about. And any of these friends might telephone you at any time, evoking these states in you as a complex chain of feelings or experiences that has gone around, each one influencing the other, and you, in turn, will leave your emotional mark on them. With thousands of friends interconnected like this, and a bunch of telephones in your living room ringing off the hook all day long, the number of emotional states you might experience would indeed be quite varied.
人们普遍认为，我们的思想和记忆是由我们的神经元所建立的无数这种连接产生的。然而，并非所有神经元同时都同样活跃，这会在我们的大脑中引起图像和感觉的不和谐音（事实上，这就是癫痫症中发生的情况）。某些神经元组（我们可以称之为网络）在某些认知活动中变得活跃，而它们反过来又可以激活其他神经元。当我绊倒脚趾时，脚趾上的感觉感受器会向大脑的感觉皮层发送信号。这会引发一连串的神经激活，导致我感到疼痛，将我的脚从我踩到的物体上移开，这可能会导致我不自觉地张开嘴并大喊“&%@！”
It is generally accepted that our thoughts and memories arise from the myriad connections of this sort that our neurons make. Not all neurons are equally active at one time, however—this would cause a cacophony of images and sensations in our heads (in fact, this is what happens in epilepsy). Certain groups of neurons—we can call them networks—become active during certain cognitive activities, and they in turn can activate other neurons. When I stub my toe, the sensory receptors in my toe send signals up to the sensory cortex in my brain. This sets off a chain of neural activations that causes me to experience pain, withdraw my foot from the object I stubbed it against, and that might cause my mouth to open involuntarily and shout “&%@!”
当我听到汽车喇叭时，空气分子撞击我的耳膜，导致电信号发送到我的听觉皮层。这会引发一连串事件，招募与脚趾撞伤截然不同的一组神经元。首先，听觉皮层中的神经元处理声音的音调，以便我能够将汽车喇叭与具有不同音调的东西（例如卡车的气喇叭或足球比赛中的罐装气喇叭）区分开来。另一组神经元被激活以确定声音来自的位置。这些过程和其他过程会引发视觉定向反应——我转向声音，看看是什么造成了它，如果有必要，我会立即跳回来（这是我的运动皮层中的神经元活动的结果，与我的情感中心的神经元协调一致） ，杏仁核，告诉我危险迫在眉睫）。
When I hear a car horn, air molecules impinging on my eardrum cause electrical signals to be sent to my auditory cortex. This causes a cascade of events that recruits a very different group of neurons than toe stubbing. First, neurons in the auditory cortex process the pitch of the sound so that I can distinguish the car horn from something with a different pitch like a truck’s air horn, or the air-horn-in-a-can at a football game. A different group of neurons is activated to determine the location from which the sound came. These and other processes invoke a visual orienting response—I turn toward the sound to see what made it, and instantaneously, if necessary, I jump back (the result of activity from the neurons in my motor cortex, orchestrated with neurons in my emotional center, the amygdala, telling me that danger is imminent).
当我听到拉赫玛尼诺夫的钢琴协奏曲时。3、耳蜗中的毛细胞将传入的声音解析为不同的频段，向我的初级听觉皮层（A1 区）发送电信号，告诉它信号中存在哪些频率。颞叶的其他区域，包括大脑两侧的颞上沟和颞上回，有助于区分我听到的不同音色。如果我想给这些音色贴上标签，海马体会帮助检索我以前听过的类似声音的记忆，然后我需要访问我的心理词典——这需要使用在颞叶、枕叶交界处发现的结构。和顶叶。到目前为止，这些区域是相同的，尽管以不同的方式激活并且具有不同的神经元群体，我将用它们来处理汽车喇叭。然而，当我关注音高序列（背外侧前额叶皮质、布罗德曼 44 和 47 区）、节律（小脑外侧和小脑蚓部）和情绪（额叶、小脑、杏仁核和伏隔核——涉及愉悦感和奖励感的结构网络的一部分，无论是通过饮食、性行为还是听令人愉悦的音乐）。
When I hear Rachmaninoff’s Piano Concerto no. 3, the hair cells in my cochlea parse the incoming sound into different frequency bands, sending electrical signals to my primary auditory cortex—area A1—telling it what frequencies are present in the signal. Additional regions in the temporal lobe, including the superior temporal sulcus and the superior temporal gyrus on both sides of the brain, help to distinguish the different timbres I’m hearing. If I want to label those timbres, the hippocampus helps to retrieve the memory of similar sounds I’ve heard before, and then I’ll need to access my mental dictionary—which will require using structures found at the junction between the temporal, occipital, and parietal lobes. So far, these regions are the same ones, although activated in different ways and with different populations of neurons, that I would use to process the car horn. Whole new populations of neurons will become active, however, as I attend to pitch sequences (dorsalateral prefrontal cortex, and Brodmann areas 44 and 47), rhythms (the lateral cerebellum and the cerebellar vermis), and emotion (frontal lobes, cerebellum, the amygdala, and the nucleus accumbens—part of a network of structures involved in feelings of pleasure and reward, whether it is through eating, having sex, or listening to pleasurable music).
在某种程度上，如果房间随着低音提琴的低沉声音而振动，当我掐断我的低音提琴时，一些神经元也会被激发。脚趾现在可能会放电——神经元对触觉输入敏感。如果汽车喇叭的音高为 A440，那么当遇到该频率时被设置为激发的神经元很可能会激发，并且当拉赫玛尼诺夫的 A440 出现时，它们将再次激发。但我内心的心理体验可能会有所不同，因为这两个案例所涉及的背景不同，所招募的神经网络也不同。
To some extent, if the room is vibrating with the deep sounds of the double bass, some of those same neurons that fired when I stubbed my toe may fire now—neurons sensitive to tactile input. If the car horn has a pitch of A440, neurons that are set to fire when that frequency is encountered will most probably fire, and they’ll fire again when an A440 occurs in Rachmaninoff. But my inner mental experience is likely to be different because of the different contexts involved and the different neural networks that are recruited in the two cases.
我对双簧管和小提琴的体验不同，拉赫玛尼诺夫使用它们的特殊方式可能会导致我对他的协奏曲的反应与对汽车喇叭的反应相反；我没有感到惊讶，而是感到放松。当我在环境中感到平静和安全时，协奏曲中平静的部分可能会触发相同的神经元。
My experience with oboes and violins is different, and the particular way that Rachmaninoff uses them may cause me to have the opposite reaction to his concerto than I have to the car horn; rather than feeling startled, I feel relaxed. The same neurons that fire when I feel calm and safe in my environment may be triggered by the calm parts of the concerto.
通过经验，我学会了将汽车喇叭与危险联系起来，或者至少与试图引起我注意的人联系起来。这怎么发生的？有些声音本质上是舒缓的，而另一些声音则令人恐惧。尽管人与人之间存在很大差异，但我们生来就有以特定方式解释声音的倾向。许多动物往往将突然、短促、响亮的声音视为警报声音；我们在比较鸟类、啮齿动物和猿类的警报叫声时看到了这一点。缓慢的、长的、安静的声音往往被认为是平静的，或者至少是中性的。想象一下狗的尖锐叫声和安静地坐在你腿上的猫的轻柔咕噜声。当然，作曲家知道这一点，并使用数百种微妙的音色和音符长度来传达人类体验的许多不同的情感阴影。
Through experience, I’ve learned to associate car horns with danger, or at least with someone trying to get my attention. How did this happen? Some sounds are intrinsically soothing while others are frightening. Although there is a great deal of interpersonal variation, we are born with a predisposition toward interpreting sounds in particular ways. Abrupt, short, loud sounds tend to be interpreted by many animals as an alert sound; we see this when comparing the alert calls of birds, rodents, and apes. Slow onset, long, and quieter sounds tend to be interpreted as calming, or at least neutral. Think of the sharp sound of a dog’s bark, versus the soft purring of a cat who sits peacefully on your lap. Composers know this, of course, and use hundreds of subtle shadings of timbre and note length to convey the many different emotional shadings of human experience.
在海顿的《惊喜交响曲》（G大调第94号交响曲，第二乐章，行板）中，作曲家用柔和的小提琴在主旋律中营造悬念。柔和的声音令人舒缓，但短促的拨奏伴奏却传递出一种温和的、矛盾的危险信息，它们一起给人一种柔和的悬念感。主要旋律思想只跨越半个八度多一点，完美的五度。旋律轮廓进一步暗示了自满——旋律首先上升，然后下降，然后重复“上升”主题。旋律所暗示的并行性，上/下/上，让听众为另一个旋律做好准备“下”部分。继续柔和的小提琴音符，大师通过升高（一点点）改变旋律，但保持节奏不变。他停留在第五音上，这是一个和声相对稳定的音。因为第五度是我们迄今为止遇到的最高音符，所以我们预计当下一个音符到来时，它会更低——它将开始向根音（或主音）返回，并“缩小差距”由主音和当前音符（第五音符）之间的距离创建。然后，海顿不知从哪里突然向我们发出了一个高八度的响亮音符，用粗犷的号角和定音鼓传递着声音。他同时违反了我们对旋律方向、轮廓、音色和响度的期望。这就是“惊喜交响曲”中的“惊喜”。
In the “Surprise Symphony” by Haydn (Symphony no. 94 in G Major, second movement, andante), the composer builds suspense by using soft violins in the main theme. The softness of the sound is soothing, but the shortness of the pizzicato accompaniment sends a gentle, contradictory message of danger, and together they give a soft sense of suspense. The main melodic idea spans barely more than half an octave, a perfect fifth. The melodic contour further suggests complacency—the melody first goes up, then down, then repeats the “up” motif. The parallelism implied by the melody, the up/down/up, gets the listener ready for another “down” part. Continuing with the soft, gentle violin notes, the maestro changes the melody by going up—just a little—but holds the rhythms constant. He rests on the fifth, a relatively stable tone harmonically. Because the fifth is the highest note we’ve encountered so far, we expect that when the next note comes in, it will be lower—that it will begin the return home toward the root (or tonic), and “close the gap” created by the distance between the tonic and the current note—the fifth. Then, from out of nowhere, Haydn sends us a loud note an octave higher, with the brash horns and timpani carrying the sound. He has violated our expectations for melodic direction, for contour, for timbre, and for loudness all at once. This is the “Surprise” in the “Surprise Symphony.”
这首海顿交响曲违反了我们对世界运作方式的期望。即使是没有任何音乐知识或音乐期望的人也会因为这种音色效果而感到惊讶，从小提琴的柔和的咕噜声转变为号角和鼓的警报声。对于有音乐背景的人来说，这部交响曲违反了基于音乐惯例和风格形成的期望。此类惊喜、期望和分析发生在大脑的哪里？这些操作是如何在神经元中进行的仍然是一个谜，但我们确实有一些线索。
This Haydn symphony violates our expectations of how the world works. Even someone with no musical knowledge or musical expectations whatsoever finds the symphony surprising because of this timbral effect, switching from the soft purring of the violins to the alert call of horns and drums. For someone with a musical background, the symphony violates expectations that have been formed based on musical convention and style. Where do surprises, expectations, and analyses of this sort occur in the brain? Just how these operations are carried out in neurons is still something of a mystery, but we do have some clues.
在继续深入之前，我必须承认我对思想和大脑进行科学研究的方式存在偏见：我明确偏爱研究思想而不是大脑。我的部分偏好是个人的而不是专业的。当我还是个孩子的时候，我不会和科学课上的其他人一起收集蝴蝶，因为生命——所有的生命——对我来说似乎都是神圣的。上个世纪关于大脑研究的一个严峻事实是，它通常涉及在活体动物（通常是我们的近亲，猴子和猿）的大脑中进行探索，然后杀死（他们称之为“牺牲”）这个动物。我在猴子实验室工作了一个悲惨的学期，解剖死猴子的大脑，为显微镜检查做好准备。每天我都得走过那些还活着的笼子。我做了噩梦。
Before going any farther, I have to admit a bias in the way I approach the scientific study of minds and brains: I have a definite preference for studying the mind rather than the brain. Part of my preference is personal rather than professional. As a child I wouldn’t collect butterflies with the rest of my science class because life—all life—seems sacred to me. And the stark fact about brain research over the course of the last century is that it generally involves poking around in the brains of live animals, often our close genetic cousins, the monkeys and apes, and then killing (they call it “sacrificing”) the animal. I worked for one miserable semester in a monkey lab, dissecting the brains of dead monkeys to prepare them for microscopic examination. Every day I had to walk by cages of the ones that were still alive. I had nightmares.
在不同的层面上，我总是对想法本身更着迷，而不是产生它们的神经元。认知科学中的一种名为功能主义的理论（许多杰出的研究人员都赞同这种理论）声称，相似的思想可以从完全不同的大脑中产生，大脑只是实例化思想的电线和处理模块的集合。不管功能主义学说是否正确，它确实表明，仅通过研究大脑我们对思想的了解是有限的。一位神经外科医生曾经告诉丹尼尔·丹尼特（功能主义著名且有说服力的代言人），他已经给数百人做过手术，见过数百个活生生的、会思考的大脑，但他从未见过任何想法。
At a different level, I’ve always been more fascinated by the thoughts themselves, not the neurons that give rise to them. A theory in cognitive science named functionalism—which many prominent researchers subscribe to—asserts that similar minds can arise from quite different brains, that brains are just the collection of wires and processing modules that instantiate thought. Regardless of whether the functionalist doctrine is true, it does suggest that there are limits to how much we can know about thought from just studying brains. A neurosurgeon once told Daniel Dennett (a prominent and persuasive spokesperson for functionalism) that he had operated on hundreds of people and seen hundreds of live, thinking brains, but he had never seen a thought.
当我试图决定去哪里读研究生以及我想找谁作为导师时，我迷上了迈克尔·波斯纳教授的工作。他开创了多种看待思维过程的方法，其中包括心理计时法（通过测量思考某些想法所需的时间来了解思维组织的很多知识）、研究类别结构的方法，以及著名的波斯纳提示范式，一种研究注意力的新颖方法。但有传言称波斯纳正在放弃思想并开始研究大脑，我确信我不想这样做。
When I was trying to decide where to attend graduate school, and who I wanted to have as a mentor, I was infatuated with the work of Professor Michael Posner. He had pioneered a number of ways of looking at thought processes, among them mental chronometry (the idea that much can be learned about the organization of the mind by measuring how long it takes to think certain thoughts), ways to investigate the structure of categories, and the famous Posner Cueing Paradigm, a novel method for studying attention. But rumor had it that Posner was abandoning the mind and had started studying the brain, something I was certain I did not want to do.
尽管我还是一名本科生（虽然比平常年纪大一些），但我还是参加了当年在旧金山举行的美国心理学会年会，距斯坦福大学仅四十英里，我在那里完成了学士学位。我在节目中看到了波斯纳的名字，并参加了他的演讲，其中充满了幻灯片，其中包含人们在做一件事或另一件事时的大脑图片。演讲结束后，他回答了一些问题，然后从后门消失了。我跑到后面，看到他在前面，冲过会议中心去参加另一场演讲。我跑过去追上他。我对他来说一定很引人注目！我跑得上气不接下气。即使没有气喘吁吁，我还是很紧张见到认知心理学的伟大传奇人物之一。我在麻省理工学院（我在那里开始本科训练）的第一堂心理学课上读过他的教科书在转学到斯坦福大学之前）；我的第一位心理学教授苏珊·凯里（Susan Carey）在谈到他时，语气中只能用尊敬来形容。我仍然记得她的话在麻省理工学院的报告厅里回响：“迈克尔·波斯纳，我见过的最聪明、最有创造力的人之一。”
Although still an undergraduate (albeit a somewhat older one than usual), I attended the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association, which was held in San Francisco that year, just forty miles up the road from Stanford, where I was finishing up my B.A. I saw Posner’s name on the program and attended his talk, which was full of slides containing pictures of people’s brains while they were doing one thing or another. After his talk was over he took some questions, then disappeared out a back door. I ran around to the back and saw him way ahead, rushing across the conference center to get to another talk. I ran to catch up to him. I must have been quite a sight to him! I was out of breath from running. Even without the panting, I was nervous meeting one of the great legends of cognitive psychology. I had read his textbook in my first psychology class at MIT (where I began my undergraduate training before transferring to Stanford); my first psychology professor, Susan Carey, spoke of him with what could only be described as reverence in her voice. I can still remember the echoes of her words, reverberating through the lecture hall at MIT: “Michael Posner, one of the smartest and most creative people I’ve ever met.”
我开始出汗，张开嘴，然后……什么也没有。我开始“嗯……”一直以来，我们并肩而行，他走得很快，而每隔两三步我就会再次落后。我结结巴巴地做了自我介绍，说我已经申请到俄勒冈大学和他一起工作。我以前从来没有口吃过，但我也从来没有这么紧张过。“Ppp-教授，听说您已经把研究重点完全转移到了bb-大脑上——是真的吗？因为我真的很想和你一起研究认知心理学。”我最后告诉他。
I started to sweat, I opened my mouth, and … nothing. I started “Mmm …” All this time we were walking rapidly side by side—he’s a fast walker—and every two or three steps I’d fall behind again. I stammered an introduction and said that I had applied to the University of Oregon to work with him. I’d never stuttered before, but I had never been this nervous before. “P-p-p-professor P-p-posner, I hear that you’ve shifted your research focus entirely to the b-b-brain—is that true? Because I really want to study cognitive psychology with you,” I finally told him.
“嗯，这些天我对大脑有点感兴趣，”他说。“但我认为认知神经科学是为我们的认知心理学理论提供约束的一种方式。它帮助我们区分模型在底层解剖学中是否具有合理的基础。”
“Well, I am a little interested in the brain these days,” he said. “But I see cognitive neuroscience as a way to provide constraints for our theories in cognitive psychology. It helps us to distinguish whether a model has a plausible basis in the underlying anatomy.”
许多人从生物学或化学背景进入神经科学，他们的主要关注点是细胞相互交流的机制。对于认知神经科学家来说，了解大脑的解剖结构或生理学可能是一项具有挑战性的智力练习（大脑科学家相当于一个非常复杂的填字游戏），但这并不是工作的最终目标。我们的目标是理解思维过程、记忆、情绪和经历，而大脑恰好是所有这一切发生的盒子。回到电话类比以及你可能与影响你情绪的不同朋友进行的对话：如果我想预测你明天的感受，对我来说，绘制连接你认识的所有不同人的电话线布局的价值有限。更重要的是了解他们的个人倾向：明天谁可能会给您打电话以及他们可能会说什么？他们会给你什么样的感觉？当然，完全忽视连接问题也是错误的。如果线路断了，或者没有证据表明 A 和 B 之间有联系，或者如果 C 永远无法直接给您打电话，而只能通过可以直接给您打电话的 A 来影响您，那么所有这些信息都对预测提供了重要的约束。
Many people enter neuroscience from a background in biology or chemistry and their principal focus is on the mechanisms by which cells communicate with each other. To the cognitive neuroscientist, understanding the anatomy or physiology of the brain may be a challenging intellectual exercise (the brain scientists’ equivalent of a really complicated crossword puzzle), but it is not the ultimate goal of the work. Our goal is to understand thought processes, memories, emotions, and experiences, and the brain just happens to be the box that all this happens in. To return to the telephone analogy and conversations you might have with different friends who influence your emotions: If I want to predict how you’re going to feel tomorrow, it will be of only limited value for me to map the layout of the telephone lines connecting all the different people you know. More important is to understand their individual proclivities: Who is likely to call you tomorrow and what are they likely to say? How are they apt to make you feel? Of course, to entirely ignore the connectivity question would be a mistake too. If a line is broken, or if there is no evidence of a connection between person A and person B, or if person C can never call you directly but can only influence you through person A who can call you directly—all this information provides important constraints to a prediction.
这种观点影响了我研究音乐认知神经科学的方式。我对去钓鱼探险尝试每一种可能的音乐刺激并找出它在大脑中发生的位置不感兴趣；波斯纳和我多次谈论过当前疯狂绘制大脑地图的热潮，认为这只是一种非理论制图。对我来说，重点不是绘制大脑地图，而是了解它是如何工作的，不同区域如何协调它们的活动，神经元的简单放电和神经递质的穿梭如何导致思想、笑声和感觉。深刻的欢乐和悲伤，以及所有这些反过来如何引导我们创造出持久、有意义的艺术作品。这些都是心灵的功能，我对知道它们发生在哪里并不感兴趣，除非它们可以告诉我们如何发生和为什么发生。认知神经科学的一个假设是它可以。
This perspective influences the way I study the cognitive neuroscience of music. I am not interested in going on a fishing expedition to try every possible musical stimulus and find out where it occurs in the brain; Posner and I have talked many times about the current mad rush to map the brain as just so much atheoretical cartography. The point for me isn’t to develop a map of the brain, but to understand how it works, how the different regions coordinate their activity together, how the simple firing of neurons and shuttling around of neurotransmitters leads to thoughts, laughter, feelings of profound joy and sadness, and how all these, in turn, can lead us to create lasting, meaningful works of art. These are the functions of the mind, and knowing where they occur doesn’t interest me unless the where can tell us something about how and why. An assumption of cognitive neuroscience is that it can.
我的观点是，在无数可以做的实验中，值得做的是那些可以让我们更好地理解如何做和为什么做的实验。一个好的实验是有理论依据的，并且可以明确预测两个或多个相互竞争的假设中的哪一个将得到支持。一项可能为有争议问题的双方提供支持的实验不值得做；科学只有通过消除错误或站不住脚的假设才能向前发展。
My perspective is that, of the infinite number of experiments that are possible to do, the ones worth doing are those that can lead us to a better understanding of how and why. A good experiment is theoretically motivated, and makes clear predictions as to which one of two or more competing hypotheses will be supported. An experiment that is likely to provide support for both sides of a contentious issue is not one worth doing; science can only move forward by the elimination of false or untenable hypotheses.
一个好的实验的另一个品质是它可以推广到其他条件——未研究的人、未研究的音乐类型以及各种情况。大量的行为研究仅针对少数人（实验中的“受试者”）进行，并且采用非常人为的刺激。在我的实验室中，我们尽可能使用音乐家和非音乐家，以便了解最广泛的人群。我们几乎总是使用真实世界的音乐，真实音乐家演奏真实歌曲的实际录音，这样我们就可以更好地理解大脑对最常听到的音乐的反应。人们听的音乐，而不是只在神经科学实验室中发现的音乐。到目前为止，这种方法已经取得了成功。用这种方法提供严格的实验控制比较困难，但并非不可能；这需要更多的计划和仔细的准备，但从长远来看，结果是值得的。在使用这种自然主义方法时，我可以以合理的科学确定性声明，我们正在研究大脑在正常情况下做什么，而不是在受到没有任何音高的节奏或没有任何节奏的旋律攻击时它会做什么。在尝试将音乐分解为各个组成部分时，如果实验做得不好，我们就会冒着创建非常不符合音乐性的声音序列的风险。
Another quality of a good experiment is that it is generalizable to other conditions—to people not studied, to types of music not studied, and to a variety of situations. A great deal of behavioral research is conducted on only a small number of people (“subjects” in the experiment), and with very artificial stimuli. In my laboratory we use both musicians and nonmusicians whenever possible, in order to learn about the broadest cross section of people. And we almost always use real-world music, actual recordings of real musicians playing real songs, so that we can better understand the brain’s responses to the kind of music that most people listen to, rather than the kind of music that is found only in the neuroscientific laboratory. So far this approach has panned out. It is more difficult to provide rigorous experimental controls with this approach, but it is not impossible; it takes a bit more planning and careful preparation, but in the long run, the results are worth it. In using this naturalistic approach, I can state with reasonable scientific certainty that we’re studying the brain doing what it normally does, rather than what it does when assaulted by rhythms without any pitch, or melodies without any rhythms. In an attempt to separate music into its components, we run the risk—if the experiments are not done properly—of creating sound sequences that are very unmusical.
当我说我对大脑的兴趣不如对心灵的兴趣时，这并不意味着我对大脑不感兴趣。我相信我们都有大脑，而且我相信大脑很重要！但我也相信不同的大脑结构可以产生类似的想法。以此类推，我可以在 RCA、Zenith、Mitsubishi 上观看相同的电视节目，甚至可以在具有正确硬件和软件的计算机屏幕上观看相同的电视节目。所有这些公司的架构都彼此截然不同，以至于专利局（一个负责决定某事物何时与其他事物充分不同而构成发明的组织）已向这些不同的公司颁发了不同的专利，从而确定了底层架构显着不同。我的狗影子的大脑组织、解剖结构和神经化学与我的非常不同。当他饥饿或爪子受伤时，他大脑中的神经放电模式不太可能与我饥饿或绊倒脚趾时大脑中的神经放电模式有太多相似之处。但我确实相信他正在经历基本相似的心理状态。
When I say that I am less interested in the brain than in the mind, this does not mean that I have no interest in the brain. I believe that we all have brains, and I believe brains are important! But I also believe similar thoughts can arise from different brain architectures. By analogy, I can watch the same television program on an RCA, a Zenith, a Mitsubishi, even on my computer screen with the right hardware and software. The architectures of all these are sufficiently distinct from one another that the patent office—an organization charged with the responsibility of deciding when something is sufficiently different from something else that it constitutes an invention—has issued different patents to these various companies, establishing that the underlying architectures are significantly different. My dog Shadow has a very different brain organization, anatomy, and neurochemistry from mine. When he is hungry or hurts his paw, it is unlikely that the pattern of nerve firings in his brain bears much resemblance to the pattern of firings in my brain when I’m hungry or stub my toe. But I do believe that he is experiencing substantially similar mind states.
需要抛开一些常见的幻想和误解。许多人，甚至是其他学科训练有素的科学家，都有强烈的直觉，认为大脑内部存在着对我们周围世界的严格同构的表征。（同构来自希腊语iso，意思是“相同”，morphus，意思是“形式”。）格式塔心理学家在很多事情上都是正确的，他们是最早阐明这一观点的人之一。他们认为，如果你看着一个正方形，你的大脑中就会激活一个正方形的神经元模式。我们中的许多人都有这样的直觉：如果我们看着一棵树，树的图像就会在大脑中的某个地方表现为一棵树，并且看到这棵树可能会激活一组树形状的神经元，一端有根，另一端有叶子。当我们聆听或想象一首最喜欢的歌曲时，感觉就像这首歌通过一组神经扬声器在我们的脑海中播放。
Some common illusions and misconceptions need to be set aside. Many people, even trained scientists in other disciplines, have the strong intuition that inside the brain there is a strictly isomorphic representation of the world around us. (Isomorphic comes from the Greek word iso, meaning “same,” and morphus, meaning “form.”) The Gestalt psychologists, who were right about a great many things, were among the first to articulate this idea. If you look at a square, they argued, a square-shaped pattern of neurons is activated in your brain. Many of us have the intuition that if we’re looking at a tree, the image of the tree is somewhere represented in the brain as a tree, and that perhaps seeing the tree activates a set of neurons in the shape of a tree, with roots at one end and leaves at the other. When we listen to or imagine a favorite song, it feels like the song is playing in our head, over a set of neural loudspeakers.
Daniel Dennett 和 VS Ramachandran 雄辩地指出这种直觉有问题。如果某个事物的心理图片（无论是我们现在看到的还是记忆中想象的）本身就是一幅图片，那么我们的思想/大脑的某些部分一定正在看到该图片。丹尼特谈到了视觉场景在我们脑海中的某种屏幕或剧院上呈现的直觉。要做到这一点，剧院的观众中必须有人观看屏幕，并在脑海中保留一个图像。那会是谁呢？那个心理形象会是什么样子？这很快就会导致无限倒退。同样的论点也适用于听觉事件。没有人认为我们的脑海中没有一个音频系统。因为我们可以操纵心理图像——我们可以放大它们，旋转它们，就音乐而言，我们可以在脑海中加快或减慢歌曲的速度——我们不得不认为头脑中有一个家庭影院。但从逻辑上讲，由于无限回归问题，这不可能成立。
Daniel Dennett and V. S. Ramachandran have eloquently argued that there is a problem with this intuition. If a mental picture of something (either as we see it right now or imagine it in memory) is itself a picture, there has to be some part of our mind/brain that is seeing that picture. Dennett talks about the intuition that visual scenes are presented on some sort of a screen or theater in our minds. For this to be true, there would have to be someone in the audience of that theater watching the screen, and holding a mental image inside his head. And who would that be? What would that mental image look like? This quickly leads to an infinite regress. The same argument applies to auditory events. No one argues that it doesn’t feel like we have an audio system in our minds. Because we can manipulate mental images—we can zoom in on them, rotate them, in the case of music we can speed up or slow down the song in our heads—we’re compelled to think there is a home theater in the mind. But logically this cannot be true because of the infinite regress problem.
我们也有这样的错觉：只要睁开眼睛，我们就能看到。窗外有鸟儿叽叽喳喳地叫，我们立刻就听到了。感官知觉在我们的脑海中创造出心理图像——对我们头脑之外世界的表征——如此快速、无缝，以至于看起来毫无意义。这是一种幻觉。我们的感知是一长串神经事件的最终产物，这些事件给我们带来了瞬时图像的错觉。在许多领域，我们最强烈的直觉会误导我们。平坦的地球就是一个例子。我们的感官给我们一个不扭曲的世界观的直觉是另一个。
We are also under the illusion that we simply open our eyes and—we see. A bird chirps outside the window and we instantly hear. Sensory perception creates mental images in our minds—representations of the world outside our heads—so quickly and seamlessly that it seems there is nothing to it. This is an illusion. Our perceptions are the end product of a long chain of neural events that give us the illusion of an instantaneous image. There are many domains in which our strongest intuitions mislead us. The flat earth is one example. The intuition that our senses give us an undistorted view of the world is another.
至少从亚里士多德时代起人们就知道我们的感官可以扭曲我们感知世界的方式。我的老师罗杰·谢泼德（Roger Shepard）是斯坦福大学的感知心理学家，他曾经说过，当我们的感知系统正常运作时，我们的感知系统应该会扭曲我们所看到和听到的世界。我们通过感官与周围的世界互动。正如约翰·洛克所说，我们对世界的一切了解都是通过我们所看到的、听到的、闻到的、触摸到的或尝到的。我们自然地假设世界就是我们所感知的那样。但实验迫使我们面对现实，事实并非如此。视觉错觉也许是感官扭曲最有力的证据。我们中的许多人在孩提时代都见过这种错觉，例如两条长度相同的线看起来长度不同（庞佐错觉）。
It has been known at least since the time of Aristotle that our senses can distort the way we perceive the world. My teacher Roger Shepard, a perception psychologist at Stanford University, used to say that when functioning properly, our perceptual system is supposed to distort the world we see and hear. We interact with the world around us through our senses. As John Locke noted, everything we know about the world is through what we see, hear, smell, touch, or taste. We naturally assume that the world is just as we perceive it to be. But experiments have forced us to confront the reality that this is not the case. Visual illusions are perhaps the most compelling proof of sensory distortion. Many of us have seen these sorts of illusions as children, such as when two lines of the same length appear to be different lengths (the Ponzo illusion).
罗杰·谢泼德画了一个他称之为“扭转局面”的幻象，与庞佐号有关。很难相信，但这些桌面的大小和形状是相同的（您可以通过剪下一张纸或玻璃纸来检查其中一个的确切形状，然后将其放在另一个上）。这种错觉利用了我们视觉系统深度感知机制的原理。即使知道这是幻觉，我们也无法扭转脱机制。无论我们看这个图多少次，它都会继续让我们感到惊讶，因为我们的大脑实际上向我们提供了有关物体的错误信息。
Roger Shepard drew an illusion he calls “Turning the Tables” that is related to the Ponzo. It’s hard to believe, but these tabletops are identical in size and shape (you can check by cutting out a piece of paper or cellophane the exact shape of one and then placing it over the other). This illusion exploits a principle of our visual system’s depth perception mechanisms. Even knowing that it is an illusion does not allow us to turn off the mechanism. No matter how many times we view this figure, it continues to surprise us because our brains are actually giving us misinformation about the objects.
在卡尼扎错觉中，似乎有一个白色三角形位于黑色轮廓的三角形之上。但如果你仔细观察，你会发现图中没有三角形。我们的感知系统会完善或“填充”不存在的信息。
In the Kaniza illusion there appears to be a white triangle lying on top of a black-outlined one. But if you look closely, you’ll see that there are no triangles in the figure. Our perceptual system completes or “fills in” information that isn’t there.
为什么要这样做？我们最好的猜测是，这样做是在进化上适应的。我们看到和听到的许多内容都包含缺失的信息。我们的狩猎采集祖先可能看到过一只老虎的一部分被树木遮住了，或者听到了狮子的吼叫声，但狮子的吼叫声被离我们更近的树叶沙沙作响的声音所掩盖。声音和景象通常作为部分信息传递给我们，这些信息被环境中的其他事物所掩盖。能够恢复丢失信息的感知系统将帮助我们在威胁情况下做出快速决策。现在最好是逃跑，而不是坐下来试图弄清楚这两个独立的、破碎的声音是否是狮子吼声的一部分。
Why does it do this? Our best guess is that it was evolutionarily adaptive to do so. Much of what we see and hear contains missing information. Our hunter-gatherer ancestors might have seen a tiger partially hidden by trees, or heard a lion’s roar partly obscured by the sound of leaves rustling much closer to us. Sounds and sights often come to us as partial information that has been obscured by other things in the environment. A perceptual system that can restore missing information would help us make quick decisions in threatening situations. Better to run now than sit and try to figure out if those two separate, broken pieces of sound were part of a single lion roar.
听觉系统有自己的知觉完成版本。认知心理学家理查德·沃伦（Richard Warren）很好地证明了这一点。他录下一句：“该法案已获得参众两院通过”，并从录音带上剪下了这句话的一段。他用同样持续时间的一阵白噪声（静态）替换了缺失的部分。几乎每个听到修改过的录音的人都报告说他们听到了一句话和静电噪音。但很大一部分人却分不清静电在哪里！听觉系统已经补齐了缺失的言语信息，让这句话看起来没有被打断。大多数人报告说存在静电，并且它的存在与口头句子无关。静态和句子由于音色的差异而形成不同的感知流，导致它们分开分组；布雷格曼将此称为“音色流”。显然这是一种感官扭曲。我们的感知系统告诉我们一些关于世界的信息是不真实的。但同样清楚的是，如果它可以帮助我们在生死攸关的情况下理解世界，那么它就具有进化/适应性价值。
The auditory system has its own version of perceptual completion. The cognitive psychologist Richard Warren demonstrated this particularly well. He recorded a sentence, “The bill was passed by both houses of the legislature,” and cut out a piece of the sentence from the recording tape. He replaced the missing piece with a burst of white noise (static) of the same duration. Nearly everyone who heard the altered recording could report that they heard both a sentence and static. But a large proportion of people couldn’t tell where the static was! The auditory system had filled in the missing speech information, so that the sentence seemed to be uninterrupted. Most people reported that there was static and that it existed apart from the spoken sentence. The static and the sentence formed separate perceptual streams due to differences in timbre that caused them to group separately; Bregman calls this streaming by timbre. Clearly this is a sensory distortion; our perceptual system is telling us something about the world that isn’t true. But just as clearly, this has an evolutionary/adaptive value if it can help us make sense of the world during a life-or-death situation.
根据伟大的感知心理学家赫尔曼·冯·亥姆霍兹、理查德·格雷戈里、欧文·洛克和罗杰·谢泼德的说法，感知是一个推理过程，涉及概率分析。大脑的任务是根据到达感觉受体（视网膜负责视觉，耳膜负责视觉）的特定信息模式，确定物理世界中物体最可能的排列方式。听力。大多数时候，我们的感觉受体接收到的信息是不完整或模糊的。声音与其他声音混合在一起，机器的声音、风声、脚步声。无论您现在身在何处，无论您是在飞机上、咖啡店、图书馆、家里、公园还是其他任何地方，请停下来聆听周围的声音。除非您处于感官隔离池中，否则您可能可以识别至少六种不同的声音。当你考虑大脑从什么开始（即感觉受体传递给它的东西）时，你的大脑进行这些识别的能力简直是非凡的。按音色、空间位置、响度等进行分组的原则有助于将它们分开，但对于这个过程我们仍然有很多不了解的地方；目前还没有人设计出一台可以执行声源分离任务的计算机。
According to the great perception psychologists Hermann von Helmholtz, Richard Gregory, Irvin Rock, and Roger Shepard, perception is a process of inference, and involves an analysis of probabilities. The brain’s task is to determine what the most likely arrangement of objects in the physical world is, given the particular pattern of information that reaches the sensory receptors—the retina for vision, the eardrum for hearing. Most of the time the information we receive at our sensory receptors is incomplete or ambiguous. Voices are mixed in with other voices, the sounds of machines, wind, footsteps. Wherever you are right now—whether you’re in an airplane, a coffee shop, a library, at home, in a park, or anywhere else—stop and listen to the sounds around you. Unless you’re in a sensory isolation tank, you can probably identify at least a half-dozen different sounds. Your brain’s ability to make these identifications is nothing short of remarkable when you consider what it starts out with—that is, what the sensory receptors pass up to it. Grouping principles—by timbre, spatial location, loudness, and so on—help to segregate them, but there is still a lot we don’t know about this process; no one has yet designed a computer that can perform this task of sound source separation.
鼓膜只是一层横跨组织和骨骼的薄膜。它是通往听觉的大门。事实上，你对听觉世界的所有印象都来自于它响应空气分子撞击而前后摆动的方式。（在某种程度上，耳廓——耳朵的肉质部分——和头骨中的骨头一样也参与听觉感知，但在大多数情况下，鼓膜是我们了解外界事物的主要来源。 ）让我们考虑一个典型的听觉场景，一个人坐在客厅里读书。在这种环境中，我们假设有六种她可以轻松识别的声源：中央供暖系统的呼啸声（通过管道系统输送空气的风扇或鼓风机）、厨房中冰箱的嗡嗡声、外面的交通声街道上的声音（本身可能是几种或几十种不同的声音，包括不同的发动机、刹车吱吱声、喇叭声等）、树叶在风中沙沙作响、一只猫在她旁边的椅子上发出呼噜声，以及德彪西前奏曲的录音。其中每一个都可以被视为听觉对象或声源，我们能够识别它们，因为它们都有自己独特的声音。
The eardrum is simply a membrane that is stretched across tissue and bone. It is the gateway to hearing. Virtually all of your impressions of the auditory world come from the way in which it wiggles back and forth in response to air molecules hitting it. (To a degree, the pinnae—the fleshy parts of your ear—are also involved in auditory perception, as are the bones in your skull, but for the most part, the eardrum is the primary source of what we know about what is out there in the auditory world.) Let’s consider a typical auditory scene, a person sitting in her living room reading a book. In this environment, let’s suppose that there are six sources of sound that she can readily identify: the whooshing noise of the central heating (the fan or blower that moves air through the ductwork), the hum of a refrigerator in the kitchen, traffic outside on the street (which itself could be several or dozens of distinct sounds comprising different engines, brakes squeaking, horns, etc.), leaves rustling in the wind outside, a cat purring on the chair next to her, and a recording of Debussy preludes. Each of these can be considered an auditory object or a sound source, and we are able to identify them because each has its own distinctive sound.
声音通过以一定频率振动的分子在空气中传播。这些分子轰击耳膜，使其根据撞击的力度（与音量或音量有关）而进出。声音的振幅）以及它们振动的速度（与我们所说的音调有关）。但分子中没有任何东西可以告诉耳膜它们来自哪里，或者哪些分子与哪个物体相关。猫的呼噜声引起运动的分子不带有“猫”的识别标签，它们可能与冰箱、加热器的声音同时到达耳膜，并且位于耳膜的同一区域。 ，德彪西，以及其他一切。
Sound is transmitted through the air by molecules vibrating at certain frequencies. These molecules bombard the eardrum, causing it to wiggle in and out depending on how hard they hit it (related to the volume or amplitude of the sound) and on how fast they’re vibrating (related to what we call pitch). But there is nothing in the molecules that tells the eardrum where they came from, or which ones are associated with which object. The molecules that were set in motion by the cat purring don’t carry an identifying tag that says cat, and they may arrive on the eardrum at the same time and in the same region of the eardrum as the sounds from the refrigerator, the heater, Debussy, and everything else.
想象一下，你将一个枕套紧紧地盖在一个桶的开口上，不同的人从不同的距离向它扔乒乓球。每个人都可以随心所欲地投掷乒乓球，并且可以投掷任意数量的乒乓球。你的工作就是通过观察枕套如何上下移动来弄清楚有多少人，他们是谁，以及他们是朝你走来，远离你，还是站着不动。这类似于听觉系统在仅使用鼓膜的运动作为指导来识别世界上的听觉对象时必须面对的问题。大脑如何从这种撞击膜的杂乱的分子混合物中找出外面的世界是什么？特别是，它是如何在音乐上做到这一点的？
Imagine that you stretch a pillowcase tightly across the opening of a bucket, and different people throw Ping-Pong balls at it from different distances. Each person can throw as many Ping-Pong balls as he likes, and as often as he likes. Your job is to figure out, just by looking at how the pillowcase moves up and down, how many people there are, who they are, and whether they are walking toward you, away from you, or are standing still. This is analogous to what the auditory system has to contend with in making identifications of auditory objects in the world, using only the movement of the eardrum as a guide. How does the brain figure out, from this disorganized mixture of molecules beating against a membrane, what is out there in the world? In particular, how does it do this with music?
它通过特征提取过程和随后的另一个特征集成过程来实现这一点。大脑使用专门的神经网络从音乐中提取基本的低级特征，将信号分解为有关音调、音色、空间位置、响度、混响环境、音调持续时间以及不同音符（以及不同音符）的开始时间的信息。声调的组成部分）。这些操作由计算这些值的神经电路并行执行，并且可以在某种程度上彼此独立地操作，也就是说，音调电路不需要等待持续时间电路完成才能执行其计算。这种处理（神经回路仅考虑刺激中包含的信息）称为自下而上的处理。在世界和大脑中，音乐的这些属性是可分离的。我们可以改变其中一个而不改变另一个，就像我们可以改变视觉对象的形状而不改变其颜色一样。
It does this through a process of feature extraction, followed by another process of feature integration. The brain extracts basic, low-level features from the music, using specialized neural networks that decompose the signal into information about pitch, timbre, spatial location, loudness, reverberant environment, tone durations, and the onset times for different notes (and for different components of tones). These operations are carried out in parallel by neural circuits that compute these values and that can operate somewhat independently of one another—that is, the pitch circuit doesn’t need to wait for the duration circuit to be done in order to perform its calculations. This sort of processing—where only the information contained in the stimulus is considered by the neural circuits—is called bottom-up processing. In the world and in the brain, these attributes of the music are separable. We can change one without changing the other, just as we can change shape in visual objects without changing their color.
基本元素的低级、自下而上的处理发生在我们大脑的外围和系统发育较古老的部分；术语“低级”是指对感官刺激的基本或构建块属性的感知。高级处理发生在我们大脑中更复杂的部分，这些部分从感觉受体和许多低级处理单元获取神经投射；这是指将低级元素组合成一个集成的表示。高级处理是将所有内容结合在一起的地方，是我们的思想对形式和内容进行理解的地方。你大脑中的低级处理会在该页面上看到墨迹，甚至可能允许你将这些墨迹放在一起并识别视觉词汇中的基本形式，例如字母A。将三个字母组合在一起，可以让您阅读 ART 这个词，并在脑海中形成该词含义的图像。
Low-level, bottom-up processing of basic elements occurs in the peripheral and phylogenetically older parts of our brains; the term low-level refers to the perception of elemental or building-block attributes of a sensory stimulus. High-level processing occurs in more sophisticated parts of our brains that take neural projections from the sensory receptors and from a number of low-level processing units; this refers to the combining of low-level elements into an integrated representation. High-level processing is where it all comes together, where our minds come to an understanding of form and content. Low-level processing in your brain sees blobs of ink on this page, and perhaps even allows you to put those blobs together and recognize a basic form in your visual vocabulary, such as the letter A. But it is high-level processing that puts together three letters to let you read the word ART and to generate a mental image of what the word means.
在耳蜗、听觉皮层、脑干和小脑进行特征提取的同时，我们大脑的高级中心正在不断接收有关迄今为止提取内容的信息流；该信息不断更新，并且通常会重写旧信息。当我们的高级思维中心（主要位于额叶皮层）收到这些更新时，他们正在努力根据以下几个因素来预测音乐中接下来会发生什么：
At the same time as feature extraction is taking place in the cochlea, auditory cortex, brain stem, and cerebellum, the higher-level centers of our brain are receiving a constant flow of information about what has been extracted so far; this information is continually updated, and typically rewrites the older information. As our centers for higher thought—mostly in the frontal cortex—receive these updates, they are working hard to predict what will come next in the music, based on several factors:
~ 我们所听到的音乐中已经出现过的内容；
〜如果音乐熟悉的话，接下来我们会记住；
〜如果基于之前接触过这种音乐风格的流派或风格，我们期望接下来会发生什么；
~ 我们获得的任何附加信息，例如我们读过的音乐的摘要、表演者的突然动作或坐在我们旁边的人的轻推。
~ what has already come before in the piece of music we’re hearing;
~ what we remember will come next if the music is familiar;
~ what we expect will come next if the genre or style is familiar, based on previous exposure to this style of music;
~ any additional information we’ve been given, such as a summary of the music that we’ve read, a sudden movement by a performer, or a nudge by the person sitting next to us.
这些额叶计算被称为自上而下的处理，它们可以在计算过程中对较低层模块产生影响。执行自下而上的计算。自上而下的期望可能会导致我们通过重置自下而上处理器中的某些电路来误解事物。这在一定程度上是知觉完成和其他错觉的神经基础。
These frontal-lobe calculations are called top-down processing and they can exert influence on the lower-level modules while they are performing their bottom-up computations. The top-down expectations can cause us to misperceive things by resetting some of the circuitry in the bottom-up processors. This is partly the neural basis for perceptual completion and other illusions.
自上而下和自下而上的流程以持续的方式相互通知。在对特征进行单独分析的同时，大脑中较高的部分（即系统发育上更先进的部分，并且接收来自较低大脑区域的连接）正在努力将这些特征整合成一个感知整体。大脑根据这些组成特征构建现实的表示，就像孩子用乐高积木建造堡垒一样。在此过程中，由于信息不完整或模糊，大脑会做出许多推论；有时这些推论被证明是错误的，这就是视觉和听觉错觉：表明我们的感知系统错误地猜测了外面的世界。
The top-down and bottom-up processes inform each other in an ongoing fashion. At the same time as features are being analyzed individually, parts of the brain that are higher up—that is, that are more phylogenetically advanced, and that receive connections from lower brain regions—are working to integrate these features into a perceptual whole. The brain constructs a representation of reality, based on these component features, much as a child constructs a fort out of Lego blocks. In the process, the brain makes a number of inferences, due to incomplete or ambiguous information; sometimes these inferences turn out to be wrong, and that is what visual and auditory illusions are: demonstrations that our perceptual system has guessed incorrectly about what is out-there-in-the-world.
大脑在尝试识别我们听到的听觉对象时面临三个困难。首先，到达感觉受体的信息是未分化的。其次，信息不明确——不同的物体可以在耳膜上产生相似或相同的激活模式。第三，信息很少是完整的。部分声音可能会被其他声音掩盖或丢失。大脑必须对外面到底有什么做出经过计算的猜测。它的速度非常快，而且通常是下意识的。我们之前看到的幻象，以及这些知觉操作，不受我们意识的影响。例如，我可以告诉你，你看到卡尼扎图中没有三角形的原因是由于知觉完成。但即使你知道其中涉及的原理，也不可能将其关闭。你的大脑继续以同样的方式处理信息，并且你继续对结果感到惊讶。
The brain faces three difficulties in trying to identify the auditory objects we hear. First, the information arriving at the sensory receptors is undifferentiated. Second, the information is ambiguous—different objects can give rise to similar or identical patterns of activation on the eardrum. Third, the information is seldom complete. Parts of the sound may be covered up by other sounds, or lost. The brain has to make a calculated guess about what is really out there. It does so very quickly and generally subconsciously. The illusions we saw previously, along with these perceptual operations, are not subject to our awareness. I can tell you, for example, that the reason you see triangles where there are none in the Kaniza figure is due to perceptual completion. But even after you know the principles that are involved, it is impossible to turn them off. Your brain keeps on processing the information in the same way, and you continue to be surprised by the outcome.
亥姆霍兹将这个过程称为“无意识推理”。洛克称之为“感知的逻辑”。乔治·米勒、乌尔里希·奈瑟、赫伯特·西蒙和罗杰·谢泼德将感知描述为“建设性过程”。这些都是在说我们所看到和听到的就是结局一系列的心理事件，这些事件产生了对物质世界的印象、心理形象。我们大脑的许多功能——包括颜色、味觉、嗅觉和听觉——都是由于进化压力而产生的，其中一些已经不复存在。认知心理学家史蒂文·平克（Steven Pinker）和其他人认为，我们的音乐感知系统本质上是一种进化事故，生存和性选择压力创造了一种语言和交流系统，我们学会利用它来实现音乐目的。这是认知心理学界有争议的一点。考古记录给我们留下了一些线索，但很少给我们留下可以明确解决此类问题的“铁证”。我所描述的填充现象不仅仅是实验室的好奇心；它是一种现象。作曲家也利用了这一原则，因为他们知道我们对旋律线的感知将继续下去，即使它的一部分被其他乐器掩盖了。每当我们听到钢琴或低音提琴的最低音符时，我们实际上听到的并不是 27.5 或 35 Hz，因为这些乐器通常无法在这些超低频率下产生太多能量：我们的耳朵正在填充信息并给我们带来错觉语气那么低。
Helmholtz called this process “unconscious inference.” Rock called it “the logic of perception.” George Miller, Ulrich Neisser, Herbert Simon, and Roger Shepard have described perception as a “constructive process.” These are all ways of saying that what we see and hear is the end of a long chain of mental events that give rise to an impression, a mental image, of the physical world. Many of the ways in which our brains function—including our senses of color, taste, smell, and hearing—arose due to evolutionary pressures, some of which no longer exist. The cognitive psychologist Steven Pinker and others have suggested that our music-perception system was essentially an evolutionary accident, and that survival and sexual-selection pressures created a language and communication system that we learned to exploit for musical purposes. This is a contentious point in the cognitive-psychology community. The archaeological record has left us some clues, but it rarely leaves us a “smoking gun” that can settle such issues definitively. The filling-in phenomenon I’ve described is not just a laboratory curiosity; composers exploit this principle as well, knowing that our perception of a melodic line will continue, even if part of it is obscured by other instruments. Whenever we hear the lowest notes on the piano or double bass, we are not actually hearing 27.5 or 35 Hz, because those instruments are typically incapable of producing much energy at these ultralow frequencies: Our ears are filling in the information and giving us the illusion that the tone is that low.
我们在音乐中以其他方式体验幻觉。在钢琴作品中，如辛丁的《春天的沙沙声》或肖邦的升C小调幻想即兴曲，同前。66、音符过得如此之快，以至于出现了一段虚幻的旋律。慢慢地弹奏这首曲子，它就会消失。由于流隔离，当音符在时间上足够接近时，旋律会“弹出”（感知系统将音符保持在一起），但当音符在时间上相距太远时，旋律就会丢失。巴黎人类博物馆的伯纳德·洛尔塔-雅各布（Bernard Lortat-Jacob）研究发现，撒丁岛无伴奏声乐中的 Quintina（字面意思是“第五个”）也传达了一种错觉：当和声响起时，从四个男声中出现第五个女声。音色表现得恰到好处。（他们相信，如果他们足够虔诚，唱对了，那声音就是圣母玛利亚来奖励他们的声音。）
We experience illusions in other ways in music. In piano works such as Sinding’s “The Rustle of Spring” or Chopin’s Fantasy-Impromptu in C-sharp Minor, op. 66, the notes go by so quickly that an illusory melody emerges. Play the tune slowly and it disappears. Due to stream segregation, the melody “pops out” when the notes are close enough together in time—the perceptual system holds the notes together—but the melody is lost when its notes are too far apart in time. As studied by Bernard Lortat-Jacob at the Musée de l’Homme in Paris, the Quintina (literally “fifth one”) in Sardinian a capella vocal music also conveys an illusion: A fifth female voice emerges from the four male voices when the harmony and timbres are performed just right. (They believe the voice is that of the Virgin Mary coming to reward them if they are pious enough to sing it right.)
在老鹰乐队的“One ofThese Nights”（同名专辑中的主打歌）中，歌曲以贝斯和吉他演奏的模式开始，听起来就像一种乐器——贝斯演奏一个音符，吉他添加一个音符。滑奏，但感知效果是低音滑动，由于良好延续的格式塔原则。乔治·谢林（George Shearing）通过将吉他（或在某些情况下，振动琴）演奏的音色加倍于他在钢琴上演奏的音色，创造了一种新的音色效果，其精确程度让听众想知道，“那个新乐器是什么？” 事实上，它是两种独立的乐器，其声音在感知上融合在一起。在《麦当娜夫人》中，四位披头士乐队在乐器休息时对着他们的双手唱歌，我们发誓有萨克斯管在演奏，这是基于他们所达到的不寻常的音色，加上我们（自上而下）期望萨克斯管应该以一种这种类型的歌曲（不要与歌曲中实际的萨克斯管独奏混淆）。
In the Eagles’ “One of These Nights” (the title song from the album of the same name) the song opens with a pattern played by bass and guitar that sounds like one instrument—the bass plays a single note, and the guitar adds a glissando, but the perceptual effect is of the bass sliding, due to the Gestalt principle of good continuation. George Shearing created a new timbral effect by having guitar (or in some cases, vibrophone) double what he was playing on the piano so precisely that listeners come away wondering, “What is that new instrument?” when in reality it is two separate instruments whose sounds have perceptually fused. In “Lady Madonna,” the four Beatles sing into their cupped hands during an instrumental break and we swear that there are saxophones playing, based on the unusual timbre they achieve coupled with our (top-down) expectation that saxophones should be playing in a song of this genre (this is not to be confused with the actual saxophone solo that occurs in the song).
大多数当代录音都充满了另一种听觉错觉。人工混响使歌手和主音吉他听起来像是来自音乐厅的后面，即使我们戴着耳机聆听并且声音来自距离我们耳朵一英寸的地方。麦克风技术可以使吉他听起来就像十英尺宽，而你的耳朵就在音孔所在的位置——这在现实世界中是不可能的（因为琴弦必须穿过音孔——如果你的耳朵真的在那里，吉他手会弹奏你的鼻子）。我们的大脑利用有关声音频谱和回声类型的线索来告诉我们周围的听觉世界，就像老鼠用胡须了解周围的物理世界一样。录音工程师已经学会模仿这些线索，为录音注入真实、逼真的品质，即使它们是在无菌录音室制作的。
Most contemporary recordings are filled with another type of auditory illusion. Artificial reverberation makes vocalists and lead guitars sound like they’re coming from the back of a concert hall, even when we’re listening in headphones and the sound is coming from an inch away from our ears. Microphone techniques can make a guitar sound like it is ten feet wide and your ears are right where the soundhole is—an impossibility in the real world (because the strings have to go across the soundhole—and if your ears were really there, the guitarist would be strumming your nose). Our brains use cues about the spectrum of the sound and the type of echoes to tell us about the auditory world around us, much as a mouse uses his whiskers to know about the physical world around him. Recording engineers have learned to mimic those cues to imbue recordings with a real-world, lifelike quality even when they’re made in sterile recording studios.
如今，我们中的许多人都被录制的音乐所吸引，这是有一个相关原因的，尤其是现在个人音乐播放器很常见，而且人们经常戴着耳机聆听。录音工程师和音乐家已经学会了利用神经回路来创造特殊效果，让我们的大脑发痒，这些神经回路是为了辨别我们听觉环境的重要特征而进化的。这些特效在原理上与 3D 艺术、电影或视觉错觉类似，但它们都存在的时间不够长，以至于我们的大脑已经进化出特殊的机制来感知它们；相反，他们利用感知系统是为了完成其他事情而准备的。因为他们以新颖的方式使用这些神经回路，所以我们发现它们特别有趣。现代录音的制作方式也是如此。
There is a related reason why so many of us are attracted to recorded music these days—and especially now that personal music players are common and people are listening in headphones a lot. Recording engineers and musicians have learned to create special effects that tickle our brains by exploiting neural circuits that evolved to discern important features of our auditory environment. These special effects are similar in principle to 3-D art, motion pictures, or visual illusions, none of which have been around long enough for our brains to have evolved special mechanisms to perceive them; rather, they leverage perceptual systems that are in place to accomplish other things. Because they use these neural circuits in novel ways, we find them especially interesting. The same is true of the way that modern recordings are made.
我们的大脑可以根据传入我们耳朵的信号中的混响和回声来估计封闭空间的大小。尽管我们很少有人理解描述一个房间与另一个房间有何不同所必需的方程式，但我们所有人都可以分辨出我们是站在一间铺着瓷砖的小浴室、一个中型音乐厅还是一座天花板很高的大教堂里。当我们听到录音时，我们可以知道歌手或演讲者所在的房间有多大。录音工程师创造了我所说的“超现实”，录制的内容相当于电影摄影师在超速汽车的保险杠上安装摄像机的技巧。我们体验到在现实世界中从未真正拥有的感官印象。
Our brains can estimate the size of an enclosed space on the basis of the reverberation and echo present in the signal that hits our ears. Even though few of us understand the equations necessary to describe how one room differs from another, all of us can tell whether we’re standing in a small, tiled bathroom, a medium-sized concert hall, or a large church with high ceilings. And we can tell when we hear recordings of voices what size room the singer or speaker is in. Recording engineers create what I call “hyperrealities,” the recorded equivalent of the cinematographer’s trick of mounting a camera on the bumper of a speeding car. We experience sensory impressions that we never actually have in the real world.
我们的大脑对时间信息极其敏感。我们能够根据声音到达我们的一只耳朵与另一只耳朵的时间之间仅几毫秒的差异来定位世界上的物体。我们喜欢在录制的音乐中听到的许多特效都是基于这种敏感性。帕特·梅森尼 (Pat Metheny) 或平克·弗洛伊德 (Pink Floyd) 乐队的大卫·吉尔莫 (David Gilmour) 的吉他声音使用信号的多次延迟，通过模拟封闭洞穴的声音，以人类以前从未经历过的方式，产生一种令人难以忘怀的效果，从而触发我们大脑的某些部分。现实世界中永远不会出现的回声——听觉上相当于无限重复的理发店镜子。
Our brains are exquisitely sensitive to timing information. We are able to localize objects in the world based on differences of only a few milliseconds between the time of arrival of a sound at one of our ears versus the other. Many of the special effects we love to hear in recorded music are based on this sensitivity. The guitar sound of Pat Metheny or David Gilmour of Pink Floyd use multiple delays of the signal to give an otherwordly, haunting effect that triggers parts of our brains in ways that humans had never experienced before, by simulating the sound of an enclosed cave with multiple echoes such as would never actually occur in the real world—an auditory equivalent of the barbershop mirrors that repeated infinitely.
也许音乐中的终极幻觉是结构和形式的幻觉。音符序列本身并没有什么可以创造出我们与音乐之间丰富的情感联系，音阶、和弦或和弦序列本身也没有任何东西可以让我们期待一个解决方案。我们理解音乐的能力取决于经验，也取决于神经结构，神经结构可以根据我们听到的每首新歌以及每次听的老歌进行学习和修改。我们的大脑学习一种特定于我们文化的音乐的音乐语法，就像我们学习说我们文化的语言一样。
Perhaps the ultimate illusion in music is the illusion of structure and form. There is nothing in a sequence of notes themselves that creates the rich emotional associations we have with music, nothing about a scale, a chord, or a chord sequence that intrinsically causes us to expect a resolution. Our ability to make sense of music depends on experience, and on neural structures that can learn and modify themselves with each new song we hear, and with each new listening to an old song. Our brains learn a kind of musical grammar that is specific to the music of our culture, just as we learn to speak the language of our culture.
诺姆·乔姆斯基对现代语言学和心理学的贡献是，我们生来就具有理解世界上任何一种语言的天生能力，而特定语言的经验会塑造、构建并最终修剪一个复杂且相互关联的神经回路网络。 。我们的大脑在我们出生之前并不知道我们将接触到哪种语言，但是我们的大脑和自然语言共同进化，因此世界上所有的语言都共享某些基本原则，并且我们的大脑有能力整合其中任何一种语言，几乎毫不费力，只需在神经发育的关键阶段进行暴露即可。
Noam Chomsky’s contribution to modern linguistics and psychology was proposing that we are all born with an innate capacity to understand any of the world’s languages, and that experience with a particular language shapes, builds, and then ultimately prunes a complicated and interconnected network of neural circuits. Our brain doesn’t know before we’re born which language we’ll be exposed to, but our brains and natural languages coevolved so that all of the world’s languages share certain fundamental principles, and our brains have the capacity to incorporate any of them, almost effortlessly, through mere exposure during a critical stage of neural development.
同样，我相信我们都有学习世界上任何音乐的天生能力，尽管它们在本质上也彼此不同。出生后，大脑会经历一段神经快速发育的时期，并持续到生命的最初几年。在此期间，新的神经连接形成的速度比我们一生中的任何其他时间都快，在我们的童年中期，大脑开始修剪这些连接，只保留最重要和最常用的连接。这成为我们理解音乐的基础，并最终成为我们喜欢什么音乐、什么音乐打动我们以及它如何打动我们的基础。这并不是说我们成年后就不能学会欣赏新音乐，而是当我们在生命早期听音乐时，基本的结构元素就被融入到我们大脑的接线中。
Similarly, I believe that we all have an innate capacity to learn any of the world’s musics, although they, too, differ in substantive ways from one another. The brain undergoes a period of rapid neural development after birth, continuing for the first years of life. During this time, new neural connections are forming more rapidly than at any other time in our lives, and during our midchildhood years, the brain starts to prune these connections, retaining only the most important and most often used ones. This becomes the basis for our understanding of music, and ultimately the basis for what we like in music, what music moves us, and how it moves us. This is not to say that we can’t learn to appreciate new music as adults, but basic structural elements are incorporated into the very wiring of our brains when we listen to music early in our lives.
那么，音乐可以被认为是一种知觉错觉，我们的大脑将结构和顺序强加在一系列声音上。这种结构如何引导我们体验情感反应是音乐之谜的一部分。毕竟，当我们经历生活中的其他类型的结构时，例如平衡的支票簿或药店里有序排列的急救产品，我们不会流泪（好吧，至少我们大多数人都没有） ）。我们在音乐中发现的特殊秩序是什么让我们如此感动？音阶和和弦的结构与此有关，我们大脑的结构也与此有关。我们大脑中的特征检测器致力于从传入我们耳朵的声音流中提取信息。大脑的计算系统将这些组合成一个连贯的整体，部分基于它的想法应该是倾听，并且部分基于期望。这些期望的来源是理解音乐如何感动、何时感动我们以及为什么有些音乐只会让我们想要按下收音机或 CD 播放器上的关闭按钮的关键之一。音乐期望的主题也许是音乐认知神经科学中最和谐地结合音乐理论和神经理论、音乐家和科学家的领域，为了完全理解它，我们必须研究特定的音乐模式如何产生特定的音乐模式。大脑中的神经激活。
Music, then, can be thought of as a type of perceptual illusion in which our brain imposes structure and order on a sequence of sounds. Just how this structure leads us to experience emotional reactions is part of the mystery of music. After all, we don’t get all weepy eyed when we experience other kinds of structure in our lives, such as a balanced checkbook or the orderly arrangement of first-aid products in a drugstore (well, at least most of us don’t). What is it about the particular kind of order we find in music that moves us so? The structure of scales and chords has something to do with it, as does the structure of our brains. Feature detectors in our brains work to extract information from the stream of sounds that hits our ears. The brain’s computational system combines these into a coherent whole, based in part on what it thinks it ought to be hearing, and in part based on expectations. Just where those expectations come from is one of the keys to understanding how music moves, when it moves us, and why some music only makes us want to reach for the off button on our radios or CD players. The topic of musical expectations is perhaps the area in the cognitive neuroscience of music that most harmoniously unites music theory and neural theory, musicians and scientists, and to understand it completely, we have to study how particular patterns of music give rise to particular patterns of neural activations in the brain.
4. 预期
4. Anticipation
我们对李斯特（和卢达克里斯）的期望
What We Expect from Liszt (and Ludacris)
当我参加婚礼时，让我流泪的并不是新娘和新郎站在他们的朋友和家人面前的希望和爱，以及他们的整个生活。当音乐响起时，我开始哭泣。在电影中，当两个人在经历了一番磨难后终于重聚时，音乐再次将我和我的情感推向了感伤的边缘。
When I’m at a wedding, it is not the sight of the hope and love of the bride and groom standing in front of their friends and family, their whole life before them, that makes my eyes tear up. It is when the music begins that I start to cry. In a movie, when two people are at long last reunited after some great ordeal, the music again pushes me and my emotions over the sentimental edge.
我之前说过，音乐是有组织的声音，但组织必须涉及一些意想不到的元素，否则它在情感上就会变得平淡和机械。我们对音乐的欣赏与我们学习我们喜欢的音乐的基本结构（相当于口语或手语的语法）以及预测接下来会发生什么的能力密切相关。作曲家通过了解我们的期望是什么，然后非常有意识地控制何时满足这些期望以及何时不满足这些期望，从而为音乐注入情感。我们从音乐中体验到的激动、寒意和泪水，是由熟练的作曲家和诠释音乐的音乐家巧妙地操纵我们的期望的结果。
I said earlier that music is organized sound, but the organization has to involve some element of the unexpected or it is emotionally flat and robotic. The appreciation we have for music is intimately related to our ability to learn the underlying structure of the music we like—the equivalent to grammar in spoken or signed languages—and to be able to make predictions about what will come next. Composers imbue music with emotion by knowing what our expectations are and then very deliberately controlling when those expectations will be met, and when they won’t. The thrills, chills, and tears we experience from music are the result of having our expectations artfully manipulated by a skilled composer and the musicians who interpret that music.
也许西方古典音乐中记录最多的幻觉（或客厅戏法）就是具有欺骗性的节奏。节奏是一个和弦序列，它建立了一个明确的期望，然后结束，通常以令人满意的分辨率。在欺骗性的节奏中，作曲家一次又一次地重复和弦序列，直到他最终让听众相信我们会得到我们所期望的，但在最后一刻，他给了我们一个意想不到的和弦——不是调外的和弦。 ，但是一个告诉我们一切还没有结束的和弦，一个没有完全解决的和弦。海顿如此频繁地使用欺骗性的节奏，以至于近乎痴迷。佩里·库克将其比作魔术：魔术师设定期望，然后违背它们，而你完全不知道他们将如何或何时做到这一点。作曲家也做同样的事情。披头士乐队的《For No One》以 V 和弦（我们所处音阶的第五度）结束，我们等待着一个永远不会到来的解决方案——至少在那首歌中是这样。但专辑《Revolver》中的下一首歌曲从我们等待听到的和弦开始了一个完整的步骤，一个半分辨率（到降七），横跨惊喜和释放。
Perhaps the most documented illusion—or parlor trick—in Western classical music is the deceptive cadence. A cadence is a chord sequence that sets up a clear expectation and then closes, typically with a satisfying resolution. In the deceptive cadence, the composer repeats the chord sequence again and again until he has finally convinced the listeners that we’re going to get what we expect, but then at the last minute, he gives us an unexpected chord—not outside the key, but a chord that tells us that it’s not over, a chord that doesn’t completely resolve. Haydn’s use of the deceptive cadence is so frequent, it borders on an obsession. Perry Cook has likened this to a magic trick: Magicians set up expectations and then defy them, all without you knowing exactly how or when they’re going to do it. Composers do the same thing. The Beatles’ “For No One” ends on the V chord (the fifth degree of the scale we’re in) and we wait for a resolution that never comes—at least not in that song. But the very next song on the album Revolver starts a whole step down from the very chord we were waiting to hear, a semi-resolution (to the flat seven) that straddles surprise and release.
设定然后操纵期望是音乐的核心，它可以通过无数种方式来实现。Steely Dan 的做法是演奏本质上是布鲁斯的歌曲（具有布鲁斯结构和和弦进行），但在和弦中添加不寻常的和声，使它们听起来非常不布鲁斯，例如他们的歌曲“Chain Lightning”。迈尔斯·戴维斯 (Miles Davis) 和约翰·科尔特兰 (John Coltrane) 的职业生涯是通过重新协调布鲁斯进行曲来赋予他们新的声音，这些声音部分是熟悉的，部分是异国情调的。在他的个人专辑Kamakiriad 中， Donald Fagen（Stely Dan 的成员）有一首带有布鲁斯/放克节奏的歌曲，这让我们期待标准的布鲁斯和弦进行，但是这首歌的第一分半钟只用一个和弦演奏，从来没有从那个和谐位置移动。（艾瑞莎·富兰克林的“Chain of Fools”都是一个和弦。）
The setting up and then manipulating of expectations is the heart of music, and it is accomplished in countless ways. Steely Dan do it by playing songs that are essentially the blues (with blues structure and chord progressions) but by adding unusual harmonies to the chords that make them sound very unblues—for example on their song “Chain Lightning.” Miles Davis and John Coltrane made careers out of reharmonizing blues progressions to give them new sounds that were anchored partly in the familiar and partly in the exotic. On his solo album Kamakiriad, Donald Fagen (of Steely Dan) has one song with blues/funk rhythms that leads us to expect the standard blues chord progression, but the first minute and a half of the song is played on only one chord, never moving from that harmonic position. (Aretha Franklin’s “Chain of Fools” is all one chord.)
在《昨天》中，主旋律乐句有七小节长；披头士乐队让我们感到惊讶的是，他们违反了流行音乐最基本的假设之一，即四小节或八小节的乐句单元（几乎所有摇滚/流行歌曲的音乐理念都被组织成这些长度的乐句）。在《I Want You (She's So Heavy)》中，披头士乐队首先设置了一个听起来像这样的催眠式重复结局，这违反了人们的预期将永远持续下去；根据我们对摇滚音乐和摇滚音乐结局的经验，我们预计这首歌的音量会慢慢减弱，即经典的淡出。相反，他们突然结束歌曲，甚至不是在一个乐句的结尾，而是在一个音符的中间结束！
In “Yesterday,” the main melodic phrase is seven measures long; the Beatles surprise us by violating one of the most basic assumptions of popular music, the four- or eight-measure phrase unit (nearly all rock/ pop songs have musical ideas that are organized into phrases of those lengths). In “I Want You (She’s So Heavy),” the Beatles violate expectations by first setting up a hypnotic, repetitive ending that sounds like it will go on forever; based on our experience with rock music and rock music endings, we expect that the song will slowly die down in volume, the classic fade-out. Instead, they end the song abruptly, and not even at the end of a phrase—they end right in the middle of a note!
木匠乐队使用音色来违反流派期望；他们可能是人们最不希望使用扭曲电吉他的乐队，但他们在“Please Mr. Postman”和其他一些歌曲中使用了。滚石乐队是当时世界上最硬核的摇滚乐队之一，几年前，他们用小提琴做了相反的事情（例如，在“As Tears Go By”中）。当范·海伦 (Van Halen) 成为最新、最时髦的乐队时，他们推出了奇想乐队 (Kinks) 一首不太时髦的老歌“你真的得到了我”的重金属版本，让粉丝们大吃一惊。
The Carpenters use timbre to violate genre expectations; they were probably the last group people expected to use a distorted electric guitar, but they did on “Please Mr. Postman” and some other songs. The Rolling Stones—one of the hardest rock bands in the world at the time—had done the opposite of this just a few years before by using violins (as for example, on “As Tears Go By”). When Van Halen were the newest, hippest group around they surprised fans by launching into a heavy metal version of an old not-quite-hip song by the Kinks, “You Really Got Me.”
节奏预期也经常被违反。电蓝调的一个标准技巧是乐队积聚动力，然后完全停止演奏，而歌手或主音吉他手继续演奏，如史蒂夫·雷·沃恩 (Stevie Ray Vaughan) 的“骄傲与欢乐”、埃尔维斯·普雷斯利 (Elvis Presley) 的“猎犬”或奥尔曼兄弟 (Allman Brothers) 中那样。 ” “一条出路。” 电蓝调歌曲的经典结尾是另一个例子。这首歌伴随着稳定的节奏持续了两三分钟，然后——砰！正如和弦表明结局即将到来，乐队并没有全速冲锋，而是突然开始以之前一半的速度演奏。
Rhythm expectations are violated often as well. A standard trick in electric blues is for the band to build up momentum and then stop playing altogether while the singer or lead guitarist continues on, as in Stevie Ray Vaughan’s “Pride and Joy,” Elvis Presley’s “Hound Dog,” or the Allman Brothers’ “One Way Out.” The classic ending to an electric blues song is another example. The song charges along with a steady beat for two or three minutes and—wham! Just as the chords suggest an ending is imminent, rather than charging through at full speed, the band suddenly starts playing at half the tempo they were before.
在双重打击下，克雷登斯·清水复兴乐队在《Lookin' Out My Back Door》中拉出了这个放慢节奏的结局——那时这样的结局已经是众所周知的陈词滥调了——而他们又再次出现，违反了人们的预期。全速歌曲的真正结尾。
In a double whammy, Creedence Clearwater Revival pulls out this slowed-down ending in “Lookin’ Out My Back Door”—by then such an ending was already a well-known cliché—and they violate the expectations of that by coming in again for the real ending of the song at full tempo.
警察的职业就是违反规律的期望。摇滚乐的标准节奏惯例是在 1 和 3 上有强烈的强拍（由底鼓表示），在 2 和 4 上有军鼓反拍。雷鬼音乐（最明显的例子是鲍勃·马利）可以感觉到一半的发生与摇滚音乐一样快，因为对于给定的音乐短语，它的底鼓和军鼓出现的频率只有摇滚音乐的一半。其基本节拍的特点是一把欢快（或另类）的吉他；也就是说，吉他在您计算的主节拍中间的空间中演奏：1 AND-A 2 AND 3 AND-A 4 AND。由于它的“半场”感觉，它有一种慵懒的品质，但乐观的情绪赋予它一种运动感，推动不断前进。The Police 将雷鬼音乐与摇滚乐结合起来，创造出一种新的声音，满足了一些人的需求，同时也违反了其他节奏期望。斯汀经常演奏完全新颖的低音吉他声部，避免了摇滚乐中强拍演奏或与低音鼓同步演奏的陈词滥调。正如《美国偶像》中的著名贝斯手之一兰迪·杰克逊 (Randy Jackson) 告诉我的（20 世纪 80 年代我们在录音室共用一间办公室时），斯汀的贝斯线与其他人的不同，甚至不适合别人的歌。他们专辑《Ghost in the Machine》中的“Spirits in the Material World”将这种节奏演奏发挥到了极致，甚至很难分辨出悲观的地方在哪里。
The Police made a career out of violating rhythmic expectations. The standard rhythmic convention in rock is to have a strong downbeat on 1 and 3 (indicated by the kick drum) with a snare drum backbeat on 2 and 4. Reggae music (most clearly exemplified by Bob Marley) can be felt as happening half as fast as rock music because its kick and snare occur half as often for a given musical phrase. Its basic beat is characterized by a guitar on the upbeats (or offbeats); that is, the guitar plays in the space that would be halfway between the main beats that you count: 1 AND-A 2 AND 3 AND-A 4 AND. Because of its “half-time” feel, it has a lazy quality, but the upbeats give it a sense of movement, propelling ever forward. The Police combined reggae with rock to create a new sound that fulfilled some and violated other rhythmic expectations simultaneously. Sting often played bass guitar parts that were entirely novel, avoiding the rock clichés of playing on the downbeat or of playing synchronously with the bass drum. As Randy Jackson of American Idol fame, and one of the top session bass players, told me (back when we shared an office in a recording studio in the 1980s), Sting’s basslines are unlike anyone else’s, and they wouldn’t even fit in anyone else’s songs. “Spirits in the Material World” from their album Ghost in the Machine takes this rhythmic play to such an extreme it can be hard to tell where the downbeat even is.
勋伯格等现代作曲家抛弃了整个期待的想法。他们使用的音阶剥夺了我们的解决方案、音阶根源或音乐“家”的概念，从而创造了一种没有家的幻觉，一种漂泊的音乐，也许是对二十世纪存在主义存在的隐喻。或者只是因为他们试图反对）。我们仍然会在电影中听到这些音阶用来伴随梦境序列，以传达缺乏基础的感觉，或者在水下或外太空场景中使用这些音阶来传达失重感。
Modern composers such as Schönberg threw out the whole idea of expectation. The scales they used deprive us of the notion of a resolution, a root to the scale, or a musical “home,” thus creating the illusion of no home, a music adrift, perhaps as a metaphor for a twentieth-century existentialist existence (or just because they were trying to be contrary). We still hear these scales used in movies to accompany dream sequences to convey a lack of grounding, or in underwater or outer space scenes to convey weightlessness.
音乐的这些方面并没有直接在大脑中表现出来，至少在处理的初始阶段是这样。大脑构建自己的现实版本，部分基于存在的内容，部分基于它如何将我们听到的音调解释为它们在学习的音乐系统中所扮演的角色的函数。我们类似地解释口语。“猫”这个词，甚至这个词中的任何字母，本质上都不像猫。我们了解到，这一系列声音代表了家养猫科动物。同样，我们已经了解到某些音调序列是在一起的，并且我们期望它们继续这样做。我们期望某些音高、节奏、音色等同时出现基于我们的大脑对他们过去在一起的频率进行的统计分析。我们必须拒绝这种直观上吸引人的想法，即大脑正在存储世界的准确且严格同构的表示。在某种程度上，它正在存储感知扭曲、错觉，并提取元素之间的关系。它为我们提供了一种计算现实，一个充满复杂性和美丽的现实。这种观点的一个基本证据是一个简单的事实，即世界上的光波沿着一个维度（波长）变化，但我们的感知系统将颜色视为二维（第 29 页描述的色环）。与音调类似：从以不同速度振动的一维连续体中，我们的大脑构建了一个丰富的多维音调空间，具有三个、四个甚至五个维度（根据某些模型）。如果我们的大脑将这么多维度添加到外面的世界中，这可以帮助解释我们对正确构造和巧妙组合的声音的深层反应。
These aspects of music are not represented directly in the brain, at least not during initial stages of processing. The brain constructs its own version of reality, based only in part on what is there, and in part on how it interprets the tones we hear as a function of the role they play in a learned musical system. We interpret spoken language analogously. There is nothing intrinsically catlike about the word cat or even any of the letters in the word. We have learned that this collection of sounds represents the feline house pet. Similarly, we have learned that certain sequences of tones go together, and we expect them to continue to do so. We expect certain pitches, rhythms, timbres, and so on to co-occur based on a statistical analysis our brain has performed of how often they have gone together in the past. We have to reject the intuitively appealing idea that the brain is storing an accurate and strictly isomorphic representation of the world. To some degree, it is storing perceptual distortions, illusions, and extracting relationships among elements. It is computing a reality for us, one that is rich in complexity and beauty. A basic piece of evidence for such a view is the simple fact that light waves in the world vary along one dimension—wavelength—and yet our perceptual system treats color as two dimensional (the color circle described on page 29). Similarly with pitch: From a one-dimensional continuum of molecules vibrating at different speeds, our brains construct a rich, multidimensional pitch space with three, four, or even five dimensions (according to some models). If our brain is adding this many dimensions to what is out there in the world, this can help explain the deep reactions we have to sounds that are properly constructed and skillfully combined.
当认知科学家谈论期望和违反期望时，我们指的是其发生与合理预测不一致的事件。显然，我们对许多不同的标准情况了解很多。生活向我们展示了类似的情况，只是细节有所不同，而这些细节往往是无关紧要的。学习阅读就是一个例子。我们大脑中的特征提取器已经学会了检测字母表中字母的本质和不变的方面，除非我们明确地注意，否则 我们不会注意到诸如输入单词的字体之类的细节。不同的是，所有这些单词以及它们各自的字母都是同样可识别的。（阅读每个单词都采用不同字体的句子可能会很刺耳，当然，如此快速的变化会引起我们的注意，但重点仍然是，我们的特征检测器正忙于提取诸如“字母 a ”之类的东西，而不是处理输入的字体。）
When cognitive scientists talk about expectations and violating them, we mean an event whose occurrence is at odds with what might have been reasonably predicted. It is clear that we know a great deal about a number of different standard situations. Life presents us with similar situations that differ only in details, and often those details are insignificant. Learning to read is an example. The feature extractors in our brain have learned to detect the essential and unvarying aspect of letters of the alphabet, and unless we explicitly pay attention, we don’t notice details such as the font that a word is typed in. Even though surface details are different, all these words are equally recognizable, as are their individual letters. (It may be jarring to read sentences in which every word is in a different font, and of course such rapid shifting causes us to notice, but the point remains that our feature detectors are busy extracting things like “the letter a” rather than processing the font it is typed in.)
我们的大脑处理标准情况的一个重要方式是，它提取多种情况下共有的元素，并创建一个框架来放置它们；这个框架是称为模式。字母a的模式将是对其形状的描述，也许是一组记忆痕迹，其中包括我们见过的所有a ，显示伴随该模式的可变性。模式为我们与世界的许多日常互动提供了信息。例如，我们参加过生日聚会，并且对于生日聚会的常见内容有一个一般概念（模式）。对于不同的文化（音乐也是如此）和不同年龄的人来说，生日聚会的模式会有所不同。该模式导致了清晰的期望，以及这些期望中哪些是灵活的、哪些是不灵活的感觉。我们可以列出我们希望在典型的生日聚会上找到的东西。如果这些没有全部出现，我们不会感到惊讶，但是缺席的越多，聚会就越不典型：
An important way that our brain deals with standard situations is that it extracts those elements that are common to multiple situations and creates a framework within which to place them; this framework is called a schema. The schema for the letter a would be a description of its shape, and perhaps a set of memory traces that includes all the a’s we’ve ever seen, showing the variability that accompanies the schema. Schemas inform a host of day-to-day interactions we have with the world. For example, we’ve been to birthday parties and we have a general notion—a schema—of what is common to birthday parties. The birthday party schema will be different for different cultures (as is music), and for people of different ages. The schema leads to clear expectations, as well as a sense of which of those expectations are flexible and which are not. We can make a list of things we would expect to find at a typical birthday party. We wouldn’t be surprised if these weren’t all present, but the more of them that are absent, the less typical the party would be:
~ 正在庆祝生日的人
~ 其他人帮助那个人庆祝
~ 有蜡烛的蛋糕
~ 礼物
~ 节日美食
~ 派对帽、噪音发生器和其他装饰品
~ A person who is celebrating the anniversary of their birth
~ Other people helping that person to celebrate
~ A cake with candles
~ Presents
~ Festive food
~ Party hats, noisemakers, and other decorations
如果聚会是为一个八岁的孩子举办的，我们可能会有额外的期望，那就是会有一场激动人心的把尾巴钉在驴上的游戏，但不是单一麦芽苏格兰威士忌。这或多或少构成了我们的生日聚会模式。
If the party was for an eight-year-old we might have the additional expectation that there would be a rousing game of pin-the-tail-on-the-donkey, but not single-malt scotch. This more or less constitutes our birthday party schema.
我们也有音乐图式，这些图式在子宫里就开始形成，并在我们每次听音乐时得到阐述、修改和以其他方式告知。我们对西方音乐的音乐模式包括通常使用的音阶的隐性知识。这就是为什么印度或巴基斯坦音乐在我们第一次听到时听起来“很奇怪”。对于印度人和巴基斯坦人来说，这听起来并不奇怪，对于婴儿来说，这听起来也不奇怪（或者至少不比任何其他人更陌生）。音乐）。这可能是一个显而易见的观点，但听起来很奇怪，因为它与我们所学的所谓音乐不一致。到五岁时，婴儿已经学会识别其文化音乐中的和弦进行——他们正在形成图式。
We have musical schemas, too, and these begin forming in the womb and are elaborated, amended, and otherwise informed every time we listen to music. Our musical schema for Western music includes implicit knowledge of the scales that are normally used. This is why Indian or Pakistani music, for example, sounds “strange” to us the first time we hear it. It doesn’t sound strange to Indians and Pakistanis, and it doesn’t sound strange to infants (or at least not any stranger than any other music). This may be an obvious point, but it sounds strange by virtue of its being inconsistent with what we have learned to call music. By the age of five, infants have learned to recognize chord progressions in the music of their culture—they are forming schemas.
我们为特定的音乐流派和风格开发模式；风格只是“重复”的另一种说法。我们为 Lawrence Welk 音乐会设计的方案包括手风琴，但不包括失真电吉他，而我们为 Metallica 音乐会设计的方案则相反。迪克西兰的模式包括踏步、快节奏的音乐，除非乐队试图讽刺，否则我们不会期望他们的曲目与送葬队伍的曲目有重叠。模式是记忆的延伸。作为听众，当我们听到以前听过的东西时，我们会意识到，并且可以区分我们是在同一首曲子中早些时候听到的，还是在另一首曲子中听到的。根据理论家尤金·纳莫尔的说法，音乐聆听要求我们能够记住刚刚过去的那些音符的知识，以及我们熟悉的所有其他音乐的知识，这些音乐与我们所听的风格相近。现在正在听。后一种记忆可能不像我们刚刚听到的音符那样具有相同的分辨率或相同的生动程度，但为了为我们所听到的音符建立上下文，这是必要的。
We develop schemas for particular musical genres and styles; style is just another word for “repetition.” Our schema for a Lawrence Welk concert includes accordions, but not distorted electric guitars, and our schema for a Metallica concert is the opposite. A schema for Dixieland includes foot-tapping, up-tempo music, and unless the band was trying to be ironic, we would not expect there to be overlap between their repertoire and that of a funeral procession. Schemas are an extension of memory. As listeners, we recognize when we are hearing something we’ve heard before, and we can distinguish whether we heard it earlier in the same piece, or in a different piece. Music listening requires, according to the theorist Eugene Narmour, that we be able to hold in memory a knowledge of those notes that have just gone by, alongside a knowledge of all other musics we are familiar with that approximate the style of what we’re listening to now. This latter memory may not have the same level of resolution or the same amount of vividness as notes we’ve just heard, but it is necessary in order to establish a context for the notes we’re hearing.
我们开发的主要模式包括流派和风格的词汇表，以及时代的词汇表（1970 年代的音乐听起来与 1930 年代的音乐不同）、节奏、和弦进行、短语结构（一个短语有多少个小节）、一首歌的长度、以及通常跟随什么注释。当我之前说过标准流行歌曲的乐句长度为四到八小节时，这是我们为二十世纪末流行歌曲开发的模式的一部分。我们已经听过数千首歌曲数千次，即使无法明确描述它，我们也已将这种短语趋势纳入我们所知道的音乐的“规则”。当“昨天”演奏它的七小节乐句时，会让人感到惊讶。尽管我们已经听过“昨天”一千甚至一万遍，但它仍然让我们感兴趣，因为它违反了比我们的记忆更根深蒂固的图式预期。这首特别的歌曲。多年来我们不断回味的歌曲都带着足够的期望，以至于它们总是至少有点令人惊讶。Steely Dan、披头士乐队、拉赫玛尼诺夫和迈尔斯·戴维斯只是一些人说他们乐此不疲的艺术家中的一小部分，这也是很大一部分原因。
The principal schemas we develop include a vocabulary of genres and styles, as well as of eras (1970s music sounds different from 1930s music), rhythms, chord progressions, phrase structure (how many measures to a phrase), how long a song is, and what notes typically follow what. When I said earlier that the standard popular song has phrases that are four or eight measures long, this is a part of the schema we’ve developed for late twentieth-century popular songs. We’ve heard thousands of songs thousands of times and even without being able to explicitly describe it, we have incorporated this phrase tendency as a “rule” about music we know. When “Yesterday” plays with its seven-measure phrase, it is a surprise. Even though we’ve heard “Yesterday” a thousand or even ten thousand times, it still interests us because it violates schematic expectations that are even more firmly entrenched than our memory for this particular song. Songs that we keep coming back to for years play around with expectations just enough that they are always at least a little bit surprising. Steely Dan, the Beatles, Rachmaninoff, and Miles Davis are just a few of the artists that some people say they never tire of, and this is a big part of the reason.
旋律是作曲家控制我们的期望的主要方式之一。音乐理论家已经确定了一个称为间隙填充的原则。在一系列音调中，如果旋律发生很大的跳跃，无论是向上还是向下，下一个音符应该改变方向。典型的旋律包括大量的步进运动，即音阶中的相邻音调。如果旋律发生了很大的飞跃，理论家会描述旋律“想要”回到起点的趋势；换句话说，我们的大脑认为这种跳跃只是暂时的，随后的音调需要让我们越来越接近我们的起点，或者和谐的“家”。
Melody is one of the primary ways that our expectations are controlled by composers. Music theorists have identified a principle called gap fill; in a sequence of tones, if a melody makes a large leap, either up or down, the next note should change direction. A typical melody includes a lot of stepwise motion, that is, adjacent tones in the scale. If the melody makes a big leap, theorists describe a tendency for the melody to “want” to return to the jumping-off point; this is another way to say that our brains expect that the leap was only temporary, and tones that follow need to bring us closer and closer to our starting point, or harmonic “home.”
在《Over the Rainbow》中，旋律从我们一生听音乐中经历过的最大飞跃之一开始：八度。这是一种强烈的图式违规，因此作曲家通过将旋律再次带回家乡来奖励和安抚我们，但不要太多——他确实下降了，但只下降了一个音阶——因为他想继续营造紧张感。这首旋律的第三个音符填补了这个空白。斯汀在《罗克珊》中做了同样的事情：他跳跃了大约半个八度（完美的第四度）的音程来击中“罗克珊”这个词的第一个音节，然后再次下降以填补空白。
In “Over the Rainbow,” the melody begins with one of the largest leaps we’ve ever experienced in a lifetime of music listening: an octave. This is a strong schematic violation, and so the composer rewards and soothes us by bringing the melody back toward home again, but not by too much—he does come down, but only by one scale degree—because he wants to continue to build tension. The third note of this melody fills the gap. Sting does the same thing in “Roxanne”: He leaps up an interval of roughly a half octave (a perfect fourth) to hit the first syllable of the word Roxanne, and then comes down again to fill the gap.
我们还听到了贝多芬《悲怆》奏鸣曲中行板如歌的填空。当主旋律向上攀升时，它从 C（在降 A 调中，这是音阶的第三度）移动到比我们认为的“主”音符高一个八度的 A 降调，并且它继续攀升至降B调。现在我们已经比家高了一个八度，足足高了一步，我们只有一条路可以走，那就是回家。贝多芬实际上跳向主音，下降了五度音程，落在主音之上五度的音符（降E）上。推迟解决——贝多芬是悬念大师——而不是继续下降到了主音，贝多芬就远离了它。在写从高 B 降调到 E 降调的跳跃时，贝多芬将两种模式相互对立：解决主音的模式和填补间隙的模式。通过在这一点上远离主补，他也填补了他跳得很远到达这个中点所造成的空白。当贝多芬最终在两小节后把我们带回家时，这是我们听过的最甜蜜的决定。
We also hear gap fill in the andante cantabile from Beethoven’s “Pathétique” Sonata. As the main theme climbs upward, it moves from a C (in the key of A-flat, this is the third degree of the scale) to the A-flat that is an octave above what we consider the “home” note, and it keeps on climbing to a B-flat. Now that we’re an octave and a whole step higher than home, there is only one way to go, back toward home. Beethoven actually jumps toward home, down an interval of a fifth, landing on the note (E-flat) that is a fifth above the tonic. To delay the resolution—Beethoven was a master of suspense—instead of continuing the descent down to the tonic, Beethoven moves away from it. In writing the jump down from the high B-flat to the E-flat, Beethoven was pitting two schemas against each other: the schema for resolving to the tonic, and the schema for gap fill. By moving away from the tonic at this point, he is also filling the gap he made by jumping so far down to get to this midpoint. When Beethoven finally brings us home two measures later, it is as sweet a resolution as we’ve ever heard.
现在考虑一下贝多芬对他的第九交响曲最后一个乐章（“欢乐颂”）主旋律旋律的期望。这些是旋律的音符，如solfège， do-re-mi 系统：
Consider now what Beethoven does to expectations with the melody to the main theme from the last movement of his Ninth Symphony (“Ode to Joy”). These are the notes of the melody, as solfège, the do-re-mi system:
mi-mi-fa-sol-sol-fa-mi-re-do-do-re-mi-mi-re-re
mi - mi - fa - sol - sol - fa - mi - re - do - do -re - mi - mi - re - re
（如果你跟不上，在心里唱出这部分歌曲的英文歌词可能会有所帮助：“来唱一首欢乐之歌，为了和平，荣耀荣耀……”）
(If you’re having trouble following along, it might help if you sing in your mind the English words to this part of the song: “Come and sing a song of joy for peace a glory gloria …”)
主旋律就是音阶的音符！西方音乐中最著名、无意中听到和过度使用的音符序列。但贝多芬却违背了我们的期望，让它变得有趣。他以一个奇怪的音符开始，以一个奇怪的音符结束。他从音阶的第三度开始（就像他在“悲怆”奏鸣曲中所做的那样），而不是根音，然后逐步上升，然后转身再次下降。当他到达根音（最稳定的音调）时，他不会停留在那里，而是再次出现，直到我们开始的音符，然后后退，以便我们认为并期望他会再次触及根音，但他没有。 t; 他在第二级学位上停留在那里。这首曲子需要解决根本问题，但贝多芬让我们悬在那里，我们最意想不到的地方。然后他再次运行整个主题，只有第二次才达到我们的期望。但现在，这种期望因为含糊不清而变得更加有趣：我们想知道，他是否会像露西等待查理·布朗一样，在最后一刻把决心的足球从我们身边夺走。
The main melodic theme is simply the notes of the scale! The best-known, overheard, and overused sequence of notes we have in Western music. But Beethoven makes it interesting by violating our expectations. He starts on a strange note and ends on a strange note. He starts on the third degree of the scale (as he did on the “Pathétique” Sonata), rather than the root, and then goes up in stepwise fashion, then turns around and comes down again. When he gets to the root—the most stable tone—rather than staying there he comes up again, up to the note we started on, then back down so that we think and we expect he will hit the root again, but he doesn’t; he stays right there on re, the second scale degree. The piece needs to resolve to the root, but Beethoven keeps us hanging there, where we least expect to be. He then runs the entire motif again, and only on the second time through does he meet our expectations. But now, that expectation is even more interesting because of the ambiguity: We wonder if, like Lucy waiting for Charlie Brown, he will pull the football of resolution away from us at the last minute.
我们对音乐期望和音乐情感的神经基础了解多少？如果我们承认大脑正在构建现实的一个版本，我们就必须拒绝大脑对世界具有准确且严格同构的表示。那么，大脑的神经元中包含着什么来代表我们周围的世界呢？大脑以心理或神经代码的形式代表所有音乐和世界的所有其他方面。神经科学家试图破译这段代码并了解其结构，以及它如何转化为经验。认知心理学家试图在更高的水平上理解这些代码——不是在神经放电的水平上，而是在一般原则的水平上。
What do we know about the neural basis for musical expectations and musical emotion? If we acknowledge that the brain is constructing a version of reality, we must reject that the brain has an accurate and strictly isomorphic representation of the world. So what is the brain holding in its neurons that represents the world around us? The brain represents all music and all other aspects of the world in terms of mental or neural codes. Neuroscientists try to decipher this code and understand its structure, and how it translates into experience. Cognitive psychologists try to understand these codes at a somewhat higher level—not at the level of neural firings, but at the level of general principles.
原则上，图片在计算机上的存储方式与神经代码的工作方式类似。当您将图片存储在计算机上时，图片不会像存储在祖母相册中那样存储在硬盘上。当你打开祖母的相册时，你可以拿起一张照片，把它倒过来，送给朋友；它是一个物理对象。它是照片，而不是照片的再现。另一方面，计算机中的照片存储在由 0 和 1 组成的文件中——计算机用来表示一切的二进制代码。
The way in which a picture is stored on your computer is similar, in principle, to how the neural code works. When you store a picture on your computer, the picture is not stored on your hard drive the way that a photograph is stored in your grandmother’s photo album. When you open your grandmother’s album, you can pick up a photo, turn it upside down, give it to a friend; it is a physical object. It is the photograph, not a representation of a photograph. On the other hand, a photo in your computer is stored in a file made up of 0s and 1s—the binary code that computers use to represent everything.
如果您曾经打开过损坏的文件，或者您的电子邮件程序没有正确下载附件，您可能会看到一堆乱码而不是您认为是计算机文件的内容：一串有趣的符号、花体和字母数字字符，看起来相当于漫画中的脏话。（它们代表一种中间十六进制代码，它本身被解析为 0 和 1，但这个中间阶段对于理解类比并不重要。）在黑白照片的最简单情况下，1 可能代表有是图片中特定位置的黑点，0 可能表示不存在黑点或白点。您可以想象，可以使用这些 0 和 1 轻松表示一个简单的几何形状，但是 0 和 1 本身不会呈三角形，它们只是一长串 0 和 1 的一部分，并且计算机将有一组指令告诉它如何解释它们（以及每个数字所指的空间位置）。如果您非常擅长读取这样的文件，您也许能够对其进行解码，并猜测它代表什么类型的图像。彩色图像的情况要复杂得多，但原理是相同的。一直处理图像文件的人能够通过观察 0 和 1 的流来判断照片的本质——也许不是在人还是马的层面上，而是在诸如如何图片中有多少红色或灰色，边缘有多锐利，等等。他们学会了阅读代表图片的代码。
If you’ve ever opened a corrupt file, or if your e-mail program didn’t properly download an attachment, you’ve probably seen a bunch of gibberish in place of what you thought was a computer file: a string of funny symbols, squiggles, and alphanumeric characters that looks like the equivalent of a comic-strip swear word. (These represent a sort of intermediate hexadecimal code that itself is resolved into 0s and 1s, but this intermediate stage is not crucial for understanding the analogy.) In the simplest case of a black-and-white photograph, a 1 might represent that there is a black dot at a particular place in the picture, and a 0 might indicate the absence of a black dot, or a white dot. You can imagine that one could easily represent a simple geometric shape using these 0s and 1s, but the 0s and 1s would not themselves be in the shape of a triangle, they would simply be part of a long line of 0s and 1s, and the computer would have a set of instructions telling it how to interpret them (and to what spatial location each number refers). If you got really good at reading such a file, you might be able to decode it, and guess what sort of image it represents. The situation is vastly more complicated with a color image, but the principle is the same. People who work with image files all the time are able to look at the stream of 0s and 1s and tell something about the nature of the photograph—not at the level of whether it is a human or a horse, perhaps, but things like how much red or gray is in the picture, how sharp the edges are, and so forth. They have learned to read the code that represents the picture.
同样，音频文件以二进制格式存储，即 0 和 1 的序列。0 和 1 表示频谱的特定部分是否有任何声音。根据其在文件中的位置，特定的 0 和 1 序列将指示是否正在演奏低音鼓或短笛。
Similarly, audio files are stored in binary format, as sequences of 0s and 1s. The 0s and 1s represent whether or not there is any sound at particular parts of the frequency spectrum. Depending on its position in the file, a certain sequence of 0s and 1s will indicate if a bass drum or a piccolo is playing.
在我刚刚描述的情况下，计算机使用代码来表示常见的视觉和听觉对象。对象本身被分解为小组件——对于图片来说是像素，对于声音来说是特定频率和幅度的正弦波——并且这些组件被翻译成代码。当然，计算机（大脑）正在运行许多奇特的软件（思维），可以毫不费力地翻译代码。我们大多数人根本不必关心代码本身。我们扫描一张照片或将一首歌曲翻录到硬盘上，当我们想查看或听到它时，双击它，它就会以其原始的荣耀出现。这是一种幻觉，是通过多层的翻译和融合而实现的，而所有这些都是我们看不见的。这就是神经代码的样子。数以百万计的神经以不同的速率和不同的强度放电，所有这些都是我们看不见的。我们感觉不到自己的神经在兴奋；我们不知道如何加快它们的速度，减慢它们的速度，当我们在睡眼惺忪的早晨难以开始时打开它们，或者关闭它们以便我们在晚上睡觉。
In the cases I’ve just described, the computer is using a code to represent common visual and auditory objects. The objects themselves are decomposed into small components—pixels in the case of a picture, sine waves of a particular frequency and amplitude in the case of sound—and these components are translated into the code. Of course, the computer (brain) is running a lot of fancy software (mind) that translates the code effortlessly. Most of us don’t have to concern ourselves with the code itself at all. We scan a photo or rip a song to our hard drive, and when we want to see it or hear it, we double-click on it and there it appears, in all its original glory. This is an illusion made possible by the many layers of translation and amalgamation going on, all of it invisible to us. This is what the neural code is like. Millions of nerves firing at different rates and different intensities, all of it invisible to us. We can’t feel our nerves firing; we don’t know how to speed them up, slow them down, turn them on when we’re having trouble getting started on a bleary-eyed morning, or shut them off so we can sleep at night.
几年前，我和我的朋友佩里·库克（Perry Cook）读到一篇文章时感到非常惊讶，这篇文章讲述了一个人可以查看留声机唱片，并通过查看凹槽（标签模糊）来识别唱片上的音乐片段。他是否记住了数千条记录的模式？专辑？佩里和我拿出了一些旧唱片，我们注意到了一些规律。黑胶唱片的凹槽包含可由唱针“读取”的代码。低音形成宽凹槽，高音形成窄凹槽，落入凹槽内的针每秒移动数千次，以捕捉内壁的景观。如果一个人很了解很多音乐作品，就可以通过低音的数量来描述它们（说唱音乐有很多，巴洛克协奏曲没有），低音的稳定与打击乐的程度（想想带有行走低音的爵士摇摆乐曲，而不是带有拍打贝斯的放克曲调），并了解这些形状如何在黑胶唱片中编码。这家伙的身手虽然不凡，但也并非莫名其妙。
Years ago, my friend Perry Cook and I were astonished when we read an article about a man who could look at phonograph records and identify the piece of music that was on them, by looking at the grooves, with the label obscured. Did he memorize the patterns of thousands of record albums? Perry and I took out some old record albums and we noticed some regularities. The grooves of a vinyl record contain a code that is “read” by the needle. Low notes create wide grooves, high notes create narrow grooves, and a needle dropped inside the grooves is moving thousands of times per second to capture the landscape of the inner wall. If a person knew many pieces of music well, it would be possible to characterize them in terms of how many low notes there were (rap music has a lot, baroque concertos don’t), how steady versus percussive the low notes are (think of a jazz-swing tune with walking bass as opposed to a funk tune with slapping bass), and to learn how these shapes are encoded in vinyl. This fellow’s skills are extraordinary, but they’re not inexplicable.
我们每天都会遇到有天赋的听觉密码阅读器：机械师可以聆听发动机的声音并确定您的问题是否是由于燃油喷射器堵塞或正时链条打滑造成的；医生可以通过聆听您的心脏来判断您是否患有心律失常；警探可以根据嫌疑人声音的压力判断他是否在说谎；仅仅通过声音就能区分中提琴和小提琴、降 B 调单簧管和降 E 调单簧管的音乐家。在所有这些情况下，音色在帮助我们解锁密码方面发挥着重要作用。
We encounter gifted auditory-code readers every day: the mechanic who can listen to the sound of your engine and determine whether your problems are due to clogged fuel injectors or a slipped timing chain; the doctor who can tell by listening to your heart whether you have an arrhythmia; the police detective who can tell when a suspect is lying by the stress in his voice; the musician who can tell a viola from a violin or a B-flat clarinet from an E-flat clarinet just by the sound. In all these cases, timbre is playing an important role in helping us to unlock the code.
我们如何研究神经编码并学会解释它们？一些神经科学家首先研究神经元及其特征——是什么导致它们放电，它们放电的速度有多快，它们的不应期是多少（它们在放电之间需要多长时间恢复）；我们研究神经元如何相互通信以及神经递质在大脑中传递信息的作用。这一层次的分析工作大部分涉及一般原则。例如，我们对音乐的神经化学还知之甚少，尽管我将在第五章中从我的实验室中揭示一些令人兴奋的新结果。
How can we study neural codes and learn to interpret them? Some neuroscientists start by studying neurons and their characteristics—what causes them to fire, how rapidly they fire, what their refractory period is (how long they need to recover between firings); we study how neurons communicate with each other and the role of neurotransmitters in conveying information in the brain. Much of the work at this level of analysis concerns general principles; we don’t yet know much about the neurochemistry of music, for example, although I’ll reveal some exciting new results along this line from my laboratory in Chapter 5.
但我会支持一下。神经元是大脑的主要细胞；它们也存在于脊髓和周围神经系统中。大脑外部的活动会导致神经元放电，例如当特定频率的音调刺激基底膜时，基底膜反过来将信号传递给大脑中的频率选择性神经元。听觉皮层。与我们一百年前的想法相反，大脑中的神经元实际上并没有接触；而是相互接触。它们之间有一个空间，称为突触。当我们说神经元正在放电时，它正在发送导致神经递质释放的电信号。神经递质是穿过大脑并与其他神经元上的受体结合的化学物质。受体和神经递质可以分别被认为是锁和钥匙。神经元放电后，神经递质游过突触到达附近的神经元，当它找到锁并与之结合时，新的神经元开始放电。并非所有钥匙都适合所有锁；某些锁（受体）被设计为仅接受某些神经递质。
But I’ll back up for a minute. Neurons are the primary cells of the brain; they are also found in the spinal cord and the peripheral nervous system. Activity from outside the brain can cause a neuron to fire—such as when a tone of a particular frequency excites the basilar membrane, and it in turn passes a signal up to a frequency-selective neurons in the auditory cortex. Contrary to what we thought a hundred years ago, the neurons in the brain aren’t actually touching; there’s a space between them called the synapse. When we say a neuron is firing, it is sending an electrical signal that causes the release of a neurotransmitter. Neurotransmitters are chemicals that travel throughout the brain and bind to receptors attached to other neurons. Receptors and neurotransmitters can be thought of as locks and keys respectively. After a neuron fires, a neurotransmitter swims across that synapse to a nearby neuron, and when it finds the lock and binds with it, that new neuron starts to fire. Not all keys fit all locks; there are certain locks (receptors) that are designed to accept only certain neurotransmitters.
一般来说，神经递质会导致接收神经元放电或阻止其放电。然后，神经递质通过称为再摄取的过程被吸收；如果没有重新摄取，神经递质将继续刺激或抑制神经元的放电。
Generally, neurotransmitters cause the receiving neuron to fire or prevent it from firing. The neurotransmitters are then absorbed through a process called reuptake; without reuptake, the neurotransmitters would continue to stimulate or inhibit the firing of a neuron.
有些神经递质在整个神经系统中使用，有些仅在某些大脑区域和某些种类的神经元中使用。血清素在脑干中产生，与情绪和睡眠的调节有关。新型抗抑郁药，包括百忧解和左洛复，被称为选择性血清素再摄取抑制剂（SSRI），因为它们抑制大脑中血清素的再摄取，从而使大脑中已有的血清素能够更长时间地发挥作用。其缓解抑郁症、强迫症、情绪和睡眠障碍的确切机制尚不清楚。多巴胺由伏隔核释放，参与情绪调节和运动协调。它最著名的是作为大脑快乐和奖励系统的一部分。当吸毒成瘾者得到他们选择的药物时，或者当强迫性赌徒赢得赌注时——即使巧克力狂得到可可——这就是释放的神经递质。直到 2005 年，人们才知道它在音乐中的作用以及伏隔核所发挥的重要作用。
Some neurotransmitters are used throughout the nervous system, and some only in certain brain regions and by certain kinds of neurons. Serotonin is produced in the brain stem and is associated with the regulation of mood and sleep. The new class of antidepressants, including Prozac and Zoloft, are known as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) because they inhibit the reuptake of serotonin in the brain, allowing whatever serotonin is already there to act for a longer period of time. The precise mechanism by which this alleviates depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and mood and sleep disorders is not known. Dopamine is released by the nucleus accumbens and is involved in mood regulation and the coordination of movement. It is most famous for being part of the brain’s pleasure and reward system. When drug addicts get their drug of choice, or when compulsive gamblers win a bet—even when chocoholics get cocoa—this is the neurotransmitter that is released. Its role—and the important role played by the nucleus accumbens—in music was unknown until 2005.
在过去的十年里，认知神经科学在理解方面取得了巨大的飞跃。我们现在对神经元如何工作、如何沟通、如何形成网络以及如何进行了解更多。神经元根据其遗传配方发育。关于大脑功能的宏观层面的一项发现是关于半球专门化的流行概念，即左半脑和右半脑执行不同的认知功能。这当然是事实，但正如许多渗透到流行文化中的科学一样，真实的故事更加微妙。
Cognitive neuroscience has been making great leaps in understanding over the last decade. We now know so much more about how neurons work, how they communicate, how they form networks, and how neurons develop from their genetic recipes. One finding at the macro level about the function of the brain is the popular notion about hemispheric specialization—the idea that the left half of the brain and the right half of the brain perform different cognitive functions. This is certainly true, but as with much of the science that has permeated popular culture, that real story is somewhat more nuanced.
首先，这项研究是针对惯用右手的人进行的。由于尚不完全清楚的原因，左撇子（大约占人口的 5% 到 10%）或双手灵巧的人有时与右撇子具有相同的大脑组织，但更常见的是具有不同的大脑组织。当大脑组织不同时，它可以采取简单镜像的形式，这样功能就可以简单地翻转到相反的一侧。然而，在许多情况下，左撇子的神经组织在某种程度上有所不同，但尚未得到充分记录。因此，我们对半球不对称所做的任何概括都仅适用于大多数人中惯用右手的人。
To begin with, the research on which this is based was performed on right-handed people. For reasons that aren’t entirely clear, people who are left-handed (approximately 5 to 10 percent of the population) or ambidextrous sometimes have the same brain organization as right-handers, but more often have a different brain organization. When the brain organization is different, it can take the form of a simple mirror image, such that functions are simply flipped to the opposite side. In many cases, however, left-handers have a neural organization that is different in ways that are not yet well documented. Thus, any generalizations we make about hemispheric asymmetries are applicable only to the right-handed majority of the population.
作家、商人和工程师称自己为左脑主导者，而艺术家、舞蹈家和音乐家则称自己为右脑主导者。流行的观念认为左脑是分析性的，右脑是艺术性的，有一定的道理，但过于简单化了。大脑的两侧都进行分析，两侧的大脑都进行抽象思维。所有这些活动都需要两个半球的协调，尽管所涉及的一些特定功能显然是偏侧的。
Writers, businessmen, and engineers refer to themselves as left-brain dominant, and artists, dancers, and musicians as right-brain dominant. The popular conception that the left brain is analytical and the right brain is artistic has some merit, but is overly simplistic. Both sides of the brain engage in analysis and both sides in abstract thinking. All of these activities require coordination of the two hemispheres, although some of the particular functions involved are clearly lateralized.
语音处理主要是左半球局部的，尽管口语的某些全局方面，例如语调、重音和音调模式，在右半球受损后更经常受到干扰。区分问题和陈述、讽刺和真诚的能力通常依赖于这些右半球偏侧化的、非语言的线索，统称为韵律。人们很自然地想知道音乐是否表现出相反的不对称性，处理主要位于右侧。有许多左半球脑损伤的人失去了言语能力，但保留了音乐功能，反之亦然。这些案例表明音乐和语音虽然可能共享一些神经回路，但不能使用完全重叠的神经结构。
Speech processing is primarily left-hemisphere localized, although certain global aspects of spoken language, such as intonation, emphasis, and the pitch pattern, are more often disrupted following right-hemisphere damage. The ability to distinguish a question from a statement, or sarcasm from sincerity, often rests on these right-hemisphere lateralized, nonlinguistic cues, known collectively as prosody. It is natural to wonder whether music shows the opposite asymmetry, with processing located primarily on the right. There are many cases of individuals with brain damage to the left hemisphere who lost the power of speech, but retained their musical function, and vice versa. Cases like these suggest that music and speech, although they may share some neural circuits, cannot use completely overlapping neural structures.
口语的局部特征，例如区分一种语音与另一种语音，似乎是左半球偏侧化的。我们还发现音乐的大脑基础存在偏侧化。旋律的整体轮廓（即旋律形状，而忽略音程）是在右半球中处理的，就像对音调接近的音调进行精细辨别一样。与其语言功能一致，左半球参与音乐的命名方面，例如命名歌曲、表演者、乐器或音程。使用右手或从右视野阅读音乐的音乐家也使用左脑，因为左半脑控制着右半身。还有新的证据表明，跟踪音乐主题的持续发展——思考调性和音阶以及一首音乐是否有意义——是左额叶的侧化。
Local features of spoken language, such as distinguishing one speech sound from another, appear to be left-hemisphere lateralized. We’ve found lateralization in the brain basis of music as well. The overall contour of a melody—simply its melodic shape, while ignoring intervals—is processed in the right hemisphere, as is making fine discriminations of tones that are close together in pitch. Consistent with its language functions, the left hemisphere is involved in the naming aspects of music—such as naming a song, a performer, an instrument, or a musical interval. Musicians using their right hands or reading music from their right visual field also use the left brain because the left half of the brain controls the right half of the body. There is also new evidence that tracking the ongoing development of a musical theme—thinking about key and scales and whether a piece of music makes sense or not—is lateralized to the left frontal lobes.
音乐训练似乎具有将一些音乐处理从右（意象）半球转移到左（逻辑）半球的效果，因为音乐家学会使用语言术语谈论（也许还思考）音乐。正常的发育过程似乎会导致更大的半球专业化：儿童在音乐操作上的侧化程度比成人少，无论他们是否是音乐家。
Musical training appears to have the effect of shifting some music processing from the right (imagistic) hemisphere to the left (logical) hemisphere, as musicians learn to talk about—and perhaps think about—music using linguistic terms. And the normal course of development seems to cause greater hemispheric specialization: Children show less lateralization of musical operations than do adults, regardless of whether they are musicians or not.
开始观察音乐大脑中的期望的最佳位置是我们如何随着时间的推移跟踪音乐中的和弦序列。音乐与视觉艺术最重要的区别在于它随着时间的推移而显现出来。随着音调依次展开，它们引导我们——我们的大脑和思想——对接下来会发生什么做出预测。这些预测是音乐期望的重要组成部分。但如何研究这些的大脑基础呢？
The best place to begin to look at expectation in the musical brain is in how we track chord sequences in music over time. The most important way that music differs from visual art is that it is manifested over time. As tones unfold sequentially, they lead us—our brains and our minds—to make predictions about what will come next. These predictions are the essential part of musical expectations. But how to study the brain basis of these?
神经元放电会产生小电流，因此可以使用合适的设备测量电流，使我们能够知道神经元放电的时间和频率；这就是所谓的脑电图，或脑电图。将电极（无痛地）放置在头皮表面，就像将心脏监测器贴在手指、手腕或胸部一样。脑电图对神经放电的时间极其敏感，可以以千分之一秒（一毫秒）的分辨率检测活动。但它有一些局限性。脑电图无法区分神经活动是否释放兴奋性、抑制性或调节性神经递质，即影响其他神经元行为的化学物质，例如血清素和多巴胺。由于单个神经元放电产生的电信号相对较弱，因此脑电图只能检测到大群神经元的同步放电，而不是单个神经元的同步放电。
Neural firings produce a small electric current, and consequently the current can be measured with suitable equipment that allows us to know when and how often neurons are firing; this is called the electroencephalogram, or EEG. Electrodes are placed (painlessly) on the surface of the scalp, much as a heart monitor might be taped to your finger, wrist, or chest. The EEG is exquisitely sensitive to the timing of neural firings, and can detect activity with a resolution of one thousandth of a second (one millisecond). But it has some limitations. EEG is not able to distinguish whether the neural activity is releasing excitatory, inhibitory, or modulatory neurotransmitters, the chemicals such as serotonin and dopamine that influence the behavior of other neurons. Because the electrical signature generated by a single neuron firing is relatively weak, the EEG only picks up the synchronous firing of large groups of neurons, rather than individual neurons.
脑电图的空间分辨率也有限，也就是说，由于所谓的逆泊松问题，告诉我们神经放电位置的能力有限。想象一下，您站在一个足球场内，球场上覆盖着一个巨大的半透明圆顶。你有一个手电筒，将其指向圆顶的内表面。与此同时，我站在外面，从高处俯视穹顶，我必须预测你站在哪里。你可以站在整个足球场的任何地方，将你的灯光照射在圆顶中心的同一个特定位置，从我站的地方看，一切对我来说都是一样的。光线的角度或亮度可能会略有不同，但我对你所站位置的任何预测都只是猜测。如果你的手电筒光束在到达穹顶之前从镜子和其他反光表面反射回来，我会更加迷失。大脑中的电信号就是这种情况，可以从大脑中的多个来源产生，从大脑表面或深入脑沟（脑沟），并且可以在到达电极之前从脑沟反弹。头皮外表面。尽管如此，脑电图仍然有助于理解音乐行为，因为音乐是基于时间的，而脑电图具有我们通常用于研究人类大脑的工具中最好的时间分辨率。
EEG also has limited spatial resolution—that is, a limited ability to tell us the location of the neural firings, due to what is called the inverse Poisson problem. Imagine that you’re standing inside a football stadium that has a large semitransparent dome covering it. You have a flashlight, and you point it up to the inside surface of the dome. Meanwhile, I’m standing on the outside, looking down at the dome from high above, and I have to predict where you’re standing. You could be standing anywhere on the entire football field and shining your light at the same particular spot in the center of the dome, and from where I’m standing, it will all look the same to me. There might be slight differences in the angle or the brightness of the light, but any prediction I make about where you’re standing is going to be a guess. And if you were to bounce your flashlight beam off of mirrors and other reflective surfaces before it reached the dome, I’d be even more lost. This is the case with electrical signals in the brain that can be generated from multiple sources in the brain, from the surface of the brain or deep down inside the grooves (sulci), and that can bounce off of the sulci before reaching the electrode on the outer scalp surface. Still, EEG has been helpful in understanding musical behavior because music is time based, and EEG has the best temporal resolution of the tools we commonly employ for studying the human brain.
Stefan Koelsch、Angela Friederici 和他们的同事进行的几项实验让我们了解了参与的神经回路音乐结构。实验者演奏和弦序列，这些和弦序列要么以标准、示意性的方式解决，要么以意想不到的和弦结束。和弦开始后，在 150-400 毫秒 (ms) 内观察到与音乐结构相关的大脑电活动，并在大约 100-150 毫秒后观察到与音乐意义相关的活动。结构处理——音乐句法——已经定位于两个半球的额叶，位于与处理语音句法的区域相邻和重叠的区域，例如布罗卡区，并且无论听众是否接受过音乐训练，它都会出现。涉及音乐语义的区域（将音调序列与意义相关联）似乎位于两侧颞叶的后部，靠近韦尼克区。
Several experiments conducted by Stefan Koelsch, Angela Friederici, and their colleagues have taught us about the neural circuits involved in musical structure. The experimenters play chord sequences that either resolve in the standard, schematic way, or that end on unexpected chords. After the onset of the chord, electrical activity in the brain associated with musical structure is observed within 150–400 milliseconds (ms), and activity associated with musical meaning about 100–150 ms later. The structural processing—musical syntax—has been localized to the frontal lobes of both hemispheres in areas adjacent to and overlapping with those regions that process speech syntax, such as Broca’s area, and shows up regardless of whether listeners have musical training. The regions involved in musical semantics—associating a tonal sequence with meaning—appear to be in the back portions of the temporal lobe on both sides, near Wernicke’s area.
大脑的音乐系统似乎在功能上独立于语言系统而运作——证据来自于对受伤后失去一种或另一种能力但不是两种能力的患者的许多案例研究。最著名的案例可能是音乐家兼指挥家克莱夫·韦尔林（Clive Wearing）的案例，他的大脑因疱疹脑炎而受损。据奥利弗·萨克斯报道，克莱夫失去了除了音乐记忆和妻子的记忆之外的所有记忆。据报道，其他病例患者失去了音乐，但保留了语言和其他记忆。当作曲家拉威尔的左皮质部分退化时，他选择性地失去了音调感，同时保留了音色感，这种缺陷激发了他创作《波莱罗》，这是一首强调音色变化的作品。最简单的解释是，音乐和语言实际上共享一些共同的神经资源，但也有独立的路径。额叶和颞叶处理音乐和言语的能力非常接近，而且它们部分重叠，这表明那些为音乐和语言而招募的神经回路可能在生命开始时就没有分化。然后，经验和正常发育会区分最初非常相似的神经元群体的功能。考虑到在很小的时候，婴儿就被认为具有联觉能力，无法区分不同感官的输入，也无法将生活和世界作为一个整体来体验。一切感官的某种迷幻结合。婴儿可能会看到红色的数字 5，品尝降 D 调的切达干酪，闻到三角形的玫瑰味。
The brain’s music system appears to operate with functional independence from the language system—the evidence comes from many case studies of patients who, postinjury, lose one or the other faculty but not both. The most famous case is perhaps that of Clive Wearing, a musician and conductor, whose brain was damaged as a result of herpes encephalitis. As reported by Oliver Sacks, Clive lost all memory except for musical memories, and the memory of his wife. Other cases have been reported for which the patient lost music but retained language and other memories. When portions of his left cortex deteriorated, the composer Ravel selectively lost his sense of pitch while retaining his sense of timbre, a deficit that inspired his writing of Bolero, a piece that emphasizes variations in timbre. The most parsimonious explanation is that music and language do, in fact, share some common neural resources, and yet have independent pathways as well. The close proximity of music and speech processing in the frontal and temporal lobes, and their partial overlap, suggests that those neural circuits that become recruited for music and language may start out life undifferentiated. Experience and normal development then differentiate the functions of what began as very similar neuronal populations. Consider that at a very early age, babies are thought to be synesthetic, to be unable to differentiate the input from the different senses, and to experience life and the world as a sort of psychedelic union of everything sensory. Babies may see the number five as red, taste cheddar cheeses in D-flat, and smell roses in triangles.
随着连接被切断或修剪，成熟的过程会在神经通路中产生区别。最初可能是一个对视觉、声音、味觉、触觉和嗅觉做出同样反应的神经元簇，后来变成了一个专门的网络。因此，音乐和言语也可能是在我们所有人身上以相同的神经生物学起源、在相同的区域、使用相同的特定神经网络开始的。随着经验和接触的增加，发育中的婴儿最终会创建专用的音乐路径和专用的语言路径。这些路径可能共享一些共同的资源，正如 Ani Patel 在他的 SSIRH（共享句法整合资源假说）中最突出地提出的那样。
The process of maturation creates distinctions in the neural pathways as connections are cut or pruned. What may have started out as a neuron cluster that responded equally to sights, sound, taste, touch, and smell becomes a specialized network. So, too, may music and speech have started in us all with the same neurobiological origins, in the same regions, and using the same specific neural networks. With increasing experience and exposure, the developing infant eventually creates dedicated music pathways and dedicated language pathways. The pathways may share some common resources, as has been proposed most prominently by Ani Patel in his SSIRH—shared syntactic integration resource hypothesis.
我的合作者兼朋友维诺德·梅农 (Vinod Menon) 是斯坦福大学医学院的系统神经科学家，他与我分享了对能够确定 Koelsch 和 Friederici 实验室的研究结果以及能够为 Patel 的 SSIRH 提供可靠证据的兴趣。为此，我们必须使用不同的方法来研究大脑，因为脑电图的空间分辨率不够精细，无法真正确定音乐句法的神经轨迹。
My collaborator and friend Vinod Menon, a systems neuroscientist at Stanford Medical School, shared with me an interest in being able to pin down the findings from the Koelsch and Friederici labs, and in being able to provide solid evidence for Patel’s SSIRH. For that, we had to use a different method of studying the brain, since the spatial resolution of EEG wasn’t fine enough to really pinpoint the neural locus of musical syntax.
由于血液中的血红蛋白具有轻微的磁性，因此可以使用能够追踪磁性变化的机器来追踪血液流动的变化。这就是磁共振成像机 (MRI)，它是一个巨大的电磁体，可以生成显示磁特性差异的报告，从而可以告诉我们在任何给定时间点，血液在体内流动的位置。（第一台 MRI 扫描仪的开发研究是由英国 EMI 公司进行的，其资金大部分来自甲壳虫乐队唱片的利润。“我想握住你的手”很可能被命名为“我想扫描你的大脑” ”）因为神经元需要氧气才能生存，而血液携带含氧血红蛋白，所以我们也可以追踪大脑中的血液流动。我们假设活跃的神经元与静止的神经元相比，放电需要更多的氧气，因此大脑中参与特定认知任务的区域将正是在给定时间点血流量最多的区域。当我们使用MRI机器以这种方式研究大脑区域的功能时，该技术被称为功能性MRI，或fMRI。
Because the hemoglobin of the blood is slightly magnetic, changes in the flow of blood can be traced with a machine that can track changes in magnetic properties. This is what a magnetic resonance imaging machine (MRI) is, a giant electromagnet that produces a report showing differences in magnetic properties, which in turn can tell us where, at any given point in time, the blood is flowing in the body. (The research on the development of the first MRI scanners was performed by the British company EMI, financed in large part from their profits on Beatles records. “I Want to Hold Your Hand” might well have been titled “I Want to Scan Your Brain.”) Because neurons need oxygen to survive, and the blood carries oxygenated hemoglobin, we can trace the flow of blood in the brain too. We make the assumption that neurons that are actively firing will need more oxygen than neurons that are at rest, and so those regions of the brain that are involved in a particular cognitive task will be just those regions with the most blood flow at a given point in time. When we use the MRI machine to study the function of brain regions in this way, the technology is called functional MRI, or fMRI.
功能磁共振成像图像让我们看到一个活生生、功能正常的人脑在思考。如果你在心里练习网球发球，我们可以看到血液流向你的运动皮层，并且功能磁共振成像的空间分辨率足够好，我们可以看到运动皮层控制你手臂的部分积极的。如果您开始解决数学问题，血液会向前移动，到达您的额叶，特别是已确定与算术问题解决相关的区域，我们会看到这种运动，并最终在额叶中收集血液。功能磁共振成像扫描中的额叶。
fMRI images let us see a living, functioning human brain while it is thinking. If you mentally practice your tennis serve, we can see the flow of blood move up to your motor cortex, and the spatial resolution of fMRI is good enough that we can see that it is the part of your motor cortex that controls your arm that is active. If you then start to solve a math problem, the blood moves forward, to your frontal lobes, and in particular to regions that have been identified as being associated with arithmetic problem solving, and we see this movement and ultimately the collection of blood in the frontal lobes on the fMRI scan.
我刚才描述的弗兰肯斯坦科学，即大脑成像科学，能让我们读懂人们的想法吗？我很高兴地告诉大家，答案可能是否定的，而且在可预见的未来绝对不会。原因就是思想太复杂，涉及太多不同的领域。通过功能磁共振成像，我可以判断您正在听音乐而不是观看无声电影，但我们还无法判断您正在听嘻哈音乐还是格里高利圣歌，更不用说您正在听哪首特定歌曲或以为你在想。
Will this Frankenstein science I’ve just described, the science of brain imaging, ever allow us to read people’s minds? I’m happy to report that the answer is probably not, and absolutely not for the foreseeable future. The reason is that thoughts are simply too complicated and involve too many different regions. With fMRI I can tell that you are listening to music as opposed to watching a silent film, but we can’t yet tell if you’re listening to hip-hop versus Gregorian chants, let alone what specific song you’re listening to or thought you’re thinking.
凭借功能磁共振成像的高空间分辨率，人们可以在几毫米的范围内判断出大脑中发生了什么事情。然而，问题在于功能磁共振成像的时间分辨率并不是特别好，因为血液在大脑中重新分布需要一定的时间（称为血流动力学滞后）。但其他人已经研究过音乐句法/音乐结构处理的时间；我们想知道哪里，特别是哪里涉及已知专门用于语音的领域。我们的发现与我们的预测一模一样。听音乐并注意其句法特征（其结构）激活了左侧额叶皮层的一个特定区域，称为眶部（该区域的一个子部分）被称为布罗德曼 47 区。我们在研究中发现的该区域与之前的语言结构研究有一些重叠，但它也有一些独特的激活。除了左半球的激活之外，我们还在右半球的类似区域发现了激活。这告诉我们，注意音乐的结构需要左右半脑，而注意语言的结构只需要左半脑。
With the high spatial resolution of fMRI, one can tell within just a couple of millimeters where something is occurring in the brain. The problem, however, is that the temporal resolution of fMRI isn’t particularly good because of the amount of time it takes for blood to become redistributed in the brain—known as hemodynamic lag. But others had already studied the when of musical syntax/musical structure processing; we wanted to know the where and in particular if the where involved areas already known to be dedicated to speech. We found exactly what we predicted. Listening to music and attending to its syntactic features—its structure—activated a particular region of the frontal cortex on the left side called pars orbitalis—a subsection of the region known as Brodmann Area 47. The region we found in our study had some overlap with previous studies of structure in language, but it also had some unique activations. In addition to this left hemisphere activation, we also found activation in an analogous area of the right hemisphere. This told us that attending to structure in music requires both halves of the brain, while attending to structure in language only requires the left half.
最令人惊讶的是，我们发现，左半球在跟踪音乐结构时活跃的区域与聋哑人用手语交流时活跃的区域完全相同。这表明我们在大脑中发现的区域并不是简单地处理和弦序列是否合理，或者口语句子是否合理的区域。我们现在正在研究一个对视觉做出反应的区域——对通过美国手语传达的单词的视觉组织做出反应。我们发现了证据，证明大脑中存在一个处理一般结构的区域，当该结构随着时间的推移而传递时。尽管该区域的输入必定来自不同的神经群体，并且其输出必须经过独特的网络，但它就在那里——随着时间的推移，在任何涉及组织信息的任务中不断出现的区域。
Most astonishing was that the left-hemisphere regions that we found were active in tracking musical structure were the very same ones that are active when deaf people are communicating by sign language. This suggested that what we had identified in the brain wasn’t a region that simply processed whether a chord sequence was sensible, or whether a spoken sentence was sensible. We were now looking at a region that responded to sight—to the visual organization of words conveyed through American Sign Language. We found evidence for the existence of a brain region that processes structure in general, when that structure is conveyed over time. Although the inputs to this region must have come from different neural populations, and the outputs of it had to go through distinctive networks, there it was—a region that kept popping up in any task that involved organizing information over time.
关于音乐神经组织的图景变得越来越清晰。所有的声音都是从耳膜开始的。声音立即按音调分开。不久之后，语音和音乐可能会分成单独的处理电路。语音电路分解信号以识别单个音素——构成我们的字母表和语音系统的辅音和元音。音乐电路开始分解信号并分别分析音高、音色、轮廓和节奏。执行这些任务的神经元的输出连接到额叶中的区域，这些区域将所有这些区域组合在一起，并尝试找出所有这些区域的时间模式是否存在任何结构或顺序。额叶访问我们的海马体和颞叶内部区域，询问我们的记忆库中是否有任何东西可以帮助理解这个信号。我听说过吗之前的特定模式？如果是的话，什么时候？这是什么意思？它是一个更大序列的一部分，其意义正在我面前展开吗？
The picture about neural organization for music was becoming clearer. All sound begins at the eardrum. Right away, sounds get segregated by pitch. Not much later, speech and music probably diverge into separate processing circuits. The speech circuits decompose the signal in order to identify individual phonemes—the consonants and vowels that make up our alphabet and our phonetic system. The music circuits start to decompose the signal and separately analyze pitch, timbre, contour, and rhythm. The output of the neurons performing these tasks connects to regions in the frontal lobe that put all of it together and try to figure out if there is any structure or order to the temporal patterning of it all. The frontal lobes access our hippocampus and regions in the interior of the temporal lobe and ask if there is anything in our memory banks that can help to understand this signal. Have I heard this particular pattern before? If so, when? What does it mean? Is it part of a larger sequence whose meaning is unfolding right now in front of me?
在确定了音乐结构和期望的一些神经生物学之后，我们现在准备好询问情绪和记忆背后的大脑机制。
Having nailed down some of the neurobiology of musical structure and expectation, we were now ready to ask about the brain mechanisms underlying emotion and memory.
5.你知道我的名字，查一下号码
5. You Know My Name, Look Up the Number
我们如何对音乐进行分类
How We Categorize Music
我对音乐最早的记忆之一是三岁的时候，躺在家里三角钢琴下面的地板上，听母亲弹奏。躺在我们毛茸茸的绿色羊毛地毯上，钢琴在我上方，我只能看到母亲的腿上下移动踏板，但那声音——它吞没了我！它无处不在，通过地板和我的身体振动，低音在我的右边，高音在我的左边。贝多芬响亮、密集的和弦；肖邦的舞蹈和杂技般的音符；舒曼严格的、近乎军国主义的节奏，舒曼是像我母亲一样的德国人。在这些——我对音乐的最初记忆中——声音让我陷入恍惚，它把我带到了我从未去过的感官地方。音乐响起时，时间仿佛静止了。
One of my earliest memories of music is as a three-year-old, lying on the floor underneath the family’s grand piano as my mother played. Lying on our shaggy green wool carpet, with the piano above me, all I could see were my mother’s legs moving the pedals up and down, but the sound—it engulfed me! It was all around, vibrating through the floor and through my body, the low notes to the right of me, the high notes to the left. The loud, dense chords of Beethoven; the flurry of dancing, acrobatic notes of Chopin; the strict, almost militaristic rhythms of Schumann, a German like my mother. In these—among my first memories of music—the sound held me in a trance, it transported me to sensory places I had never been. Time seemed to stand still while the music was playing.
音乐记忆与其他记忆有何不同？为什么音乐可以触发我们体内那些看似被埋藏或丢失的记忆？期望如何导致音乐中的情感体验？我们如何识别以前听过的歌曲？
How are memories of music different from other memories? Why can music trigger memories in us that otherwise seemed buried or lost? And how does expectation lead to the experience of emotion in music? How do we recognize songs we have heard before?
曲调识别涉及许多与记忆相互作用的复杂神经计算。它要求我们的大脑忽略某些特征，而只关注在听下一首歌曲时不变的特征，这样就可以提取歌曲的不变属性。也就是说，大脑的计算系统必须能够将每次我们听到的歌曲中保持不变的方面与一次性变化的方面或特定呈现所特有的方面区分开来。如果大脑不这样做，每次我们以不同的音量听到一首歌曲时，我们都会将其体验为一首完全不同的歌曲！音量并不是唯一可能发生变化而不影响歌曲的基本特征的参数。从曲调识别的角度来看，乐器、节奏和音高可以被认为是无关紧要的。在抽象出歌曲身份所必需的特征的过程中，必须搁置对这些特征的更改。
Tune recognition involves a number of complex neural computations interacting with memory. It requires that our brains ignore certain features while we focus only on features that are invariant from one listening to the next—and in this way, extract invariant properties of a song. That is, the brain’s computational system must be able to separate the aspects of a song that remain the same each time we hear it from those that are one-time-only variations, or from those that are peculiar to a particular presentation. If the brain didn’t do this, each time we heard a song at a different volume, we’d experience it as an entirely different song! And volume isn’t the only parameter that potentially changes without affecting the underlying identity of the song. Instrumentation, tempo, and pitch can be considered irrelevant from a tune-recognition standpoint. In the process of abstracting out the features that are essential to a song’s identity, changes to these features must be set aside.
曲调识别极大地增加了处理音乐所需的神经系统的复杂性。将不变属性与瞬时属性分开是一个巨大的计算问题。20 世纪 90 年代末，我在一家互联网公司工作，该公司开发了识别 MP3 文件的软件。许多人的计算机上都有声音文件，但许多文件要么命名错误，要么根本没有命名。没有人愿意逐个文件地检查并纠正错误的拼写，例如“Etlon John”，或者将诸如“My Aim Is True”之类的歌曲重命名为埃尔维斯·科斯特洛的“Alison”（“我的目标是真实的”这句话是副歌部分的副歌） ，但不是歌曲的名称）。
Tune recognition dramatically increases the complexity of the neural system necessary for processing music. Separating the invariant properties from the momentary ones is a huge computational problem. I worked for an Internet company in the late 1990s that developed software to identify MP3 files. Lots of people have soundfiles on their computers, but many of the files are either misnamed or not named at all. No one wants to go through file by file and correct bad spellings, like “Etlon John,” or rename songs like “My Aim Is True” to “Alison” by Elvis Costello (the words my aim is true are the refrain in the chorus, but not the name of the song).
解决这个自动命名问题相对容易；每首歌曲都有一个数字“指纹”，我们所需要做的就是学习如何有效地搜索包含 50 万首歌曲的数据库，以便正确识别歌曲。这被计算机科学家称为“查找表”。这相当于根据您的姓名和出生日期在数据库中查找您的社会安全号码：可能只有一个社会安全号码与给定的姓名和出生日期相关联。类似地，只有一首歌曲与特定的数字值序列相关联，这些数字值代表该歌曲的特定表演的整体声音。该程序在查找方面效果非常好。它不能做的是在数据库中找到同一首歌的其他版本。我可能有八个版本的“先生”。我的硬盘上有“Sandman”，但如果我将切特·阿特金斯 (Chet Atkins) 的版本提交给程序并要求它查找其他版本（例如吉姆·坎皮隆戈 (Jim Campilongo) 或 Chordettes 的版本），它就找不到。这是因为数字MP3 文件开头的数字流并没有给我们任何可以轻松翻译成旋律、节奏或响度的东西，而且我们还不知道如何进行这种翻译。我们的程序必须能够识别旋律和节奏间隔的相对恒定性，同时忽略特定于表演的细节。大脑可以轻松地做到这一点，但没有人发明出一台可以做到这一点的计算机。
Solving this automatic naming problem was relatively easy; each song has a digital “fingerprint,” and all we needed to do was to learn how to efficiently search a database of a half-million songs in order to correctly identify the song. This is called a “lookup table” by computer scientists. It is equivalent to looking up your Social Security number in a database given your name and date of birth: Only one Social Security number is presumably associated with a given name and DOB. Similarly, only one song is associated with a specific sequence of digital values that represent the overall sound of a particular performance of that song. The program works fabulously well at looking up. What it cannot do is find other versions of the same song in the database. I might have eight versions of “Mr. Sandman” on my hard drive, but if I submit the version by Chet Atkins to a program and ask it to find other versions (such as the ones by Jim Campilongo or the Chordettes), it can’t. This is because the digital stream of numbers that starts the MP3 file doesn’t give us anything that is readily translated to melody, rhythm, or loudness, and we don’t yet know how to make this translation. Our program would have to be able to identify relative constancies in melodic and rhythmic intervals, while ignoring performance-specific details. The brain does this with ease, but no one has invented a computer that can even begin to do this.
计算机和人类的这种不同能力与关于人类记忆的本质和功能的争论有关。最近的音乐记忆实验为理清真实故事提供了决定性线索。过去一百年来，记忆理论家之间的大争论一直是关于人类和动物的记忆是相关的还是绝对的。关系学派认为，我们的记忆系统存储有关对象和想法之间关系的信息，但不一定存储有关对象本身的详细信息。这也被称为建构主义观点，因为它意味着，在缺乏感官细节的情况下，我们从这些关系中构建了现实的记忆表征（许多细节被现场填充或重建）。建构主义者认为，记忆的功能是忽略不相关的细节，同时保留要点。竞争理论称为记录保存理论。这种观点的支持者认为，记忆就像录音机或数码摄像机，准确地保留了我们的全部或大部分经验，并且具有近乎完美的保真度。
This different ability of computers and humans is related to a debate about the nature and function of memory in humans. Recent experiments of musical memory have provided decisive clues in sorting out the true story. The big debate among memory theorists over the last hundred years has been about whether human and animal memory is relational or absolute. The relational school argues that our memory system stores information about the relations between objects and ideas, but not necessarily details about the objects themselves. This is also called the constructivist view, because it implies that, lacking sensory specifics, we construct a memory representation of reality out of these relations (with many details filled in or reconstructed on the spot). The constructivists believe that the function of memory is to ignore irrelevant details, while preserving the gist. The competing theory is called the record-keeping theory. Supporters of this view argue that memory is like a tape recorder or digital video camera, preserving all or most of our experiences accurately, and with near perfect fidelity.
音乐在这场辩论中发挥着重要作用，因为——正如格式塔心理学家一百多年前指出的那样——旋律是由音高关系（一种建构主义观点）定义的，然而，它们是由精确的音高组成的（一种记录保存观点，但前提是这些音调被编码在内存中）。
Music plays a role in this debate because—as the Gestalt psychologists noted over one hundred years ago—melodies are defined by pitch relations (a constructivist view) and yet, they are composed of precise pitches (a record-keeping view, but only if those pitches are encoded in memory).
已经积累了大量证据来支持这两种观点。建构主义者的证据来自于研究，在这些研究中，人们听演讲（听觉记忆）或被要求阅读文本（视觉记忆），然后报告他们所听到或读到的内容。在一次又一次的研究中，人们不太擅长逐字逐句地重新创建描述。他们记得一般内容，但不记得具体措辞。
A great deal of evidence has accumulated in support of both viewpoints. The evidence for the constructivists comes from studies in which people listen to speech (auditory memory) or are asked to read text (visual memory) and then report what they’ve heard or read. In study after study, people are not very good at re-creating a word-for-word account. They remember general content, but not specific wording.
一些研究还指出了记忆的可塑性。似乎微小的干预可以极大地影响记忆检索的准确性。华盛顿大学的伊丽莎白·洛夫特斯（Elizabeth Loftus）进行了一系列重要的研究，她对证人法庭证词的准确性感兴趣。向受试者展示录像带并询问有关内容的引导性问题。如果展示两辆几乎没有互相刮擦的汽车，一组受试者可能会被问到：“当汽车互相刮擦时，它们的行驶速度有多快？” 另一组人会被问到：“当汽车相撞时，它们的行驶速度有多快？” 这种单字替换导致目击者对两辆车速度的估计存在巨大差异。然后洛夫特斯将受试者带回来，有时长达一周后，并问道：“你看到了多少碎玻璃？” （确实没有碎玻璃。）被问到带有“粉碎”一词的问题的受试者更有可能报告“记住”视频中的碎玻璃。他们对实际所见事物的记忆是根据实验者一周前提出的一个简单问题重建的。
Several studies also point to the malleability of memory. Seemingly minor interventions can powerfully affect the accuracy of memory retrieval. An important series of studies was carried out by Elizabeth Loftus of the University of Washington, who was interested in the accuracy of witnesses’ courtroom testimonies. Subjects were shown videotapes and asked leading questions about the content. If shown two cars that barely scraped each other, one group of subjects might be asked, “How fast were the cars going when they scraped each other?” and another group would be asked, “How fast were the cars going when they smashed each other?” Such one-word substitutions caused dramatic differences in the eyewitnesses’ estimates of the speeds of the two vehicles. Then Loftus brought the subjects back, sometimes up to a week later, and asked, “How much broken glass did you see?” (There really was no broken glass.) The subjects who were asked the question with the word smashed in it were more likely to report “remembering” broken glass in the video. Their memory of what they actually saw had been reconstructed on the basis of a simple question the experimenter had asked a week earlier.
此类发现使研究人员得出结论，记忆并不是特别准确，而且它是由不同的片段构成的，而这些片段本身可能并不准确。记忆检索（也许还有存储）经历了一个类似于知觉完成或填充的过程。您是否曾经尝试过告诉别人您第二天早上早餐时所做的一个梦？通常，我们对梦的记忆以意象碎片的形式出现，元素之间的过渡并不总是清晰的。当我们讲述这个梦时，我们会注意到其中的空白，并且在展开叙述时我们几乎情不自禁地填补了它们。“我站在外面的梯子上听西贝柳斯的音乐会，天空下着佩斯糖果雨……”你可能会这样开始。但下一张照片是你自己走下梯子的一半。当我们复述梦境时，我们会自然而然地自动填补这些缺失的信息。“我决定保护自己免受佩兹投掷的伤害，所以我开始爬下梯子，我知道那里有庇护所......”
Findings like these have led researchers to conclude that memory is not particularly accurate, and that it is constructed out of disparate pieces that may themselves not be accurate. Memory retrieval (and perhaps storage) undergoes a process similar to perceptual completion or filling in. Have you ever tried to tell someone about a dream you had over breakfast the next morning? Typically our memory of the dream appears to us in imagistic fragments, and the transitions between elements are not always clear. As we tell the dream, we notice gaps, and we almost can’t help but fill them in as we unfold the narrative. “I was standing on top of a ladder outside listening to a Sibelius concert, and the sky was raining Pez candy …” you might begin. But the next image is of yourself halfway down the ladder. We naturally and automatically fill in this missing information when retelling the dream. “And I decided to protect myself from this Pez pelting, so I started climbing down the ladder where I knew there was shelter ….”
这是左脑在说话（可能是称为眶额皮层的区域，就在你的左太阳穴后面）。当我们编造一个故事时，几乎总是左脑在进行编造。左脑根据其获得的有限信息编造故事。通常它的故事情节是正确的，但它会竭尽全力让声音听起来连贯。迈克尔·加扎尼加（Michael Gazzaniga）在他对连合切除患者的研究中发现了这一点，这些患者通过手术将大脑的两个半球分开，以缓解顽固性癫痫的症状。大脑的大部分输入和输出都是对侧的——左脑控制身体右半部分的运动，左脑处理右眼看到的信息。向患者的左脑展示一张鸡爪的图片，向他的右脑展示一座被雪覆盖的房子（分别通过他的右眼和左眼）。一道屏障将每只眼睛的视线限制在一张图片上。然后要求患者从一系列图片中选择与这两个项目最密切相关的一张。病人用左脑（即右手）指着一只鸡，他用右脑指着一把铲子。到目前为止，一切都很好; 鸡配爪子，铲子配雪屋。但是，当加扎尼加移开障碍物并询问患者为什么选择铲子时，他的左半球同时看到了鸡和铲子，并产生了一个与这两个图像一致的故事。“你需要一把铲子来清理鸡棚，”病人回答道，没有意识到他看到了一座被雪封住的房子（用他的非语言右脑），也没有意识到他正在现场发明一个解释。为建构主义者提供另一条证据。
This is the left brain talking (and probably the region called orbitofrontal cortex, just behind your left temple). When we fabricate a story, it is almost always the left brain doing the fabricating. The left brain makes up stories based on the limited information it gets. Usually it gets the story right, but it will go to great lengths to sound coherent. Michael Gazzaniga discovered this in his work with commissurotomized patients—patients who had the two hemispheres of the brain surgically separated for the relief of intractable epilepsy. Much of the inputs and outputs of the brain are contralateral—the left brain controls movement in the right half of the body, and the left brain processes information that your right eye sees. A picture of a chicken’s talon was shown to a patient’s left brain, and a snow-covered house to his right brain (through his right and left eyes respectively). A barrier limited the sight of each eye to only one picture. The patient was then asked to select from an array of pictures the one that was most closely associated with each of the two items. The patient pointed to a chicken with his left brain (that is, his right hand) and he pointed to a shovel with his right brain. So far, so good; chicken goes with talon, and shovel with a snow-covered house. But when Gazzaniga removed the barrier and asked the patient why he had chosen the shovel, his left hemisphere saw both the chicken and the shovel and generated a story that was consistent with both images. “You need a shovel to clean out the chicken shed,” the patient answered, with no awareness that he had seen a snowbound house (with his nonverbal right brain), or that he was inventing an explanation on the spot. Score another piece of evidence for the constructivists.
20 世纪 60 年代初，在麻省理工学院，本杰明·怀特 (Benjamin White) 继承了格式塔心理学家的衣钵，他们想知道一首歌如何能够在音调和时间上进行换位的情况下保持其特性。怀特系统地修改了《Deck the Halls》和《Michael，Row Your Boat Ashore》等著名歌曲。在某些情况下，他会调换所有音高，在其他情况下，他会改变音高距离以保留轮廓，但间隔大小会缩小或拉伸。他前后演奏曲子，并改变节奏。几乎在所有情况下，变形曲调被识别的次数都超出了偶然性的范围。
At MIT in the early 1960s, Benjamin White took up the mantle of the Gestalt psychologists, who wondered how it is that a song is able to retain its identity in spite of transposition in pitch and time. White systematically altered well-known songs like “Deck the Halls” and “Michael, Row Your Boat Ashore.” In some cases, he would transpose all the pitches, in others he would alter the pitch distances so that contour was preserved, but the interval sizes were shrunk or stretched. He played tunes backward and forward, and changed their rhythms. In almost every case, the deformed tune was recognized more often than chance could account for.
怀特证明大多数听众可以识别变位后的歌曲几乎立即并且没有错误。他们还可以识别原曲的各种变形。对此的建构主义解释是，记忆系统必须提取一些关于歌曲的通用的、不变的信息并将其存储起来。他们说，如果记录保存的记录是真实的，那么每次我们听到一首变调歌曲时，都需要进行新的计算，因为我们的大脑会将新版本与我们所拥有的实际演奏的单一存储表示进行比较。但在这里，记忆似乎提取了一个抽象概括以供以后使用。
White demonstrated that most listeners can recognize a song in trans-position almost immediately and without error. And they could recognize all kinds of deformations of the original tune as well. The constructivist interpretation of this is that the memory system must be extracting some generalized, invariant information about songs and storing that. If the record-keeping account were true, they say, it would require new calculations each time we hear a song in transposition as our brains work to compare the new version to the single, stored representation we have of the actual performance. But here, it seems that memory extracts an abstract generalization for later use.
记录保存帐户遵循我最喜欢的研究人员格式塔心理学家的一个古老想法，他们说每一次经历都会在大脑中留下痕迹或残留物。他们说，经验被存储为痕迹，当我们从记忆中检索事件时，这些痕迹就会被重新激活。大量实验证据支持这一理论。罗杰·谢泼德向人们展示了数百张照片，每张照片持续几秒钟。一周后，他将受试者带回实验室，并向他们展示了他们以前见过的成对照片，以及一些他们没有见过的新照片。在许多情况下，“新”照片与旧照片只有细微的差别，例如帆船上帆的角度，或者背景中树木的大小。受试者能够以惊人的准确度记住一周前看过的内容。
The record-keeping account follows an old idea of my favorite researchers, the Gestalt psychologists, who said that every experience leaves a trace or residue in the brain. Experiences are stored as traces, they said, that are reactivated when we retrieve the episodes from memory. A great deal of experimental evidence supports this theory. Roger Shepard showed people hundreds of photographs for a few seconds each. A week later, he brought the subjects back into the laboratory and showed them pairs of photographs that they had seen before, along with some new ones that they hadn’t. In many cases, the “new” photos had only subtle differences from the old, such as the angle of the sail on a sailboat, or the size of a tree in the background. Subjects were able to remember which ones they had seen a week earlier with astonishing accuracy.
道格拉斯·欣茨曼（Douglas Hintzman）进行了一项研究，向人们展示了字体和大小写不同的字母。例如：
Douglas Hintzman performed a study in which people were shown letters that differed in font and capitalization. For example:
长笛 _ _
F l u t e
与主旨记忆研究相反，受试者能够记住特定的字体。
Contrary to studies of gist memory, subjects were able to remember the specific font.
我们还知道，人们可以识别数百种甚至数千种声音。即使你母亲没有表明自己的身份，你也可能可以用一个词认出她的声音。您可以立即辨别配偶的声音以及他或她是否感冒或者是在生你的气，这一切都从声音的音色来看。还有一些众所周知的声音，大多数人都能轻易辨认出数十个甚至数百个：伍迪·艾伦、理查德·尼克松、德鲁·巴里摩尔、WC·菲尔兹、格劳乔·马克斯、凯瑟琳·赫本、克林特·伊斯特伍德、史蒂夫·马丁。我们可以记住这些声音，通常是在他们说出特定内容或流行语时：“我不是骗子”、“说魔法并赢得一百美元”、“继续吧——让我开心” ” “好吧，请原谅我！我们记住特定的单词和特定的声音，而不仅仅是要点。这支持了记录保存理论。
We also know anecdotally that people can recognize hundreds, if not thousands, of voices. You can probably recognize the sound of your mother’s voice within one word, even if she doesn’t identify herself. You can tell your spouse’s voice right away, and whether he or she has a cold or is angry with you, all from the timbre of the voice. Then there are well-known voices—dozens, if not hundreds, that most people can readily identify: Woody Allen, Richard Nixon, Drew Barrymore, W. C. Fields, Groucho Marx, Katharine Hepburn, Clint Eastwood, Steve Martin. We can hold in memory the sound of these voices, often as they’re uttering specific content or catchphrases: “I’m not a crook,” “Say the magic woid and win a hundred dollars,” “Go ahead—make my day,” “Well, excuuuuuse me!” We remember the specific words and specific voices, not just the gist. This supports the record-keeping theory.
另一方面，我们喜欢听印象派艺术家通过模仿名人的声音来表演喜剧套路，而最有趣的套路往往涉及真正的名人从未说过的短语。为了实现这一点，我们必须对人的声音音色进行某种存储记忆跟踪，而与实际单词无关。这可能与记录保存理论相矛盾，因为这表明记忆中编码的只是声音的抽象属性，而不是具体的细节。但是，我们可能会认为音色是声音的一个属性，与其他属性是分开的。我们可以坚持记忆的“记录保存”理论，说我们正在记忆中编码特定的音色值，并且仍然可以解释为什么我们可以识别单簧管的声音，即使它正在演奏一首我们从未听过的歌曲前。
On the other hand, we enjoy listening to impressionists who do comedy routines by mimicking the voices of celebrities, and often the funniest routines involve phrases that the real celebrity never said. In order for this to work, we have to have some sort of stored memory trace for the timbre of the person’s voice, independent of the actual words. This could contradict the record-keeping theory by showing that it is only the abstract properties of the voice that are encoded in memory, rather than the specific details. But, we might argue that timbre is a property of sounds that is separable from other attributes; we can hold on to our “record-keeping” theory of memory by saying that we are encoding specific timbre values in memory and still explain why we can recognize the sound of a clarinet, even if it is playing a song we’ve never heard before.
神经心理学文献中最著名的案例之一是一名俄罗斯患者，他的名字首字母为“S”，他去看了医生 AR Luria。S.患有健忘症，与健忘症相反——他不是忘记一切，而是记住了一切。S. 无法认识到同一个人的不同观点与同一个人有关。如果他看到一个人在微笑，那是一张脸；如果这个人后来皱起了眉头，那就是另一张脸了。S. 发现很难将一个人的许多不同的表情和视角整合成一个单一的、连贯的表现。他向卢里亚博士抱怨道：“每个人都有那么多面孔！” S. 无法形成抽象的概括，只有他的记录保存系统完好无损。为了让我们理解口语，我们需要考虑如何理解口语。不同的人发音单词，或者同一个人如何发音在不同上下文中出现的给定音素。记账账目如何与此一致？
One of the most famous cases in the neuropsychological literature is that of a Russian patient known only by his initial S, who saw the physician A. R. Luria. S. had hypermnesia, the opposite of amnesia—instead of forgetting everything, he remembered everything. S. was unable to recognize that different views of the same person were related to a single individual. If he saw a person smiling, that was one face; if the person later was frowning, that was another face. S. found it difficult to integrate the many different expressions and viewing angles of a person into a single, coherent representation of that person. He complained to Dr. Luria, “Everyone has so many faces!” S. was unable to form abstract generalizations, only his record-keeping system was intact. In order for us to understand spoken language, we need to set aside variations in how different people pronounce words, or how the same person pronounces a given phoneme as it appears in different contexts. How can the record-keeping account be consistent with this?
科学家喜欢让他们的世界井井有条。允许两种做出不同预测的理论成立在科学上是没有吸引力的。我们想要整理我们的逻辑世界，选择一种理论而不是另一种，或者产生第三种统一的理论来解释一切。那么哪个账户是正确的呢？记录保存还是建构主义？简而言之，两者都不是。
Scientists like having their world organized. Allowing two theories to stand that make different predictions is scientifically unappealing. We’d like to tidy up our logical world and choose one theory over the other, or generate a third, unifying theory that accounts for everything. So which account is right? Record-keeping or constructivist? In short, neither.
我刚才描述的研究与类别和概念方面的突破性新工作同时发生。分类是生物的基本功能。每个对象都是唯一的，但我们经常将不同的对象视为类或类别的成员。亚里士多德奠定了现代哲学家和科学家思考人类概念如何形成的方法。他认为类别是由定义特征列表产生的。例如，我们心中有“三角形”类别的内部表示。它包含我们所见过的每个三角形的心理图像或图片，并且我们也可以想象新的三角形。从本质上讲，构成这个类别并决定类别成员资格的边界（什么进入和什么离开）的定义可能如下所示：“三角形是一个三边形图形。” 如果您受过数学训练，您的定义可能会更详细：“三角形是一个三边形的封闭图形，其内角之和为 180 度。” 三角形的子类别可能会附加到该定义中，例如“等腰三角形的两条边长度相等；等边三角形的三条边长度相等；在直角三角形中，边的平方和等于斜边的平方。”
The research I’ve just described occurred contemporaneously with ground-breaking new work on categories and concepts. Categorization is a basic function of living creatures. Every object is unique, but we often act toward different objects as members of classes or categories. Aristotle laid the methods by which modern philosophers and scientists think about how concepts form in humans. He argued that categories result from lists of defining features. For example, we have in our minds an internal representation for the category “triangle.” It contains a mental image or picture of every triangle we’ve ever seen, and we can imagine new triangles as well. At its heart, what constitutes this category and determines the boundaries of category membership (what goes in and what stays out) is a definition that might be something like this: “A triangle is a three-sided figure.” If you have mathematical training, your definition might be more elaborate: “A triangle is a three-sided, closed figure, the sum of whose interior angles is 180 degrees.” Subcategories of triangles might be attached to this definition, such as “an isosceles triangle has two sides of equal length; an equilateral triangle has three sides of equal length; in a right triangle, the sum of the squares of the sides equals the square of the hypotenuse.”
我们对各种事物进行分类，包括有生命的和无生命的。根据亚里士多德的说法，当我们看到一个新项目（一个新三角形、一只我们以前从未见过的狗）时，我们会根据对其属性的分析以及与类别定义的比较，将该项目分配给一个类别。从亚里士多德，到洛克，再到今天，类别被假定为逻辑问题，对象要么在类别之内，要么在类别之外。
We have categories for all kinds of things, living and inanimate. When we’re shown a new item—a new triangle, a dog we’ve never seen before—we assign the item to a category based on an analysis of its properties and a comparison with the category definition, according to Aristotle. From Aristotle, through to Locke and the present day, categories were assumed to be a matter of logic, and objects were either inside or outside of a category.
2,300 年来，路德维希·维特根斯坦（Ludwig Wittgenstein）在这个话题上没有任何实质性的工作，他问了一个简单的问题：什么是游戏？这引发了类别形成实证研究的复兴。埃莉诺·罗什 (Eleanor Rosch) 在俄勒冈州波特兰里德学院完成了关于维特根斯坦的本科哲学论文。罗什多年来一直计划去读哲学研究生，但她说，和维特根斯坦在一起的一年彻底“治愈了她”的哲学。罗什感到当代哲学已经走进了死胡同，她想知道如何才能实证地研究哲学思想，如何才能发现新的哲学事实。当我在加州大学伯克利分校任教时（她是该校的教授），她告诉我，她认为哲学在大脑和心灵问题方面已经做了它能做的一切，并且实验是前进的必要条件。今天，许多认知心理学家追随罗什的脚步，认为对我们领域的恰当描述是“经验哲学”。也就是说，用实验方法解决传统上属于哲学家领域的问题：心灵的本质是什么？思想从哪里来？罗什最终进入哈佛大学，并获得了博士学位。认知心理学中有。她的博士论文改变了我们思考类别的方式。
After 2,300 years of no substantial work on the topic, Ludwig Wittgenstein asked a simple question: What is a game? This launched a renaissance of empirical work on category formation. Enter Eleanor Rosch, who did her undergraduate philosophy thesis at Reed College in Portland, Oregon, on Wittgenstein. Rosch had planned for years to go to graduate school in philosophy, but a year with Wittgenstein, she says, “cured her” of philosophy completely. Feeling that contemporary philosophy had hit a dead end, Rosch wondered how she could study philosophical ideas empirically, how she could discover new philosophical facts. When I was teaching at UC Berkeley, where she is a professor, she told me that she thought that philosophy had done all it could do with respect to problems of the brain and the mind, and that experimentation was necessary to move forward. Today, following Rosch, many cognitive psychologists consider an apt description of our field to be “empirical philosophy”; that is, experimental approaches to questions and problems that have been traditionally in the domain of philosophers: What is the nature of mind? Where do thoughts come from? Rosch ended up at Harvard, and took her Ph.D. there in cognitive psychology. Her doctoral thesis changed the way we think about categories.
维特根斯坦从严格的范畴定义中抽离出来，对亚里士多德造成了第一次打击。以“游戏”类别为例，维特根斯坦认为没有一个定义或一组定义可以涵盖所有游戏。例如，我们可以说游戏 (a) 是为了乐趣或娱乐，(b) 是一项休闲活动，(c) 是儿童中最常见的活动，(d) 有一定的规则，(e) 是在某种程度上具有竞争性，(f) 涉及两个或更多人。然而，我们可以为每个元素生成反例，表明定义不成立：（a）在奥运会上，运动员玩得开心吗？(b) 职业足球是一项休闲活动吗？(c) 扑克是一种游戏，就像回力球一样，但在儿童中并不常见。(d) 孩子把球扔到墙上很有趣，但规则是什么？(e) 环绕-the-rosy 没有竞争力。(f) 纸牌游戏不涉及两个或两个以上的人。我们如何摆脱对定义的依赖？还有其他选择吗？
Wittgenstein dealt the first blow to Aristotle by pulling the rug out from strict definitions of what a category is. Using the category “games” as an example, Wittgenstein argued that there is no definition or set of definitions that can encompass all games. For example, we might say that a game (a) is done for fun or recreation, (b) is a leisure activity, (c) is an activity most often found among children, (d) has certain rules, (e) is in some way competitive, (f) involves two or more people. Yet, we can generate counterexamples for each of these elements, showing that the definitions break down: (a) In the Olympic Games, are the athletes having fun? (b) Is pro football a leisure activity? (c) Poker is a game, as is jai alai, but not most often found among children. (d) A child throwing a ball against a wall is having fun, but what are the rules? (e) Ring-around-the-rosy isn’t competitive. (f) Solitaire doesn’t involve two or more people. How do we get out of this reliance on definitions? Is there an alternative?
维特根斯坦提出类别成员资格不是由定义决定的，而是由家族相似性决定的。如果某个东西与我们之前称为游戏的其他东西相似，我们就将其称为游戏。如果我们去参加维特根斯坦的家庭聚会，我们可能会发现某些特征是家庭成员所共有的，但没有任何一个身体特征是一个人绝对必须是家庭成员的。表弟可能有泰西阿姨的眼睛；另一个可能有维特根斯坦下巴。有些家庭成员的额头是爷爷的，有些人的头发是奶奶的。家族相似性依赖于可能存在或不存在的特征列表，而不是使用静态的定义列表。该列表也可以是动态的；在某些时候，红头发可能会从家族中消失（如果没有消失），因此我们只需将其从功能列表中删除即可。如果几代之后它再次出现，我们可以将它重新引入我们的概念系统。这种有先见之明的想法构成了当代记忆研究中最引人注目的理论的基础，即道格拉斯·欣茨曼(Douglas Hintzman)研究的多轨迹记忆模型，最近被来自亚利桑那州的一位名叫史蒂芬·戈尔丁格(Stephen Goldinger)的杰出认知科学家所采用。
Wittgenstein proposed that category membership is determined not by a definition, but by family resemblance. We call something a game if it resembles other things we have previously called games. If we go to the Wittgenstein family reunion, we might find that certain features are shared by members of the family, but that there is no single physical feature that one absolutely, positively must have to be a family member. A cousin might have Aunt Tessie’s eyes; another might have the Wittgenstein chin. Some family members will have Grandpa’s forehead, others will have Grandma’s red hair. Rather than using a static list of definitions, family resemblance relies on a list of features that may or may not be present. The list may also be dynamic; at some point red hair may die out of the family line (if not dye out), and so we simply remove it from our list of features. If it pops up again several generations later, we can reintroduce it to our conceptual system. This prescient idea forms the basis for the most compelling theory in contemporary memory research, the multiple-trace memory models that Douglas Hintzman worked on, and which have been recently taken up by a brilliant cognitive scientist named Stephen Goldinger from Arizona.
我们可以通过定义来定义音乐吗？音乐类型如何，例如重金属、古典音乐或乡村音乐？这种尝试肯定会失败，就像他们对“游戏”所做的那样。例如，我们可以说重金属是一种音乐流派，它具有（a）扭曲的电吉他；(b) 沉重、响亮的鼓；(c) 三和弦，或强力和弦；(d) 性感的主唱，通常赤裸上身，大汗淋漓，在舞台上晃动麦克风架，就像一根绳子一样；(e) 组名中的 umlauts。但这个严格的定义列表很容易反驳。虽然大多数重金属歌曲都有扭曲的电吉他，但迈克尔·杰克逊的《Beat It》也是如此——事实上，埃迪·范·海伦（重金属之神）在那首歌中演奏了吉他独奏。即使是木匠乐队也有一首用扭曲吉他演奏的歌曲，没有人会称他们为“重金属”。齐柏林飞船 (Led Zeppelin)——典型的重金属乐队，可以说是催生了重金属流派的乐队——几首完全没有失真吉他的歌曲（“Bron-Yr-Aur Stomp”、“Down by the Seaside”、“Goin' to California”、“The Battle of Evermore”）。齐柏林飞艇的《Stairway to Heaven》是一首重金属赞歌，这首歌的 90% 都没有沉重、响亮的鼓（或扭曲的吉他）。《天国的阶梯》也不只有三个和弦。许多歌曲都有非重金属的三和弦和强力和弦，包括拉菲的大多数歌曲。Metallica 确实是一支重金属乐队，但我从未听过有人称他们的主唱性感，尽管 Mötley Crüe、Blue Öyster Cult、Motörhead、Spi al Tap 和 Queensrÿche 有无缘无故的变音符号，但许多重金属乐队却没有
： Led Zeppelin、Metallica、Black Sabbath、Def Leppard、Ozzy Osbourne、Triumph 等。音乐流派的定义不是很有用；它们是音乐流派的定义。如果某样东西像重金属（家族相似），我们就说它是重金属。
Can we define music by definitions? What about types of music, such as heavy metal, classical, or country? Such attempts would certainly fail as they did for “games.” We could, for example, say that heavy metal is a musical genre that has (a) distorted electric guitars; (b) heavy, loud drums; (c) three chords, or power chords; (d) sexy lead singers, usually shirtless, dripping sweat and swinging the microphone stand around the stage like it was a piece of rope; (e) ümlauts in the gröup names. But this strict list of definitions is easy to refute. Although most heavy metal songs have distorted electric guitars, so does “Beat It” by Michael Jackson—in fact, Eddie Van Halen (the heavy metal god) plays the guitar solo in that song. Even the Carpenters have a song with a distorted guitar, and no one would call them “heavy metal.” Led Zeppelin—the quintessential heavy metal band and arguably the band that spawned the genre—has several songs with no distorted guitars at all (“Bron-Yr-Aur Stomp,” “Down by the Seaside,” “Goin’ to California,” “The Battle of Evermore”). “Stairway to Heaven” by Led Zeppelin is a heavy metal anthem, and there are no heavy, loud drums (or distorted guitars for that matter) in 90 percent of that song. Nor does “Stairway to Heaven” have only three chords. And lots of songs have three chords and power chords that are not heavy metal, including most songs by Raffi. Metallica is a heavy metal band for sure, but I’ve never heard anyone call their lead singer sexy, and although Mötley Crüe, Blue Öyster Cult, Motörhead, Spial Tap, and Queensrÿche have gratuitous umlauts, many heavy metal bands do not: Led Zeppelin, Metallica, Black Sabbath, Def Leppard, Ozzy Osbourne, Triumph, etc. Definitions of musical genres aren’t very useful; we say that something is heavy metal if it resembles heavy metal—a family resemblance.
凭借对维特根斯坦的了解，罗什认为某些东西或多或少可以是一个类别成员；与亚里士多德所认为的要么全有要么全无不同，存在着隶属程度、某个类别的适合程度以及微妙的差别。知更鸟是鸟吗? 大多数人都会回答是。鸡是鸟吗？是企鹅吗？大多数人会在稍稍停顿后说“是”，但随后会补充说，鸡和企鹅不是很好的鸟类例子，也不是该类别的典型例子。当我们使用诸如“从技术上讲，鸡是一种鸟”或“是的，企鹅是一种鸟，但它不像大多数其他鸟类那样飞翔”之类的语言限制时，这反映在日常言语中。罗什继维特根斯坦之后，表明类别并不总是有明确的边界——它们有模糊的边界。成员资格问题是一个有争议的问题，并且可能存在意见分歧：白色是一种颜色吗？嘻哈真的是音乐吗？如果皇后乐队幸存的成员在没有 Freddie Mercury 的情况下表演，我还会看到皇后乐队吗（每张票值 150 美元吗）？罗什表明，人们可能对分类有不同意见（黄瓜是水果还是蔬菜？），同一个人甚至可能在不同时间对某个类别有不同意见（某某是我的朋友吗？）。
Armed with her knowledge of Wittgenstein, Rosch decided that something can be more or less a category member; rather than being all or none as Aristotle had believed, there are shades of membership, degrees of fit to a category, and subtle shadings. Is a robin a bird? Most people would answer yes. Is a chicken a bird? Is a penguin? Most people would say yes after a slight pause, but then would add that chickens and penguins are not very good examples of birds, nor typical of the category. This is reflected in everyday speech when we use linguistic hedges such as “A chicken is technically a bird,” or “Yes, a penguin is a bird, but it doesn’t fly like most other birds.” Rosch, following Wittgenstein, showed that categories do not always have clear boundaries—they have fuzzy boundaries. Questions of membership are a matter of debate and there can be differences of opinion: Is white a color? Is hip-hop really music? If the surviving members of Queen perform without Freddie Mercury, am I still seeing Queen (and is it worth $150 a ticket)? Rosch showed that people can disagree about categorizations (is a cucumber a fruit or a vegetable?), and that the same person can even disagree with himself at different times about a category (is so-and-so my friend?).
罗什的第二个见解是，在她之前进行的所有类别实验都使用了人工概念和集合与现实世界无关的人工刺激。这些受控实验室实验的构建方式无意中导致了对实验者理论的偏见！这凸显了困扰所有实证科学的一个持续存在的问题：严格的实验控制与现实世界情况之间的紧张关系。权衡是，在实现其中一个目标的同时，往往需要对另一个目标做出妥协。科学方法要求我们控制所有可能的变量，以便能够对所研究的现象得出可靠的结论。然而，这种控制常常会产生现实世界中永远不会遇到的刺激或条件，这些情况与现实世界相距甚远，甚至无效。英国哲学家、《不安全的智慧》一书的作者艾伦·瓦茨是这样说的：如果你想研究一条河流，你就不会拿出一桶水，在岸边盯着它。河流并不是它的水，如果把水从河流中取出，你就失去了河流的本质，即它的运动、它的活动、它的流动。罗什认为，科学家以这种人为的方式研究类别，扰乱了类别的流动。顺便说一句，这与过去十年音乐神经科学领域的许多研究存在同样的问题：太多的科学家使用人工声音来研究人工旋律——这些东西与音乐如此相距甚远，目前还不清楚它们到底是什么。我们正在学习。
Rosch’s second insight was that all of the experiments on categories that had been done before her used artificial concepts and sets of artificial stimuli that had little to do with the real world. And these controlled laboratory experiments were inadvertently constructed in ways that ended up with a bias toward the experimenters’ theories! This underscores an ongoing problem that plagues all of empirical science: the tension between rigorous experimental control and real-world situations. The trade-off is that in achieving one, there is often a compromise of the other. The scientific method requires that we control all possible variables in order to be able to draw firm conclusions about the phenomenon under study. Yet such control often creates stimuli or conditions that would never be encountered in the real world, situations that are so far removed from the real world as not even to be valid. The British philosopher Alan Watts, author of The Wisdom of Insecurity, put it this way: If you want to study a river, you don’t take out a bucketful of water and stare at it on the shore. A river is not its water, and by taking the water out of the river, you lose the essential quality of river, which is its motion, its activity, its flow. Rosch felt that scientists had disrupted the flow of categories by studying them in such artificial ways. This, incidentally, is the same problem with a lot of the research that has been done in the neuroscience of music for the past decade: Too many scientists study artificial melodies using artificial sounds—things that are so removed from music, it’s not clear what we’re learning.
罗什的第三个见解是，某些刺激在我们的感知系统或概念系统中占有特权地位，并且这些刺激成为类别的原型：类别是围绕这些原型形成的。就我们的感知系统而言，“红色”和“蓝色”等类别是我们视网膜生理学的结果；某些颜色的红色通常被认为比其他颜色更鲜艳、更集中，因为可见光的特定波长会导致我们视网膜中的“红色”受体最大限度地激发。我们围绕这些中心颜色或焦点颜色形成类别。罗什在新几内亚的达尼部落中测试了这个想法，达尼人的语言中只有两个表示颜色的词：mili和mola，这两个词本质上对应于光明和黑暗。
Rosch’s third insight was that certain stimuli hold a privileged position in our perceptual system or our conceptual system, and that these become prototypes for a category: Categories are formed around these prototypes. In the case of our perceptual system, categories like “red” and “blue” are a consequence of our retinal physiology; certain shades of red are universally going to be regarded as more vivid, more central, than others because a specific wavelength of visible light will cause the “red” receptors in our retina to fire maximally. We form categories around these central, or focal, colors. Rosch tested this idea on a tribe of New Guinea people, the Dani, who have only two words in their language for colors, mili and mola, which essentially correspond to light and dark.
罗什想要表明，我们所说的红色，以及我们挑选的最佳红色的例子，并不是文化决定的或习得的。当看到一堆不同深浅的红色时，我们不会选择特定的一种，因为我们被告知它是最好的红色，我们选择它是因为我们的生理学赋予了它一种特权的感知位置。达尼人的语言中没有红色这个词，因此也没有接受什么是好红色和坏红色的培训。罗什向她的丹尼受试者展示了用数十种不同红色深浅着色的芯片，并要求他们选出这种颜色的最佳示例。他们绝大多数选择了与美国人相同的“红色”，而且他们更容易记住它。他们对其他他们无法命名的颜色也这样做了，比如绿色和蓝色。这使得罗什得出结论：（a）类别是围绕原型形成的；(b) 这些原型可以具有生物学或生理学基础；(c) 类别成员资格可以被视为程度问题，某些标记是比其他标记“更好”的范例；(d) 根据原型对新项目进行评判，形成类别成员的梯度；对亚里士多德理论的最后一击是，（e）所有类别成员不需要有任何共同的属性，边界也不必是明确的。
Rosch wanted to show that what we call red, and what we would pick out as an example of the best red, is not culturally determined or learned. When shown a bunch of different shades of red, we don’t pick a particular one because we’ve been taught that it is the best red, we pick it out because our physiology bestows a privileged perceptual position on it. The Dani have no word for red in their language, and therefore no training in what constitutes a good red versus a bad red. Rosch showed her Dani subjects chips colored with dozens of different shades of red and asked them to pick out the best example of this color. They overwhelmingly selected the same “red” that Americans do, and they were better at remembering it. And they did this for other colors that they couldn’t name, like greens and blues. This led Rosch to conclude that (a) categories are formed around prototypes; (b) these prototypes can have a biological or physiological foundation; (c) category membership can be thought of as a question of degree, with some tokens being “better” exemplars than others; (d) new items are judged in relation to the prototypes, forming gradients of category membership; and the final blow for Aristotelian theory, (e) there don’t need to be any attributes which all category members have in common, and boundaries don’t have to be definite.
我们在实验室里对音乐流派做了一些非正式的实验，并发现了类似的结果。人们似乎同意什么是音乐类别的典型歌曲，例如“乡村音乐”、“滑板朋克”和“巴洛克音乐”。他们还倾向于认为某些歌曲或团体不如原型好：木匠乐队并不是真正的摇滚音乐；他们是摇滚乐。弗兰克·辛纳屈 (Frank Sinatra) 并不是真正的爵士乐，或者至少不像约翰·科尔特兰 (John Coltrane) 那样。即使在单个艺术家的范畴内，人们也会进行分级区分，这暗示着原型结构。如果你让我选一首披头士乐队的歌曲，我会选择“Revolution 9”（一首由约翰·列侬制作的实验性磁带，没有原创音乐，没有旋律或节奏，以播音员重复的开头，“Number 9，Number 9”，一遍又一遍）你可能会抱怨我很难相处。“嗯，从技术上来说，这是披头士乐队的作品——但我不是这个意思！” 同样，Neil Young 的一张五十年代 doo-wop 专辑（《Everybody's Rockin'》）也不是 Neil Young 的代表（或典型）。当我们想到乔尼·米切尔时，我们通常不会想到乔尼·米切尔与查尔斯·明格斯的爵士乐尝试。（事实上，尼尔·杨和乔尼·米切尔分别因为制作的音乐不被视为尼尔·杨和乔尼·米切尔那样而受到唱片公司取消合同的威胁。）
We’ve done some informal experiments in my laboratory with musical genres and have found similar results. People appear to agree as to what are prototypical songs for musical categories, such as “country music,” “skate punk,” and “baroque music.” They are also inclined to consider certain songs or groups as less good examples than the prototype: the Carpenters aren’t really rock music; Frank Sinatra is not really jazz, or at least not as much as John Coltrane is. Even within the category of a single artist, people make graded distinctions that imply a prototype structure. If you ask me to pick out a Beatles song, and I select “Revolution 9” (an experimental tape piece assembled by John Lennon, with no original music, no melody or rhythm, which begins with an announcer repeating, “Number 9, Number 9,” over and over again) you might complain that I was being difficult. “Well, technically that’s a Beatles piece—but that’s not what I meant!” Similarly, Neil Young’s one album of fifties doo-wop (Everybody’s Rockin’) is not representative (or typical) Neil Young; Joni Mitchell’s jazz foray with Charles Mingus is not what we usually think of when we think of Joni Mitchell. (In fact, Neil Young and Joni Mitchell were each threatened with contract cancellations by their record labels for making music that was not deemed Neil Young–like and Joni Mitchell–like, respectively.)
我们对周围世界的理解始于具体的个体案例——一个人、一棵树、一首歌——并且通过对世界的体验，这些特定的物体几乎总是在我们的大脑中作为一个类别的成员来处理。罗杰·谢泼德（Roger Shepard）从进化的角度描述了所有这些讨论中的普遍问题。他说，所有高等动物都需要解决三个基本的表象现实问题。为了生存、寻找可食用的食物、水、住所、逃避捕食者以及交配，生物体必须处理三种情况。
Our comprehension of the world around us begins with specific and individual cases—a person, a tree, a song—and through experience with the world, these particular objects are almost always dealt with in our brains as members of a category. Roger Shepard has described the general issue in all of this discussion in terms of evolution. There are three basic appearance-reality problems that need to be solved by all higher animals, he says. In order to survive, to find edible food, water, shelter, to escape predators, and to mate, the organism must deal with three scenarios.
首先，对象虽然在外观上可能相似，但本质上是不同的。可能对我们的耳膜、视网膜、味蕾或触摸传感器产生相同或几乎相同刺激模式的物体实际上可能是不同的实体。我在树上看到的苹果和我手里拿着的苹果不一样。我从交响乐中听到的不同小提琴声音，即使它们都演奏相同的音符，也代表了几种不同的乐器。
First, objects, though in presentation they may be similar, are inherently different. Objects that may create identical, or nearly identical, patterns of stimulation on our eardrums, retinas, taste buds, or touch sensors may actually be different entities. The apple I saw on the tree is different from the one I am holding in my hand. The different violin sounds I hear coming from the symphony, even when they’re all playing the same note, represent several different instruments.
其次，对象虽然在表现形式上可能不同，但本质上是相同的。当我们从上方或侧面看苹果时，它似乎是一个完全不同的物体。成功的认知需要一个计算系统，能够将这些单独的视图整合成单个对象的连贯表示。即使我们的感觉受体接收到不同且不重叠的激活模式，我们也需要抽象出对于创建物体的统一表示至关重要的信息。尽管我可能习惯于通过双耳亲自听到您的声音，但当我通过电话通过一只耳朵听到您的声音时，我需要识别出您是同一个人。
Second, objects, though in presentation they may be different, are inherently identical. When we look at an apple from above, or from the side, it appears to be an entirely different object. Successful cognition requires a computational system that can integrate these separate views into a coherent representation of a single object. Even when our sensory receptors receive distinct and nonoverlapping patterns of activation, we need to abstract out information that is critical to creating a unified representation of the object. Although I may be used to hearing your voice in person, through both ears, when I hear you over the phone, in one ear, I need to recognize that you’re the same person.
第三个表象现实问题调用了高阶认知过程。前两个是感知过程：理解单个对象可能以多个视点显现，或者多个对象可能具有（几乎）相同的视点。第三个问题指出，对象虽然表现形式不同，但属于同一自然种类。这是一个分类问题，也是最有力、最先进的原则。所有高等哺乳动物、许多低等哺乳动物和鸟类，甚至鱼类，都可以分类。分类需要将看起来不同的物体视为同类。红苹果可能看起来与青苹果不同，但它们仍然是苹果。我的母亲和父亲可能看起来很不同，但他们都是照顾者，在紧急情况下值得信赖。
The third appearance-reality problem invokes higher-order cognitive processes. The first two are perceptual processes: understanding that a single object may manifest itself in multiple viewpoints, or that several objects may have (nearly) identical viewpoints. The third problem states that objects, although different in presentation, are of the same natural kind. This is an issue in categorization, and it is the most powerful and advanced principle of all. All higher mammals, many lower mammals and birds, and even fish, can categorize. Categorization entails treating objects that appear different as of the same kind. A red apple may look different from a green apple, but they are both still apples. My mother and father may look very different, but they are both caregivers, to be trusted in an emergency.
那么，自适应行为取决于一个计算系统，该系统可以将感官表面的可用信息分析为（1）外部物体或场景的不变属性，以及（2）该物体或场景表现的瞬时情况。伦纳德·迈耶 (Leonard Meyer) 指出，分类对于使作曲家、表演者和听众能够内化管理音乐关系的规范至关重要，从而理解模式的含义，并体验与风格规范的偏差。正如莎士比亚在《仲夏夜之梦》中所说，我们需要进行分类，就是赋予“空无一物/当地的住所和名字”。
Adaptive behavior, then, depends on a computational system that can analyze the information available at the sensory surfaces into (1) the invariant properties of the external object or scene, and (2) the momentary circumstances of the manifestation of that object or scene. Leonard Meyer notes that classification is essential to enable composers, performers, and listeners to internalize the norms governing musical relationships, and consequently, to comprehend the implications of patterns, and experience deviations from stylistic norms. Our need to classify, as Shakespeare says in A Midsummer Night’s Dream, is to give “to airy nothing/A local habitation and a name.”
谢泼德的描述将分类问题重新定义为进化/适应性问题。与此同时，罗什的工作开始震动研究界，数十位领先的认知心理学家开始研究挑战她的理论。波斯纳和基尔已经证明人们将原型存储在内存中。在一项巧妙的实验中，他们创建了包含放置在正方形中的点图案的令牌，类似于骰子的面，但点或多或少随机地放置在每个面上。他们称这些为原型。然后他们将一些点向一个随机方向或另一个方向移动一毫米左右。这造成了原型的一系列扭曲——即变化——它们与原型的关系有所不同。由于随机变化，一些代币无法轻易地用一种原型或另一种原型来识别，扭曲太大了。
Shepard’s characterization recast the categorization problem as an evolutionary/adaptive one. In the meantime, Rosch’s work was beginning to shake up the research community, and dozens of leading cognitive psychologists began to study to challenge her theory. Posner and Keele had shown that people store prototypes in memory. In a clever experiment, they created tokens that contained patterns of dots placed in a square—something like the face of dice, but with the dots more or less randomly placed on each face. They called these the prototypes. Then they shifted some of the dots a millimeter or so in one random direction or another. This created a set of distortions from the prototype—that is, variations—that differed in their relationship to the prototype. Due to random variation, some of the tokens could not be easily identified with one prototype or another, the distortions were just too great.
这就像爵士乐艺术家对一首著名歌曲或标准所做的那样。当我们将弗兰克·西纳特拉的《雾天》版本与艾拉·菲茨杰拉德和路易斯·阿姆斯特朗的版本进行比较时，我们会发现，有些音调和节奏是相同的，有些是不同的；我们期望优秀的歌手能够诠释旋律，即使这意味着改变作曲家最初创作的方式。在巴洛克和启蒙时期的欧洲宫廷中，巴赫和海顿等音乐家会定期演奏不同的主题。艾瑞莎·富兰克林 (Aretha Franklin) 的《Respect》版本与奥蒂斯·雷丁 (Otis Redding) 创作和演唱的版本有一些有趣的不同，但我们仍然认为它是同一首歌。这对原型和类别的本质意味着什么？我们可以说这些音乐变奏具有家族相似性吗？歌曲变体的每个版本都是理想原型吗？
This is like what a jazz artist does with a well-known song, or standard. When we compare Frank Sinatra’s version of “A Foggy Day” with the version by Ella Fitzgerald and Louis Armstrong, we hear that some of the pitches and rhythms are the same and some are different; we expect a good vocalist to interpret the melody, even if that means changing it from the way the composer originally wrote it. In the courts of Europe during the baroque and enlightenment eras, musicians like Bach and Haydn would regularly perform variations of themes. Aretha Franklin’s version of “Respect” differs from that written and performed by Otis Redding in interesting ways—but we still consider it the same song. What does this say about prototypes and the nature of categories? Can we say that the musical variations share a family resemblance? Are each of these versions of a song variations on an ideal prototype?
波斯纳和基尔使用他们的点刺激解决了类别和原型的一般问题。向受试者展示了一张张纸，上面有这些带有点的方块的一个又一个版本，每个版本都不同，但从未向他们展示过这些变化的原型。受试者不知道这些点图案是如何构建的，也不知道这些不同形式的原型是否存在。一周后，他们要求受试者看更多的纸片，有些是旧的，有些是新的，并指出他们以前见过哪些纸片。受试者善于识别哪些是他们以前见过的，哪些是他们没有见过的。现在，在受试者不知道的情况下，波斯纳和基尔已经溜进了所有人物的原型。令人惊讶的是，受试者经常将这两个以前未见过的原型识别为他们以前见过的人物。这为原型存储在内存中的论点提供了基础——否则受试者怎么可能错误地识别出看不见的标记呢？为了将未见过的东西存储在记忆中，记忆系统必须对刺激执行一些操作；在某个阶段一定有某种形式的处理正在进行，超出了仅保留所提供的信息。这似乎是任何记录保存理论的消亡。如果原型存储在内存中，那么内存必须是建设性的。
Posner and Keele addressed the general question of categories and prototypes using their dot stimuli. Subjects were shown pieces of paper with version after version of these squares with dots in them, each of them different, but they were never shown the prototypes from which the variations were made. The subjects weren’t told how these dots patterns had been constructed, or that prototypes for these various forms existed. A week later, they asked the subjects to look at more pieces of paper, some old and some new, and to indicate which ones they had seen before. The subjects were good at identifying which ones they had seen before and which ones they hadn’t. Now, unbeknownst to the subjects, Posner and Keele had slipped in the prototypes from which all the figures had been derived. Astonishingly, the subjects often identified the two previously unseen prototypes as figures they had seen before. This provided the foundation for an argument that prototypes are stored in memory—how else could the subjects have misidentified the unseen tokens? In order to store in memory something that wasn’t seen, the memory system must be performing some operations on the stimuli; there must be a form of processing going on at some stage that goes beyond merely preserving the information that was presented. This seemed like the death of any record-keeping theory; if prototypes are stored in memory, memory must be constructive.
我们从本·怀特（Ben White）以及德克萨斯大学的杰伊·道林（Jay Dowling）和其他人的后续工作中学到的是，音乐在面对其基本特征的转变和扭曲时相当稳健。我们可以更改歌曲中使用的所有音调（变调）、节奏和乐器，并且歌曲仍然被识别为同一首歌。我们可以将音程、音阶、甚至音调从大调更改为小调，反之亦然。我们可以改变编曲——比如从蓝草音乐到摇滚乐，或者从重金属音乐到古典音乐——而且，正如齐柏林飞船的歌词所说，这首歌保持不变。我有一张蓝草乐队 Austin Lounge Lizards 使用班卓琴和曼陀林演奏前卫摇滚乐队 Pink Floyd 的《Dark Side of the Moon》的录音。我有伦敦交响乐团演奏滚石乐队和 Yes 歌曲的录音。经过如此戏剧性的改变，这首歌仍然被认作是歌曲。那么，我们的记忆系统似乎提取出了一些公式或计算描述，使我们能够在发生这些转换的情况下识别歌曲。似乎建构主义的解释最符合音乐数据，而从波斯纳和基尔看来，它也符合视觉认知。
What we learned from Ben White, and subsequent work by Jay Dowling of the University of Texas and others, is that music is quite robust in the face of transformations and distortions of its basic features. We can change all of the pitches used in the song (transposition), the tempo, and the instrumentation, and the song is still recognized as the same song. We can change the intervals, the scales, even the tonality from major to minor or vice versa. We can change the arrangement—say from bluegrass to rock, or heavy metal to classical—and, as the Led Zeppelin lyric goes, the song remains the same. I have a recording of a bluegrass group, the Austin Lounge Lizards, playing “Dark Side of the Moon” by the progressive rock group Pink Floyd, using banjos and mandolins. I have recordings of the London Symphony Orchestra playing the songs of the Rolling Stones and Yes. With such dramatic changes, the song is still recognizable as the song. It seems, then, that our memory system extracts out some formula or computational description that allows us to recognize songs in spite of these transformations. It seems that the constructivist account most closely fits the music data, and from Posner and Keele, it fits visual cognition as well.
1990年，我在斯坦福大学修了一门由音乐系和心理学系联合开设的课程，名为“音乐家的心理声学和认知心理学”。该课程由全明星团队授课：约翰·乔宁、马克斯·马修斯、约翰·皮尔斯、罗杰·谢泼德和佩里·库克。每个学生都必须完成一个研究项目，佩里建议我看看人们对音调的记忆力如何，特别是他们是否可以为这些音调附加任意标签。这个实验将把记忆和分类结合起来。流行的理论预测，人们没有理由保留绝对音高信息——人们可以如此轻松地识别变调中的曲调这一事实证明了这一点。大多数人都无法说出音符的名称，除了万分之一拥有绝对音高的人。
In 1990, I took a course at Stanford called “Psychoacoustics and Cognitive Psychology for Musicians,” jointly offered by the departments of music and psychology. The course was team-taught by an all-star cast: John Chowning, Max Mathews, John Pierce, Roger Shepard, and Perry Cook. Each student had to complete a research project, and Perry suggested that I look at how well people can remember pitches, and specifically whether they can attach arbitrary labels to those pitches. This experiment would unite memory and categorization. The prevailing theories predicted that there was no reason for people to retain absolute pitch information—the fact that people can so easily recognize tunes in transposition argues for that. And most people cannot name the notes, except for the one in ten thousand who have absolute pitch.
为什么绝对音高（AP）如此罕见？拥有 AP 的人可以命名笔记就像我们大多数人毫不费力地命名颜色一样。如果您在钢琴上演奏 AP 升 C 升音，他或她可以告诉您这是升 C 升音。当然，大多数人都做不到这一点，甚至大多数音乐家也做不到，除非他们看着你的手指。大多数 AP 拥有者还可以说出其他声音的音调，例如汽车喇叭、荧光灯的嗡嗡声以及刀子敲击餐盘的叮当声。正如我们之前所看到的，颜色是一种心理物理学的虚构——它在世界上并不存在，但我们的大脑在光波频率的一维连续体上强加了一种分类结构，例如大片的红色或蓝色。音调也是一种心理物理学虚构，是我们的大脑在声波频率的一维连续体上强加一种结构的结果。我们只要看一眼就能立即命名一种颜色。为什么我们不能仅仅通过听来命名声音？
Why is absolute pitch (AP) is so rare? People with AP can name notes as effortlessly as most of us name colors. If you play someone with AP a C-sharp on the piano, he or she can tell you it was a C-sharp. Most people can’t do that, of course—even most musicians can’t unless they’re looking at your fingers. Most AP possessors can name the pitch of other sounds, too, like car horns, the hum of fluorescent lights, and knives clinking against dinner plates. As we saw earlier, color is a psychophysical fiction—it doesn’t exist in the world, but our brains impose a categorical structure, such as broad swatches of red or blue, on the unidimensional continuum of frequency of light waves. Pitch is also a psychophysical fiction, the consequence of our brains’ imposing a structure on the unidimensional continuum of frequency of the sound waves. We can instantly name a color just by looking at it. Why can’t we name sounds just by listening to them?
嗯，我们大多数人都可以像识别颜色一样轻松地识别声音。我们识别的根本不是音高，而是音色。我们可以立即说一个声音，“那是汽车喇叭”，或者“那是我感冒的祖母萨迪”，或者“那是喇叭”。我们可以识别音色，但不能识别音高。尽管如此，为什么有些人患有 AP 而另一些人却没有，这仍然是一个未解决的问题。明尼苏达大学已故的迪克森·沃德 (Dixon Ward) 讽刺地指出，真正的问题不是“为什么只有少数人有 AP？” 但“为什么我们不都这么做呢？”
Well, most of us can identify sounds as effortlessly as we identify colors; it’s simply not the pitch we identify, but rather, the timbre. We can instantly say of a sound, “That’s a car horn,” or “That’s my grandmother Sadie with a cold,” or “That’s a trumpet.” We can identify tonal color, just not pitch. Still, it remains an unsolved problem why some people have AP and others don’t. The late Dixon Ward from the University of Minnesota noted wryly that the real question isn’t “Why do only a few people have AP?” but “Why don’t we all?”
我阅读了所有有关美联社的内容。从1860年到1990年的130年间，大约发表了一百篇关于这一主题的研究论文。自 1990 年以来的十五年里，这个数字是相等的！我注意到所有的 AP 测试都要求受试者使用只有音乐家才会知道的专门词汇——音符名称。似乎没有办法测试非音乐家的绝对音高。或者有吗？
I read everything I could about AP. In the 130 years from 1860 to 1990, roughly a hundred research articles were published on the subject. In the fifteen years since 1990 there has been an equal number! I noticed that all the AP tests required the subjects to use a specialized vocabulary—the note names—that only musicians would know. There seemed to be no way to test for absolute pitch among nonmusicians. Or was there?
佩里建议我们通过将特定音调与任意名称（例如弗雷德或埃塞尔）联系起来来学习如何轻松地为街头巷尾的众所周知的人命名音调。我们考虑过使用钢琴音符、音管和各种东西（除了卡祖笛，出于显而易见的原因），并决定我们将得到一堆音叉并将它们分发给非音乐家。受试者被要求在一周内每天将音叉敲击膝盖数次，并将音叉举到耳边，并尝试记住声音。我们告诉一半人他们的声音叫 Fred，我们告诉另一半人叫 Ethel（以《我爱露西》中 Lucy 和 Ricky 的邻居命名；他们的姓是 Mertz，与 Hertz 押韵，这是一个令人愉快的巧合，我们直到多年后才意识到）。
Perry suggested that we find out how easily the proverbial man in the street could learn to name pitches by associating particular pitches with arbitrary names, like Fred or Ethel. We thought about using piano notes, pitch pipes, and all kinds of things (except for kazoos, for obvious reasons), and decided that we’d get a bunch of tuning forks and hand them out to nonmusicians. Subjects were instructed to bang the tuning forks against their knees several times a day for a week, hold it up to their ears, and try to memorize the sound. We told half the people that their sound was called Fred and we told the other half it was called Ethel (after the neighbors of Lucy and Ricky on I Love Lucy; their last name was Mertz, which rhymes with Hertz, a pleasing coincidence that we didn’t realize until years later).
每组一半的人将叉子调至中间 C，另一半将叉子调至 G。我们将它们松开，然后将叉子从他们身上拿走一周，然后让他们返回实验室。一半的受试者被要求唱出“他们的音调”，一半的受试者被要求从我在键盘上弹奏的三个音符中挑选出来。受试者绝大多数能够复制或识别“他们的”音符。这向我们表明，普通人可以记住具有任意名称的笔记。
Half of each group had forks tuned to middle C, the other half had forks tuned to G. We turned them loose, then took the forks away from them for a week, and then had them come back into the laboratory. Half of the subjects were asked to sing back “their pitch” and half were asked to pick it out from three notes that I played on a keyboard. The subjects were overwhelmingly able to reproduce or recognize “their” note. This suggested to us that ordinary people could remember notes with arbitrary names.
这让我们思考名字在记忆中扮演的角色。虽然课程结束了，学期论文也交了，但我们仍然对这个现象感到好奇。罗杰·谢泼德问非音乐家是否能够记住歌曲的音调，即使他们没有歌曲的名字。我告诉他安德里亚·哈尔彭 (Andrea Halpern) 的一项研究。哈尔彭曾在两个不同的场合要求非音乐家背诵《生日快乐》或《雅克弟兄》等著名歌曲。她发现，尽管人们往往不会用相同的调来唱歌，但他们确实倾向于一致地唱一首歌，从一个场合到另一个场合都用相同的调。这表明他们已将歌曲的音高编码到长期记忆中。
This got us thinking about the role that names play in memory. Although the course was over and I had handed in my term paper, we were still curious about this phenomenon. Roger Shepard asked if nonmusicians might be able to remember the pitches of songs even though they don’t have names for them. I told him about a study by Andrea Halpern. Halpern had asked nonmusicians to sing well-known songs such as “Happy Birthday” or “Frère Jacques” from memory on two different occasions. She found that although people tended not to sing in the same keys as one another, they did tend to sing a song consistently, in the same key from one occasion to the other. This suggested that they had encoded the pitches of the songs in long-term memory.
反对者认为，如果受试者只是依赖肌肉记忆来确定声带的位置，那么这些结果就可以在没有音调记忆的情况下得到解释。（对我来说，肌肉记忆仍然是记忆的一种形式——给这种现象贴上标签并不能改变它。）但是沃德和他华盛顿大学的同事埃德·伯恩斯的一项早期研究表明，肌肉记忆实际上并不全是记忆。好的。他们要求训练有素、具有绝对音高的歌手“视奏”乐谱；也就是说，歌手必须观看他们以前从未见过的音乐，并利用他们对绝对音高的知识和理解音乐的能力来演唱它。这是他们通常非常擅长的事情。如果你给专业歌手一个起始音调，他们就可以视唱。而只有拥有AP的专业歌手，光看乐谱就能唱对调；这是因为它们有一些内部模板或记忆，用于说明音符名称和声音如何相互匹配——这就是 AP。现在，沃德和伯恩斯让他们的美联社歌手戴上耳机，他们用噪音轰炸歌手，这样他们就听不到他们在唱什么——他们只能依靠肌肉记忆。令人惊讶的发现是他们的肌肉记忆表现不佳。平均而言，它只能让他们达到正确音调的三分之一八度以内。
Naysayers suggested that these results could be accounted for without memory for pitch if the subjects had simply relied on muscle memory for the position of their vocal chords from one time to another. (To me, muscle memory is still a form of memory—labeling the phenomenon does nothing to change it.) But an earlier study by Ward and his colleague Ed Burns from the University of Washington had shown that muscle memory isn’t actually all that good. They asked trained singers with absolute pitch to “sight-read” from a musical score; that is, the singers had to look at music they had never seen before and sing it using their knowledge of absolute pitch and their ability to read music. This is something they’re usually very good at. Professional singers can sight-sing if you give them a starting pitch. Only professional singers with AP, however, can sing in the right key just by looking at the score; this is because they have some internal template, or memory, for how note names and sounds match up with each other—that’s what AP is. Now, Ward and Burns had their AP singers wear headphones, and they blasted the singers with noise so that they couldn’t hear what they were singing—they had to rely on muscle memory alone. The surprising finding was that their muscle memory didn’t do very well. On average, it only got them to within a third of an octave of the correct tone.
我们知道，非音乐家往往会始终如一地唱歌。但我们想进一步推动这个概念——普通人对音乐的记忆有多准确？哈尔彭选择了没有“正确”调的著名歌曲——每次我们唱“生日快乐”时，我们很可能会用不同的调来唱；有人首先想到什么音调就开始，然后我们就跟着。民谣和节日歌曲被如此多的人演唱，以至于它们没有客观正确的调。这反映在以下事实：没有标准录音可以被认为是这些歌曲的参考。用我的领域的行话来说，我们会说不存在单一的规范版本。
We knew that nonmusicians tended to sing consistently. But we wanted to push the notion further—how accurate is the average person’s memory for music? Halpern had chosen well-known songs that don’t have a “correct” key—each time we sing “Happy Birthday,” we’re likely to sing it in a different key; someone begins on whatever pitch first comes to mind and we follow. Folk and holiday songs are sung so often and by so many people that they don’t have an objectively correct key. This is reflected in the fact that there is no standard recording that could be thought of as a reference for these songs. In the jargon of my field, we would say that a single canonical version does not exist.
摇滚/流行歌曲的情况恰恰相反。滚石乐队、警察乐队、老鹰乐队和比利·乔尔的歌曲确实存在单一规范版本。有一个标准录音（在大多数情况下），这是任何人听过的唯一版本（除了偶尔的酒吧乐队演奏这首歌，或者如果我们去现场观看乐队）。我们听过这些歌曲的次数可能和听过“Deck the Halls”的次数一样多。但每次我们听到 MC Hammer 的“U Can't Touch This”或 U2 的“New Year's Day”时，它们都是同一个调。除了规范版本之外，很难回忆起其他版本。在听过一首歌数千次之后，实际的音高是否会被编码在记忆中？
The opposite is true with rock/pop songs. Songs by the Rolling Stones, the Police, the Eagles, and Billy Joel do exist in a single canonical version. There is one standard recording (in most cases) and that is the only version anyone has ever heard (with the exception of the occasional bar band playing the song, or if we go see the group live). We’ve probably heard these songs as many times as we’ve heard “Deck the Halls.” But every time we’ve heard, say, M. C. Hammer’s “U Can’t Touch This” or U2’s “New Year’s Day,” they’ve been in the same key. It is difficult to recall a version other than the canonical one. After hearing a song thousands of times, might the actual pitches become encoded in memory?
为了研究这个问题，我使用了哈尔彭的方法，简单地要求人们唱他们最喜欢的歌曲。我从沃德和伯恩斯那里知道，他们的肌肉记忆不足以让他们到达那里。为了重现正确的音调，他们必须在头脑中保持稳定、准确的音调记忆痕迹。我从校园各处招募了四十名非音乐家，并要求他们进入实验室并凭记忆唱出他们最喜欢的歌曲。我排除了存在于多个版本中的歌曲以及被多次录制的歌曲，这些歌曲将在世界上以不止一种调的形式存在。我留下的歌曲有一个著名的录音作为标准或参考，例如 Basia 的“Time and Tide”或 Paula Abdul 的“Opposites Attract”（毕竟那是 1990 年），以及麦当娜的《Like a Virgin》和比利·乔尔的《New York State of Mind》等歌曲。
To study this, I used Halpern’s method of simply asking people to sing their favorite songs. I knew from Ward and Burns that their muscle memory wouldn’t be good enough to get them there. In order to reproduce the correct key, they’d have to be keeping stable, accurate memory traces of pitches in their heads. I recruited forty nonmusicians from around campus and asked them to come into the laboratory and sing their favorite song from memory. I excluded songs that existed in multiple versions and songs that had been recorded more than once, which would exist out-there-in-the-world in more than one key. I was left with songs for which there is a single well-known recording that is the standard, or reference—songs such as “Time and Tide” by Basia or “Opposites Attract” by Paula Abdul (this was 1990, after all), as well as songs such as “Like a Virgin” by Madonna and “New York State of Mind” by Billy Joel.
我招募了受试者，并含糊其辞地宣布要进行“记忆实验”。受试者将在十分钟内收到五美元。（这通常是认知心理学家通过在校园内张贴告示来获取受试者的方式。我们为脑成像研究支付更多费用，通常约为 50 美元，只是因为在一个狭窄、嘈杂的扫描仪中有点不愉快。）发现实验细节后大声抱怨。他们不是歌手，他们不能在桶里装曲子，他们担心会毁了我的实验。我说服他们无论如何都要尝试一下。结果令人惊讶。受试者倾向于以或非常接近他们所选歌曲的绝对音高来唱歌。我让他们唱第二首歌，他们又唱了一遍。
I recruited subjects with a vague announcement for a “memory experiment.” Subjects would receive five dollars for ten minutes. (This is usually how cognitive psychologists get subjects, by putting up notices around campus. We pay more for brain imaging studies, usually around fifty dollars, just because it is somewhat unpleasant to be in a confined, noisy scanner.) A lot of subjects complained vociferously upon discovering the details of the experiment. They weren’t singers, they couldn’t carry a tune in a bucket, they were afraid they’d ruin my experiment. I persuaded them to try anyway. The results were surprising. The subjects tended to sing at, or very near, the absolute pitches of their chosen songs. I asked them to sing a second song and they did it again.
这是令人信服的证据，表明人们在记忆中存储了绝对音高信息；他们的记忆表征不仅包含歌曲的抽象概括，还包含特定表演的细节。除了以正确的音高唱歌之外，其他表演的细微差别也随之出现。受试者的复制品充满了原歌手的声音情感。例如，他们会重现迈克尔·杰克逊在《Billie Jean》中高亢的“ee-ee”，或者热情的“Hey！” 麦当娜在《像处女》中的表演；凯伦·卡彭特 (Karen Carpenter) 在《世界之巅》中的切分音以及布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀 (Bruce Springsteen) 在《出生于美国》第一个词中的沙哑声音另一方的原始录音；听起来好像受试者是跟着唱片一起唱歌——但我们没有给他们播放唱片，他们是按照脑子里的记忆表征来唱歌，而记忆表征却惊人地准确。
This was convincing evidence that people were storing absolute pitch information in memory; that their memory representation did not just contain an abstract generalization of the song, but details of a particular performance. In addition to singing with the correct pitches, other performance nuances crept in; subjects’ reproductions were rich with the vocal affectations of the original singers. For example, they would reproduce the high-pitched “ee-ee” of Michael Jackson in “Billie Jean,” or the enthusiastic “Hey!” of Madonna in “Like a Virgin”; the syncopation of Karen Carpenter in “Top of the World” as well as the raspy voice of Bruce Springsteen on the first word of “Born in the U.S.A.” I created a tape that had the subjects’ productions on one channel of a stereo signal and the original recording on the other; it sounded as though the subjects were singing along with the record—but we hadn’t played the record to them, they were singing along with the memory representation in their head, and that memory representation was astonishingly accurate.
佩里和我还发现大多数受试者都以正确的节奏唱歌。我们检查了所有歌曲是否只是以相同的节奏开始演唱，这意味着人们只是在记忆中编码了一个流行的节奏。但事实并非如此，节奏的变化范围很大。此外，在他们对实验的主观描述中，受试者告诉我们，他们正在“随着图像唱歌”或在头脑中“录音”。这如何与研究结果的神经解释相结合？
Perry and I also found that the majority of subjects sang at the correct tempo. We checked to see if all the songs were merely sung at the same tempo to begin with, which would mean that people had simply encoded in memory a single, popular tempo. But this wasn’t the case, there was a large range of tempos. In addition, in their own subjective accounts of the experiment, the subjects told us that they were “singing along with an image” or “recording” inside their heads. How does this mesh with a neural account of the findings?
那时我正在读研究生，师从迈克·波斯纳（Mike Posner）和道格·欣茨曼（Doug Hintzman）。波斯纳总是关注神经的合理性，他向我介绍了彼得·贾纳塔的最新作品。彼得刚刚完成了一项研究，他记录了人们听音乐和想象音乐时的脑电波。他使用脑电图，将传感器放置在头皮表面，测量大脑发出的电活动。彼得和我都惊讶地发现，几乎不可能从数据中判断人们是在听音乐还是在想象音乐。大脑活动的模式几乎无法区分。这表明人们使用相同的大脑区域进行记忆和感知。
By now I was in graduate school with Mike Posner and Doug Hintzman. Posner, always on the watch for neural plausibility, told me about the newest work of Petr Janata. Petr had just completed a study in which he kept track of people’s brain waves while they listened to music and while they imagined music. He used EEG, placing sensors that measure electrical activity emanating from the brain across the surface of the scalp. Both Petr and I were surprised to see that it was nearly impossible to tell from the data whether people were listening to or imagining music. The pattern of brain activity was virtually indistinguishable. This suggested that people use the same brain regions for remembering as they do for perceiving.
这究竟意味着什么？当我们感知某物时，特定的神经元模式会针对特定的刺激以特定的方式放电。虽然闻玫瑰花香和闻臭鸡蛋味都调用嗅觉系统，但它们使用不同的神经回路。请记住，神经元可以通过数百万种不同的方式相互连接。一组嗅觉神经元的一种配置可能会发出“玫瑰”信号，而另一种可能会发出“臭鸡蛋”信号。为了增加系统的复杂性，即使是相同的神经元也可能具有与不同的世界事件相关的不同设置。感知的行为需要一组相互连接的神经元以特定的方式被激活，从而产生我们对外部世界物体的心理表征。记忆可能只是招募我们所使用的同一组神经元的过程。在感知过程中使用，帮助我们在回忆过程中形成心理图像。我们记住神经元，将它们从不同的位置再次拉到一起，成为在感知过程中活跃的原始神经元俱乐部的成员。
What does this mean exactly? When we perceive something, a particular pattern of neurons fire in a particular way for a particular stimulus. Although smelling a rose and smelling rotten eggs both invoke the olfactory system, they use different neural circuits. Remember, neurons can connect to one another in millions of different ways. One configuration of a group of olfactory neurons may signal “rose” and another may signal “rotten eggs.” To add to the complexity of the system, even the same neurons may have different settings associated with a different event-in-the-world. The act of perceiving then entails that an interconnected set of neurons becomes activated in a particular way, giving rise to our mental representation of the object that is out-there-in-the-world. Remembering may simply be the process of recruiting that same group of neurons we used during perception to help us form a mental image during recollection. We re-member the neurons, pulling them together again from their disparate locations to become members of the original club of neurons that were active during perception.
音乐感知和音乐记忆背后的常见神经机制有助于解释歌曲是如何滞留在我们脑海中的。科学家将这些耳虫称为“耳虫” ，源自德语“Ohrwurm”，或者简称为“卡住歌曲综合症”。关于这个主题的科学工作相对较少。我们知道，音乐家比非音乐家更容易遭受耳虫侵袭，而患有强迫症 (OCD) 的人更有可能报告受到耳虫困扰——在某些情况下，治疗强迫症的药物可以将影响降至最低。我们最好的解释是，代表一首歌曲的神经回路陷入了“播放模式”，而这首歌——或者更糟糕的是，它的一小部分——一遍又一遍地播放。调查显示，卡住的很少是整首歌曲，而是歌曲中的一段，其持续时间通常小于或等于听觉短期（“回声”）记忆的容量：大约 15 到 30 秒。简单的歌曲和商业歌曲似乎比复杂的音乐更容易陷入困境。这种对简单性的偏爱与我们音乐偏好的形成相对应，我将在第 8 章中讨论这一点。
The common neural mechanisms that underlie perception of music and memory for music help to explain how it is that songs get stuck in our heads. Scientists call these ear worms, from the German Ohrwurm, or simply the stuck song syndrome. There has been relatively little scientific work done on the topic. We know that musicians are more likely to have ear worm attacks than nonmusicians, and that people with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) are more likely to report being troubled by ear worms—in some cases medications for OCD can minimize the effects. Our best explanation is that the neural circuits representing a song get stuck in “playback mode,” and the song—or worse, a little fragment of it—plays back over and over again. Surveys have revealed that it is rarely an entire song that gets stuck, but rather a piece of the song that is typically less than or equal in duration to the capacity of auditory short-term (“echoic”) memory: about 15 to 30 seconds. Simple songs and commercial jingles seem to get stuck more often than complex pieces of music. This predilection for simplicity has a counterpart in our formation of musical preference, which I’ll discuss in Chapter 8.
我对人们以准确的音调和节奏唱出他们最喜欢的歌曲的研究结果已被其他实验室复制，所以我们现在知道这不仅仅是偶然的结果。多伦多大学的格伦·谢伦伯格（顺便说一句，他是新浪潮乐队玛莎和松饼的原始成员）对我的研究进行了扩展，他向人们播放了持续十分之一秒左右的前 40 首歌曲的片段，大约是与打响指的持续时间相同。人们得到了一份歌曲名称列表，并必须将它们与他们听到的片段相匹配。如此短的摘录，他们无法依靠旋律或节奏来识别歌曲——在任何情况下，摘录都少于一两个音符。受试者只能依靠音色，即歌曲的整体声音。在引言中，我提到了音色对于作曲家、歌曲作者和制作人的重要性。保罗·西蒙 (Paul Simon) 从音色角度思考；这是他在自己的音乐和其他人的音乐中听到的第一件事。对于我们其他人来说，音色似乎也占据着这一特权地位。谢伦伯格研究中的非音乐家在很大一部分时间里能够仅使用音色提示来识别歌曲。即使节选被倒着播放，以至于任何明显熟悉的东西都被打乱了，他们仍然能认出这些歌曲。
The findings from my study of people singing their favorite songs with accurate pitch and tempo have been replicated by other laboratories, so we know now that they’re not just the result of chance. Glenn Schellenberg at the University of Toronto—incidentally, an original member of the New Wave group Martha and the Muffins—performed an extension of my study in which he played people snippets of Top 40 songs that lasted a tenth of a second or so, about the same duration as a finger snap. People were given a list of song names and had to match them up with the snippet they heard. With such a short excerpt, they could not rely on the melody or rhythm to identify the songs—in every case, the excerpt was less than one or two notes. The subjects could only rely on timbre, the overall sound of the song. In the introduction, I mentioned the importance that timbre holds for composers, songwriters, and producers. Paul Simon thinks in terms of timbre; it is the first thing he listens for in his music and the music of others. Timbre also appears to hold this privileged position for the rest of us; the nonmusicians in Schellenberg’s study were able to identify songs using only timbral cues a significant percentage of the time. Even when the excerpts were presented backward, so that anything overtly familiar was disrupted, they still recognized the songs.
如果你想想你知道和喜欢的歌曲，这应该有一些直观的感觉。除了旋律、特定的音高和节奏之外，有些歌曲只是有一个整体的声音，一种声音色彩。堪萨斯州和内布拉斯加州的平原看起来是一个样子，加利福尼亚州北部、俄勒冈州和华盛顿州的沿海森林是另一个样子，科罗拉多州和犹他州的山脉又是另一个样子，这种品质与此相似。在识别这些地方的图片中的任何细节之前，您需要了解整体场景、风景以及事物组合在一起的方式。听觉景观、音景在我们听到的许多音乐中也有独特的表现形式。有时它不是特定于歌曲的。即使我们无法识别特定的歌曲，这也使我们能够识别音乐团体。披头士乐队的早期专辑具有特殊的音质，因此许多人如果没有立即认出这首歌，就会将其识别为披头士乐队的唱片 - 即使这是一首他们以前从未听过的歌曲。同样的品质使我们能够识别披头士乐队的模仿品，例如，当埃里克·艾德尔（Eric Idle）和他来自巨蟒剧团（Monty Python）的同事组建了虚构的团体“Rutles”作为披头士乐队的讽刺乐队时。通过融合披头士乐队音景中许多独特的音色元素，他们能够创作出听起来像披头士乐队的现实讽刺作品。
If you think about the songs that you know and love, this should hold some intuitive sense. Quite apart from the melody, the specific pitches and rhythms, some songs simply have an overall sound, a sonic color. It is similar to that quality that makes the plains of Kansas and Nebraska look one way, the coastal forests of northern California, Oregon, and Washington another, the mountains of Colorado and Utah yet another. Before recognizing any details in a picture of these places, you apprehend the overall scene, the landscape, the way that things look together. The auditory landscape, the soundscape, also has a presentation that is unique in much of the music we hear. Sometimes it is not song specific. This is what allows us to identify musical groups even when we cannot recognize a specific song. Early Beatles albums have a particular timbral quality such that many people can identify a recording as the Beatles if they don’t immediately recognize the song—even if it is a song they never heard before. This same quality allows us to identify imitations of the Beatles, when Eric Idle and his colleagues from Monty Python formed the fictitious group the Rutles as a Beatles satire band, for example. By incorporating many of the distinctive timbral elements of the Beatles soundscape, they were able to create a realistic satire that sounds like the Beatles.
整体音色表现、音景也适用于整个音乐时代。由于当时的录音技术，20 世纪 30 年代和 1940 年代初的古典唱片具有特殊的声音。十九世纪八十年代的摇滚乐、重金属、1940 年代的舞厅音乐和 20 世纪 50 年代末的摇滚乐都是相当同质的时代或流派。唱片制作人可以通过密切关注音景的细节来在录音室中重新创建这些声音：他们使用的麦克风、他们的方式混合乐器等等。我们很多人都可以听到一首歌并准确地猜测它属于哪个时代。线索之一通常是声音中使用的回声或混响。埃尔维斯·普雷斯利和吉恩·文森特有一种非常独特的“slap-back”回声，你可以听到歌手刚刚唱的音节的即时重复。你可以在吉恩·文森特和瑞奇·尼尔森的《Be-Bop-A-Lula》、猫王的《Heartbreak Hotel》和约翰·列侬的《Instant Karma》中听到它。然后，Everly Brothers 录制的《Cathy's Clown》和《Wake Up Little Susie》等唱片中，铺着瓷砖的大房间发出丰富而温暖的回声。这些唱片的整体音色中有许多独特的元素，我们可以将它们与它们制作的时代联系起来。
Overall timbral presentations, soundscapes, can also apply to whole eras of music. Classical records from the 1930s and early 1940s have a particular sound to them due to the recording technology of the day. Nineteen eighties rock, heavy metal, 1940s dance hall music, and late 1950s rock and roll are fairly homogeneous eras or genres. Record producers can re-create these sounds in the studio by paying close attention to details of the soundscape: the microphones they use, the way they mix instruments, and so on. And many of us can hear a song and accurately guess what era it belongs to. One clue is often the echo, or reverberation, used on the voice. Elvis Presley and Gene Vincent had a very distinctive “slap-back” echo, in which you hear a sort of instant repeat of the syllable the vocalist just sang. You hear it on “Be-Bop-A-Lula” by Gene Vincent and by Ricky Nelson, on “Heartbreak Hotel” by Elvis, and on “Instant Karma” by John Lennon. Then there is the rich, warm echo made by a large tiled room on recordings by the Everly Brothers, such as “Cathy’s Clown” and “Wake Up Little Susie.” There are many distinctive elements in the overall timbre of these records that we identify with the era in which they were made.
总而言之，流行歌曲记忆的发现提供了强有力的证据，证明音乐的绝对特征被编码在记忆中。没有理由认为音乐记忆的功能与视觉、嗅觉、触觉或味觉记忆不同。那么，记录保存假说似乎有足够的支持，可以让我们采用它作为记忆如何运作的模型。但在此之前，我们如何处理支持建构主义理论的证据呢？由于人们可以很容易地识别换位歌曲，因此我们需要考虑如何存储和提取这些信息。音乐还有另一个我们大家都熟悉的特征，需要一个适当的记忆理论来解释：我们可以在脑海中扫描歌曲，并可以想象它们的变化。
Taken together, the findings from memory for popular songs provide strong evidence that absolute features of music are encoded in memory. And there is no reason to think that musical memory functions differently from, say, visual, olfactory, tactile, or gustatory memory. It would seem, then, that the record-keeping hypothesis has enough support for us to adopt it as a model for how memory works. But before we do, what do we do with the evidence supporting the constructivist theory? Since people can so readily recognize songs in transposition, we need to account for how this information is stored and abstracted. And there is yet another feature of music that is familiar to all of us, which an adequate theory of memory needs to account for: We can scan songs in our mind’s ear and we can imagine transformations of them.
这是一个基于 Andrea Halpern 进行的实验的演示：at 这个词出现在美国国歌（《星条旗永不落》）中吗？在继续阅读之前请考虑一下。
Here’s a demonstration, based on an experiment that Andrea Halpern conducted: Does the word at appear in the American national anthem (“The Star-Spangled Banner”)? Think about it before you read on.
如果你像大多数人一样，你会在脑海中“扫描”这首歌，快速地对自己唱，直到你唱到“我们如此自豪地欢呼，在暮光的最后一丝光芒”。现在，这里发生了一些有趣的事情。首先，你给自己唱这首歌的速度可能比你听过的要快。如果您只能播放存储在内存中的特定版本，则您将无法执行此操作。其次，你的记忆力不像录音机；你的记忆力不像录音机。如果您想加快录音机或视频或电影的速度以使歌曲播放更快，你还必须提高音调。但在我们看来，我们可以独立地改变音调和节奏。第三，当你最终在脑海中想到“ at ”这个词时——你回答我提出的问题的“目标”——你可能会情不自禁地继续，拉出短语的其余部分，“暮光的最后一丝光芒。” 这表明我们对音乐的记忆涉及分层编码——并非所有单词都同样重要，也并非音乐短语的所有部分都具有同等地位。我们有与音乐中特定短语相对应的某些入口点和出口点——这又与录音机不同。
If you’re like most people, you “scanned” through the song in your head, singing it to yourself at a rapid rate, until you got to the phrase “What so proudly we hailed, at the twilight’s last gleaming.” Now, a number of interesting things happened here. First, you probably sang the song to yourself faster than you’ve ever heard it. If you were only able to play back a particular version you had stored in memory, you wouldn’t be able to do this. Second, your memory is not like a tape recorder; if you want to speed up a tape recorder or video or film to make the song go faster, you have to also raise the pitch. But in our minds, we can vary pitch and tempo independently. Third, when you did finally reach the word at in your mind—your “target” in answering the question I posed—you probably couldn’t help yourself from continuing, pulling up the rest of the phrase, “the twilight’s last gleaming.” This suggests that our memory for music involves hierarchical encoding—not all words are equally salient, and not all parts of a musical phrase hold equal status. We have certain entry points and exit points that correspond to specific phrases in the music—again, unlike a tape recorder.
对音乐家的实验已经以其他方式证实了这种分层编码的概念。大多数音乐家无法在任意位置开始演奏他们熟悉的音乐；音乐家根据分层的短语结构来学习音乐。音符组形成练习单元，这些较小的单元组合成较大的单元，并最终组合成乐句；短语被组合成诗句、合唱或乐章等结构，最终一切都串在一起成为一首音乐作品。要求表演者从自然乐句边界之前或之后的几个音符开始演奏，她通常无法做到这一点，即使是在朗读乐谱时也是如此。其他实验表明，如果某个音符位于乐句的开头或处于强拍状态，而不是位于乐句的中间或位于乐句的中间，那么音乐家能够更快、更准确地回忆起某个音符是否出现在乐曲中。弱拍。就连音符也似乎可以根据它们是否是一首曲子的“重要”音符来分类。许多业余歌手不会将音乐作品的每个音符都存储在内存中。相反，我们存储“重要”的音调——即使没有任何音乐训练，我们都对这些音调有准确而直观的感觉——并且我们存储音乐轮廓。然后，到了唱歌的时候，业余爱好者知道她需要从这个音调转到那个音调，她会当场填补缺失的音调，而无需明确记住每个音调。这大大减少了内存负载，并提高了效率。
Experiments with musicians have confirmed this notion of hierarchical encoding in other ways. Most musicians cannot start playing a piece of music they know at any arbitrary location; musicians learn music according to a hierarchical phrase structure. Groups of notes form units of practice, these smaller units are combined into larger units, and ultimately into phrases; phrases are combined into structures such as verses and choruses or movements, and ultimately everything is strung together as a musical piece. Ask a performer to begin playing from a few notes before or after a natural phrase boundary, and she usually cannot do it, even when reading from a score. Other experiments have shown that musicians are faster and more accurate at recalling whether a certain note appears in a musical piece if that note is at the beginning of a phrase or is on a downbeat, rather than being in the middle of a phrase or on a weak beat. Even musical notes appear to fall into categories, as to whether they are the “important” notes of a piece or not. Many amateur singers don’t store in memory every note of a musical piece. Rather, we store the “important” tones—even without any musical training, we all have an accurate and intuitive sense of which those are—and we store musical contour. Then, when it comes time to sing, the amateur knows that she needs to go from this tone to that tone, and she fills in the missing tones on the spot, without having explicitly memorized each of them. This reduces memory load substantially, and makes for greater efficiency.
从所有这些现象中，我们可以看到记忆理论在过去一百年中的主要发展是它的趋同通过对概念和范畴的研究。现在有一件事是肯定的：我们关于哪种记忆理论是正确的——建构主义理论或记录保存/录音机理论——的决定将对分类理论产生影响。当我们听到我们最喜欢的歌曲的新版本时，我们认识到它基本上是同一首歌，尽管呈现方式不同；我们的大脑将新版本放入一个类别中，该类别的成员包括我们听过的该歌曲的所有版本。
From all of these phenomena, we can see that a principal development in memory theory over the last hundred years was its convergence with the research on concepts and categories. One thing is for sure now: Our decision about which memory theory is right—the constructivist or the record-keeping/tape-recorder theory—will have implications for theories of categorization. When we hear a new version of our favorite song, we recognize that it is fundamentally the same song, albeit in a different presentation; our brains place the new version in a category whose members include all the versions of that song we’ve heard.
如果我们是真正的音乐迷，我们甚至可能会根据我们所获得的知识来替换原型，转而使用另一个原型。以歌曲“Twist and Shout”为例。您可能已经在各种酒吧和假日酒店的现场乐队中无数次听到过这首歌，您也可能听过披头士乐队、妈妈爸爸乐队的录音。后两个版本之一甚至可能是这首歌的原型。但如果我告诉您，艾斯利兄弟 (Isley Brothers) 在披头士乐队 (Beatles) 录制这首歌的两年前就因这首歌而大受欢迎，您可能会重新组织您的类别以适应这一新信息。您可以根据自上而下的流程完成此类重组，这表明类别的含义比罗什的原型理论所阐述的要多。原型理论与记忆的建构主义理论有着密切的联系，因为个体案例的细节被丢弃，而要点或抽象概括被存储——无论是在存储什么作为记忆痕迹的意义上，还是在存储什么的意义上。作为类别的中央记忆。
If we’re real music fans, we might even displace a prototype in favor of another based on knowledge that we gain. Take, for example, the song “Twist and Shout.” You might have heard it countless times by live bands in various bars and Holiday Inns, and you might also have heard the recordings by the Beatles and the Mamas and the Papas. One of these latter two versions may even be your prototype for the song. But if I tell you that the Isley Brothers had a hit with the song two years before the Beatles recorded it, you might reorganize your category to accommodate this new information. That you can accomplish such reorganization based on a top-down process suggests that there is more to categories than Rosch’s prototype theory states. Prototype theory has a close connection to the constructivist theory of memory, in that details of individual cases are discarded, and the gist or abstract generalization is stored—both in the sense of what is being stored as a memory trace, and what is being stored as the central memory of the category.
记录记忆帐户也与分类理论相关，称为范例理论。尽管原型理论很重要，而且它解释了我们对类别形成的直觉和实验数据，但科学家们在 20 世纪 80 年代开始发现它的问题。在爱德华·史密斯、道格拉斯·梅丁和布莱恩·罗斯的带领下，研究人员发现了原型理论的一些弱点。第一，品类广泛，品类成员差异巨大，怎么可能有原型？例如，想想“工具”这一类别。它的原型是什么？或者“家具”类别？女性流行歌手的典型歌曲是什么？
The record-keeping memory account has a correlate in categorization theory, too, and it is called exemplar theory. As important as prototype theory was, and as well as it accounted for both our intuitions and experimental data on category formation, scientists started to find problems with it in the 1980s. Led by Edward Smith, Douglas Medin, and Brian Ross, researchers identified some weaknesses in prototype theory. First, when the category is broad and category members differ widely, how can there be a prototype? Think, for example, of the category “tool.” What is the prototype for it? Or for the category “furniture”? What is the prototypical song by a female pop artist?
史密斯、梅丁、罗斯和他们的同事还注意到，在这些异质类别中，上下文可以具有很强的影响力。对我们所认为的原型的影响。汽车修理厂的典型工具更可能是扳手而不是锤子，但在家庭建筑工地，情况恰恰相反。交响乐团中的典型乐器是什么？我敢打赌，你没有说“吉他”或“口琴”，但在篝火上问了同样的问题，我怀疑你会说“圆号”或“小提琴”。
Smith, Medin, Ross, and their colleagues also noticed that within these kinds of heterogeneous categories, context can have a strong impact on what we consider to be the prototype. The prototypical tool at an automobile repair garage is more likely to be a wrench than a hammer, but at a home construction site the opposite would be true. What is the prototypical instrument in a symphony orchestra? I’m willing to bet that you didn’t say “guitar” or “harmonica,” but asked the same question for a campfire I doubt you would say “French horn” or “violin.”
上下文信息是我们关于类别和类别成员的知识的一部分，而原型理论没有解释这一点。例如，我们知道，在“鸟”类别中，唱歌的鸟往往体型较小。在“我的朋友”类别中，有些人我会让他们开车，有些人我不会（根据他们的事故历史以及他们是否有驾照）。在“Fleetwood Mac 歌曲”类别中，有些由 Christine McVie 演唱，有些由 Lindsey Buckingham 演唱，有些由 Stevie Nicks 演唱。然后是关于弗利特伍德麦克的三个不同时代的知识：由彼得·格林担任吉他手的蓝调岁月，由丹尼·科万、克里斯汀·麦克维和鲍勃·韦尔奇担任词曲作者的中期流行岁月，以及白金汉-尼克斯加入后的晚年。如果我问你一首典型的 Fleetwood Mac 歌曲，背景很重要。如果我问你典型的弗利特伍德麦克成员，你会举起手来告诉我这个问题有问题！尽管鼓手和贝斯手米克·弗利特伍德（Mick Fleetwood）和约翰·麦克维（John McVie）是仅有的两名从乐队成立之初就加入的成员，但说弗利特伍德·麦克的典型成员是鼓手或贝斯手似乎不太正确，他们都没有演唱或创作主要歌曲。与警察相比，我们可以说斯汀是典型的成员，作为词曲作者、歌手和贝斯手。但如果有人这么说，你也可以有力地辩称她错了，斯汀不是典型的成员，他只是最著名和最重要的成员，不是同一回事。我们所知道的警察三人组是一个小而异质的类别，谈论原型成员似乎并不符合原型的精神——集中趋势、平均值、可见或不可见的对象这是该类别中最典型的。从任何意义上来说，斯汀都不是典型的警察。他的非典型之处在于，他比其他两位安迪·萨默斯和斯图尔特·科普兰更出名，而且他从警察局以来的经历也走上了截然不同的道路。
Contextual information is part of our knowledge about categories and category members, and prototype theory doesn’t account for this. We know, for example, that within the category “birds” the ones that sing tend to be small. Within the category “my friends,” there are some that I would let drive my car and some I wouldn’t (based on their accident history and whether or not they have a license). Within the category “Fleetwood Mac songs,” some are sung by Christine McVie, some by Lindsey Buckingham, and some by Stevie Nicks. Then there is knowledge about the three distinct eras of Fleetwood Mac: the blues years with Peter Green on guitar, the middle pop years with Danny Kirwan, Christine McVie, and Bob Welch as songwriters, and the later years after Buckingham-Nicks joined. If I ask you for the prototypical Fleetwood Mac song, context is important. If I ask you for the prototypical Fleetwood Mac member, you’ll throw up your hands and tell me there is something wrong with the question! Although Mick Fleetwood and John McVie, the drummer and bassist, are the only two members who have been with the group from its beginning, it doesn’t seem quite right to say that the prototypical member of Fleetwood Mac is the drummer or the bassist, neither of whom sings or wrote the major songs. Contrast this with the Police, for whom we might say that Sting was the prototypical member, as songwriter, singer, and bassist. But if someone said that, you could just as forcefully argue that she’s wrong, Sting is not the prototypical member, he is merely the best known and the most crucial member, not the same thing. The trio we know as the Police is a small but heterogeneous category, and to talk about a prototypical member doesn’t seem to be in keeping with the spirit of what a prototype is—the central tendency, the average, the seen or unseen object that is most typical of the category. Sting is not typical of the Police in the sense of being any kind of average; he is rather atypical in that he is so much better known than the other two, Andy Summers and Stewart Copeland, and his history since the Police has followed such a different course.
另一个问题是，尽管罗什没有明确说明这一点，但她的类别似乎需要一些时间才能形成。尽管她明确允许模糊边界，以及给定对象可以占据多个类别的可能性（“鸡”可以占据“鸟”、“家禽”、“稗里的动物”和“吃的东西”类别），没有明确的规定让我们能够当场创建新的类别。我们一直这样做。最明显的例子是当我们为 MP3 播放器制作播放列表，或者在车上装上 CD 以供长途驾驶时收听。“我现在想听的音乐”类别无疑是一个新的、充满活力的类别。或者考虑一下：以下物品有什么共同点：孩子、钱包、我的狗、家庭照片和车钥匙？对于很多人来说，这些是发生火灾时可以随身携带的东西。这些事物的集合形成了临时类别，而我们擅长创建这些类别。我们不是通过对世界上事物的感性体验来形成它们，而是通过诸如上述的概念练习来形成它们。
Another problem is that, although Rosch doesn’t explicitly state this, her categories seem to take some time to form. Although she explicitly allows for fuzzy boundaries, and the possibility that a given object could occupy more than one category (“chicken” could occupy the categories “bird,” “poultry,” “barnyard animals,” and “things to eat”), there isn’t a clear provision for our being able to make up new categories on the spot. And we do this all the time. The most obvious example is when we make playlists for our MP3 players, or load up our car with CDs to listen to on a long drive. The category “music I feel like listening to now” is certainly a new and dynamic one. Or consider this: What do the following items have in common: children, wallet, my dog, family photographs, and car keys? To many people, these are things to take with me in the event of a fire. Such collections of things form ad hoc categories, and we are adept at making these. We form them not from perceptual experience with things-in-the-world, but from conceptual exercises such as the ones above.
我可以用以下故事组成另一个临时类别：“卡罗尔遇到了麻烦。她已经花光了所有的钱，再过三天就拿不到工资了。家里没有吃的了。” 这导致了临时功能类别“未来三天获取食物的方式”，其中可能包括“去朋友家”、“写一张空头支票”、“向某人借钱”或“卖掉我的副本”这是你的音乐大脑。因此，类别不仅是通过匹配属性形成的，而且是通过关于事物如何相关的理论形成的。我们需要一种类别形成理论，该理论将解释（a）没有明确原型的类别，（b）上下文信息，以及（c）我们一直在当场形成新类别的事实。为了实现这一目标，我们似乎必须保留物品中的一些原始信息，因为你永远不知道什么时候会需要它。如果（根据建构主义者的说法）我只存储抽象的、概括的主旨信息，我如何构建一个类别，比如“其中有爱这个词但标题中没有爱这个词的歌曲”？例如，“在这里，无处不在”（披头士乐队）、“不要害怕收割者”（蓝牡蛎崇拜）、“愚蠢的东西”（弗兰克和南希·西纳特拉）、“面颊对脸”（艾拉·菲茨杰拉德和路易斯·阿姆斯特朗）、“你好，麻烦” （进来吧）”（巴克·欧文斯）、“你听不到我的呼唤吗”（瑞奇·斯卡格斯）。
I could form another ad hoc category with the following story: “Carol was in trouble. She had spent all her money and she wouldn’t be getting a paycheck for another three days. There was no food in the house.” This leads to the ad hoc functional category “ways to get food for the next three days,” which might include “go to a friend’s house,” “write a bad check,” “borrow money from someone,” or “sell my copy of This Is Your Brain on Music.” Thus, categories are formed not just by matching properties, but by theories about how things are related. We need a theory of category formation that will account for (a) categories that have no clear prototype, (b) contextual information, and (c) the fact that we form new categories all the time, on the spot. To accomplish this, it seems that we must have retained some of the original information from the items, because you never know when you’re going to need it. If (according to the constructivists) I’m only storing abstract, generalized gist information, how could I construct a category like “songs that have the word love in them without having the word love in the title”? For example, “Here, There and Everywhere” (the Beatles), “Don’t Fear the Reaper” (Blue Öyster Cult), “Something Stupid” (Frank and Nancy Sinatra), “Cheek to Cheek” (Ella Fitzgerald and Louis Armstrong), “Hello Trouble (Come On In)” (Buck Owens), “Can’t You Hear Me Callin’” (Ricky Skaggs).
原型理论提出了建构主义观点，即我们遇到的刺激的抽象概括被存储起来。史密斯和梅丁提出了范例理论作为替代方案。范例理论的显着特征是，每一次经历、听到的每一句话、分享的每一个吻、看到的每一个物体、听过的每一首歌，都被编码为记忆中的痕迹。这是格式塔心理学家提出的所谓记忆残留理论的思想后代。
Prototype theory suggests the constructivist view, that an abstract generalization of the stimuli we encounter becomes stored. Smith and Medin proposed exemplar theory as an alternative. The distinguishing feature of exemplar theory is that every experience, every word heard, every kiss shared, every object seen, every song you’ve ever listened to, is encoded as a trace in memory. This is the intellectual descendant of the so-called residue theory of memory proposed by the Gestalt psychologists.
范例理论解释了我们如何能够如此准确地保留如此多的细节。在它的作用下，细节和上下文被保留在概念记忆系统中。如果某事物与该类别的其他成员的相似程度超过与替代的竞争类别的成员的相似程度，则该事物被判断为该类别的成员。间接地，范例理论还可以解释表明原型存储在内存中的实验。我们通过将一个标记与所有其他类别成员进行比较来确定它是否是某个类别的成员——我们遇到的所有属于类别成员的记忆以及每次遇到它的记忆。如果我们看到一个以前未见过的原型（如波斯纳和基尔实验中那样），我们会正确而迅速地对其进行分类，因为它与所有其他存储的示例具有最大的相似性。原型将类似于其自身类别中的示例，而不类似于其他类别中的示例，因此它会提醒您来自正确类别的示例。它比以前见过的任何例子都匹配更多，因为根据定义，原型是中心趋势，是平均类别成员。这对于我们如何享受以前从未听过的新音乐，以及我们如何立即喜欢一首新歌曲（第 6 章的主题）具有重要意义。
Exemplar theory accounts for how we are able to retain so many details with such accuracy. Under it, details and context are retained in the conceptual memory system. Something is judged a member of a category if it resembles other members of that category more than it resembles members of an alternative, competing category. Indirectly, exemplar theory can also account for the experiments that suggested that prototypes are stored in memory. We decide whether a token is a member of a category by comparing it with all the other category members—memories of everything we encountered that is a category member and every time we encountered it. If we are presented with a previously unseen prototype—as in the Posner and Keele experiment—we categorize it correctly and swiftly because it bears a maximum resemblance to all the other stored examples. The prototype will be similar to examples from its own category and not similar to examples from alternative categories, so it reminds you of examples from the correct category. It makes more matches than any previously seen example because, by definition, the prototype is the central tendency, the average category member. This has powerful implications for how we come to enjoy new music we’ve never heard before, and how we can like a new song instantly—the topic of Chapter 6.
范例理论和记忆理论的融合以一组相对较新的理论的形式出现，统称为“多痕迹记忆模型”。在这一类车型中，我们的每一次经历以高保真度保存在我们的长期记忆系统中。当我们在检索记忆的过程中，遇到其他争夺我们注意力的痕迹（细节略有不同的痕迹）的干扰，或者原始记忆痕迹的某些细节由于以下原因而退化时，就会发生记忆扭曲和混淆：正常发生的神经生物学过程。
The convergence of exemplar theory and memory theory comes in the form of a relatively new group of theories, collectively called “multiple-trace memory models.” In this class of models, each experience we have is preserved with high fidelity in our long-term memory system. Memory distortions and confabulations occur when, in the process of retrieving a memory, we either run into interference from other traces that are competing for our attention—traces with slightly different details—or some of the details of the original memory trace have degraded due to normally occurring neurobiological processes.
对此类模型的真正考验是它们是否能够解释和预测原型数据、建设性记忆以及抽象信息的形成和保留——例如当我们识别一首换位歌曲时。我们可以通过神经影像学研究来测试这些模型的神经合理性。美国 NIH（国立卫生研究院）大脑实验室主任 Leslie Ungerleider 和她的同事进行的功能磁共振成像研究表明，类别表征位于大脑的特定部位。面孔、动物、车辆、食物等已被证明占据了皮质的特定区域。根据病变研究，我们发现患者失去了命名某些类别成员的能力，而其他类别则保持完好。这些数据说明了大脑中概念结构和概念记忆的真实情况；但是，如果能够存储详细信息并最终得到一个表现得像存储了抽象信息的神经系统，又会怎样呢？
The true test of such models is whether they can account for and predict the data on prototypes, constructive memory, and the formation and retention of abstract information—such as when we recognize a song in transposition. We can test the neural plausibility of these models through neuroimaging studies. The director of the U.S. NIH (National Institutes of Health) brain laboratories, Leslie Ungerleider, and her colleagues performed fMRI studies showing that representations of categories are located in specific parts of the brain. Faces, animals, vehicles, foods, and so on have been shown to occupy specific regions of the cortex. And based on lesion studies, we’ve found patients who have lost the ability to name members of some categories, while other categories remain intact. These data speak to the reality of conceptual structure and conceptual memory in the brain; but what about the ability to store detailed information and still end up with a neural system that acts like it has stored abstractions?
在认知科学中，当缺乏神经生理学数据时，通常使用神经网络模型来检验理论。这些本质上是在计算机上运行的大脑模拟，具有神经元、神经元连接和神经元放电的模型。这些模型复制了大脑的并行特性，因此通常被称为并行分布式处理或 PDP 模型。斯坦福大学的 David Rumelhardt 和卡内基梅隆大学的 Jay McClelland 处于此类研究的前沿。这些不是普通的计算机程序。PDP模型并行运行（就像真实的大脑），它们有多层处理单元（就像皮层的层一样），模拟的神经元可以以多种不同的方式连接（就像真实的神经元），并且可以修剪模拟的神经元根据需要从网络中取出或添加到网络中（就像大脑将神经网络重新配置为传入的信息到达）。通过给 PDP 模型提供要解决的问题（例如分类或记忆存储和检索问题），我们可以了解所讨论的理论是否合理；如果 PDP 模型的行为方式与人类的行为方式相同，我们就会将此作为证据，证明事物也可能以这种方式在人类身上发挥作用。
In cognitive science, when neurophysiological data is lacking, neural network models are often used to test theories. These are essentially brain simulations that run on computers, with models of neurons, neuronal connections, and neuronal firings. The models replicate the parallel nature of the brain, and so are often referred to as parallel distributed processing or PDP models. David Rumelhardt from Stanford and Jay Mc-Clelland from Carnegie Mellon University were at the forefront of this type of research. These aren’t ordinary computer programs. PDP models operate in parallel (like real brains), they have several layers of processing units (as do the layers of the cortex), the simulated neurons can be connected in myriad different ways (like real neurons), and simulated neurons can be pruned out of the network or added into the network as necessary (just as the brain reconfigures neural networks as incoming information arrives). By giving PDP models problems to solve—such as categorization or memory storage and retrieval problems—we can learn whether the theory in question is plausible; if the PDP model acts the way humans do, we take that as evidence that things may work in humans that way as well.
Douglas Hintzman 建立了最具影响力的 PDP 模型，展示了多轨迹记忆模型的神经合理性。他的模型于 1986 年推出，以罗马知识女神的名字命名为 MINERVA。她存储了她遇到的刺激的单独示例，并且仍然设法产生我们期望从仅存储原型和抽象的系统中看到的行为。概括。她通过将新实例与存储的实例进行比较，按照史密斯和梅丁所描述的方式完成此操作。斯蒂芬·戈尔丁格发现了进一步的证据，表明多轨迹模型可以通过听觉刺激产生抽象，特别是用特定声音说出的单词。
Douglas Hintzman built the most influential PDP model demonstrating the neural plausibility of multiple-trace memory models. His model, named MINERVA after the Roman goddess of knowledge, was introduced in 1986. She stored individual examples of the stimuli she encountered, and still managed to produce the kind of behavior we would expect to see from a system that stored only prototypes and abstract generalizations. She did this in much the way that Smith and Medin describe, by comparing new instances to stored instances. Stephen Goldinger found further evidence that multiple-trace models can produce abstractions with auditory stimuli, specifically with words spoken in specific voices.
现在，记忆研究人员正在形成一个共识，即记录保存和建构主义观点都不正确，但第三种观点（多种观点的混合）才是正确的理论：多轨迹记忆模型。音乐属性记忆准确性的实验与 Hintzman/Goldinger 多轨迹模型一致。这是与分类模型最相似的模型，对此也正在形成共识。
There is now an emerging consensus among memory researchers that neither the record-keeping nor the constructivist view is correct, but that a third view, a hybrid of sorts, is the correct theory: the multiple-trace memory model. The experiments on the accuracy of memory for musical attributes are consistent with the Hintzman/Goldinger multiple-trace models. This is the model that most closely resembles the exemplar model of categorization, for which there is also an emerging consensus.
多轨迹记忆模型如何解释我们在聆听旋律时提取旋律的不变属性这一事实？当我们注意旋律时，我们必须对其进行计算；除了记录绝对值、其呈现的细节（例如音高、节奏、速度和音色）之外，我们还必须计算旋律音程和与速度无关的节奏信息。麦吉尔大学的罗伯特·扎托雷和他的同事进行的神经影像学研究表明情况确实如此。当我们听音乐时，位于背侧（上）颞叶（就在耳朵上方）的旋律“计算中心”似乎正在关注音程大小和音高之间的距离，从而创建一个我们将要学习的旋律值的无音高模板。需要识别换位歌曲。我自己的神经影像学研究表明，熟悉的音乐会激活这些区域和海马体，海马体是大脑中心深处的结构，已知对记忆编码和检索至关重要。总之，这些发现表明我们正在存储旋律中包含的抽象信息和具体信息。所有类型的感官刺激都可能是这种情况。
How does a multiple-trace memory model account for the fact that we extract invariant properties of melodies as we are listening to them? As we attend to a melody, we must be performing calculations on it; in addition to registering the absolute values, the details of its presentation—details such as pitch, rhythms, tempo, and timbre—we must also be calculating melodic intervals and tempo-free rhythmic information. Neuroimaging studies from Robert Zatorre and his colleagues at McGill have suggested this is the case. Melodic “calculation centers” in the dorsal (upper) temporal lobes—just above your ears—appear to be paying attention to interval size and distances between pitches as we listen to music, creating a pitch-free template of the very melodic values we will need in order to recognize songs in transposition. My own neuroimaging studies have shown that familiar music activates both these regions and the hippocampus, a structure deep in the center of the brain that is known to be crucial to memory encoding and retrieval. Together, these findings suggest that we are storing both the abstract and the specific information contained in melodies. This may be the case for all kinds of sensory stimuli.
由于多轨迹记忆模型保留了上下文，因此它们还可以解释我们有时如何检索旧的和几乎被遗忘的记忆。你是否有过这样的经历：走在街上，突然闻到一种许久未闻的气味，从而勾起对很久以前的事情的回忆？或者听到收音机里传来一首老歌，立即唤起与这首歌首次流行时相关的深埋记忆？这些现象触及了记忆的核心意义。我们大多数人都有一组记忆，我们将它们视为相册或剪贴簿。我们习惯于向朋友和家人讲述的某些故事，我们在挣扎、悲伤、快乐或压力时回忆起来的某些过去经历，以提醒我们自己是谁以及我们去过哪里。我们可以将其视为我们记忆的曲目，那些我们习惯于回放的记忆，就像音乐家的曲目和他知道如何演奏的作品一样。
Because they preserve context, multiple-trace memory models can also explain how we sometimes retrieve old and nearly forgotten memories. Have you ever been walking down the street and suddenly smelled an odor that you hadn’t smelled in a long time, and that triggered a memory of some long-ago event? Or heard an old song come on the radio that instantly retrieved deeply buried memories associated with when that song was first popular? These phenomena get to the heart of what it means to have memories. Most of us have a set of memories that we treat something like a photo album or scrapbook. Certain stories we are accustomed to telling to our friends and families, certain past experiences we recall for ourselves during times of struggle, sadness, joy, or stress, to remind us of who we are and where we’ve been. We can think of this as the repertoire of our memories, those memories that we are used to playing back, something like the repertoire of a musician and the pieces he knows how to play.
根据多轨迹记忆模型，每一次经历都可能被编码在记忆中。不是在大脑的某个特定地方，因为大脑不像仓库；相反，记忆被编码在神经元组中，当设置为适当的值并以特定方式配置时，将导致记忆在我们的思维剧场中被检索和重播。那么，能够回忆起我们想要的一切的障碍并不是它没有“存储”在记忆中，而是它没有“存储”在记忆中。相反，问题是找到正确的线索来访问记忆并正确配置我们的神经回路。我们访问记忆的次数越多，检索和回忆回路就越活跃，我们就越容易掌握获取记忆所需的线索。理论上，如果我们有正确的线索，我们就可以获取任何过去的经验。
According to the multiple-trace memory models, every experience is potentially encoded in memory. Not in a particular place in the brain, because the brain is not like a warehouse; rather, memories are encoded in groups of neurons that, when set to proper values and configured in a particular way, will cause a memory to be retrieved and replayed in the theater of our minds. The barrier to being able to recall everything we might want to is not that it wasn’t “stored” in memory, then; rather, the problem is finding the right cue to access the memory and properly configure our neural circuits. The more we access a memory, the more active become the retrieval and recollection circuits, and the more facile we are with the cues necessary to get at the memory. In theory, if we only had the right cues, we could access any past experience.
想一想你的三年级老师——这可能是有些事情你已经很久没有想过了，但它就在那里——瞬间的记忆。如果你继续思考你的老师、你的教室，你也许能够回忆起三年级的一些其他事情，比如教室里的桌子、学校的走廊、你的玩伴。这些线索相当笼统，而且不是很生动。然而，如果我能给你看你三年级的班级照片，你可能会突然开始回忆起各种你已经忘记的事情——你同学的名字，你在课堂上学的科目，你午饭时玩的游戏。播放的歌曲包含一组非常具体且生动的记忆线索。因为多痕迹记忆模型假设上下文是与记忆痕迹一起编码的，所以你在生活中不同时期听过的音乐会与当时的事件交叉编码。也就是说，音乐与当时的事件相关联，而这些事件又与音乐相关联。
Think for a moment of your third-grade teacher—this is probably something you haven’t thought about in a long time, but there it is—an instant memory. If you continue to think about your teacher, your classroom, you might be able to recall some other things about third grade such as the desks in the classroom, the hallways of your school, your playmates. These cues are rather generic and not very vivid. However, if I could show you your third-grade class photo, you might suddenly begin to recall all kinds of things you had forgotten—the names of your classmates, the subjects you learned in class, the games you played at lunchtime. A song playing comprises a very specific and vivid set of memory cues. Because the multiple-trace memory models assume that context is encoded along with memory traces, the music that you have listened to at various times in your life is cross-coded with the events of those times. That is, the music is linked to events of the time, and those events are linked to the music.
记忆理论的格言是，独特的线索最能有效地唤起记忆。与特定提示相关的项目或上下文越多，唤起特定记忆的效果就越差。这就是为什么，尽管某些歌曲可能与您生活中的某些时期相关，但如果这些歌曲一直持续播放并且您已经习惯了听到它们（就像经常发生的那样），那么它们并不是检索那些时期记忆的非常有效的线索。经典摇滚电台或古典广播电台依赖于有限的“流行”古典曲目。但是，一旦我们听到一首自生命中某个特定时期以来就没有听过的歌曲，记忆的闸门就会打开，我们就会沉浸在回忆中。这首歌充当了一个独特的线索，一把钥匙，打开了与这首歌的记忆、它的时间和地点相关的所有经历。由于记忆和分类是相互联系的，一首歌不仅可以访问特定的记忆，还可以访问更一般的、分类的记忆。这就是为什么如果您听到一首 1970 年代的迪斯科歌曲（例如 Village People 的“YMCA”），您可能会发现该流派的其他歌曲在您的脑海中播放，例如 Alicia Bridges 的“I Love the Nightlife”和“The Hustle”范·麦考伊着。
A maxim of memory theory is that unique cues are the most effective at bringing up memories; the more items or contexts a particular cue is associated with, the less effective it will be at bringing up a particular memory. This is why, although certain songs may be associated with certain times of your life, they are not very effective cues for retrieving memories from those times if the songs have continued to play all along and you’re accustomed to hearing them—as often happens with classic rock stations or the classical radio stations that rely on a somewhat limited repertoire of “popular” classical pieces. But as soon as we hear a song that we haven’t heard since a particular time in our lives, the flood-gates of memory open and we’re immersed in memories. The song has acted as a unique cue, a key unlocking all the experiences associated with the memory for the song, its time and place. And because memory and categorization are linked, a song can access not just specific memories, but more general, categorical memories. That’s why if you hear one 1970s disco song—“YMCA” by the Village People, for example—you might find other songs from that genre playing in your head, such as “I Love the Nightlife” by Alicia Bridges and “The Hustle” by Van McCoy.
记忆对音乐聆听体验的影响如此深远，以至于可以毫不夸张地说，没有记忆就不会有音乐聆听体验。没有音乐。正如许多理论家和哲学家以及词曲作者约翰·哈特福德（John Hartford）在他的歌曲“尝试做某事来吸引你的注意力”中所指出的那样，音乐是基于重复的。音乐之所以有效，是因为我们记住了刚刚听到的音调，并将它们与刚刚演奏的音调联系起来。这些音调组（短语）可能会在稍后的作品中以变奏或换位的形式出现，在激活我们的情感中心的同时刺激我们的记忆系统。在过去的十年中，神经科学家已经证明我们的记忆系统与我们的情绪系统有多么密切的关系。杏仁核长期以来被认为是哺乳动物情绪的所在地，它位于海马体附近，长期以来被认为是记忆存储（如果不是记忆检索）的关键结构。现在我们知道杏仁核与记忆有关。特别是，任何具有强烈情感成分的经历或记忆都会高度激活它。我的实验室所做的每一项神经影像学研究都表明杏仁核对音乐有激活作用，但对随机的声音或乐音集合却没有激活。当作曲家巧妙地重复时，我们的大脑会在情感上得到满足，并使聆听体验变得愉快。
Memory affects the music-listening experience so profoundly that it would be not be hyperbole to say that without memory there would be no music. As scores of theorists and philosophers have noted, as well as the songwriter John Hartford in his song “Tryin’ to Do Something to Get Your Attention,” music is based on repetition. Music works because we remember the tones we have just heard and are relating them to the ones that are just now being played. Those groups of tones—phrases—might come up later in the piece in a variation or transposition that tickles our memory system at the same time as it activates our emotional centers. In the past ten years, neuroscientists have shown just how intimately related our memory system is with our emotional system. The amygdala, long considered the seat of emotions in mammals, sits adjacent to the hippocampus, long considered the crucial structure for memory storage, if not memory retrieval. Now we know that the amygdala is involved in memory; in particular, it is highly activated by any experience or memory that has a strong emotional component. Every neuroimaging study that my laboratory has done has shown amygdala activation to music, but not to random collections of sounds or musical tones. Repetition, when done skillfully by a master composer, is emotionally satisfying to our brains, and makes the listening experience as pleasurable as it is.
6.吃完甜点后，克里克离我还有四个座位
6. After Dessert, Crick Was Still Four Seats Away from Me
音乐、情感和爬行动物大脑
Music, Emotion, and the Reptilian Brain
正如我所讨论的，大多数音乐都是踏步音乐。我们听的是有脉搏的音乐，你可以用脚踩着音乐，或者至少在心里用脚踩着音乐。除了少数例外，该脉冲是规则的且时间间隔均匀的。这种规律性的脉冲使我们预期事件会在特定的时间点发生。就像铁轨发出的咔嗒声一样，它让我们知道我们正在继续前进，我们正在前进，一切都很好。
As I’ve discussed, most music is foot-tapping music. We listen to music that has a pulse, something you can tap your foot to, or at least tap the foot in your mind to. This pulse, with few exceptions, is regular and evenly spaced in time. This regular pulse causes us to expect events to occur at certain points in time. Like the clickety-clack of a railroad track, it lets us know that we’re continuing to move forward, that we’re in motion, that everything is all right.
作曲家有时会暂停脉搏感，例如在贝多芬第五交响曲的前几个小节中。我们听到“砰-砰-砰-咩”的声音，音乐停止了。我们不确定什么时候才能再次听到声音。作曲家使用不同的音高重复这句乐句，但在第二次休息之后，我们开始奔跑，用脚踩踏的常规节拍。其他时候，作曲家会明确地给我们脉搏，但然后故意软化它的表现，然后再用沉重的清晰度来达到戏剧效果。滚石乐队的《Honky Tonk Women》以牛铃开始，接着是鼓，最后是电吉他；节拍保持不变，我们对节拍的感觉也保持不变，但强烈节拍的强度展现出来。（当我们用耳机聆听时，牛铃仅从一只耳朵中发出，以获得更戏剧性的效果。）这是典型的重金属和摇滚歌曲。《黑衣归来》AC/DC 以高镲钹和静音的吉他和弦开始，听起来几乎像一个小军鼓，持续八拍，直到电吉他的猛烈攻击到来。吉米·亨德里克斯在《Purple Haze》的开头也做了同样的事情——八个四分音符在吉他和贝斯上，在米奇·米切尔雷鸣般的鼓声响起之前，单音明确地为我们设定了节拍。有时作曲家会戏弄我们，设定对节拍的期望，然后在选择强有力的东西之前把它们拿走——一种他们让我们参与的音乐笑话。Stevie Wonder 的“Golden Lady”和 Fleetwood Mac 的“Hypnotized”建立了一种节奏，当其他乐器加入时，这种节奏就会改变。Frank Zappa 是这方面的大师。
Composers sometimes suspend the sense of pulse, such as in the first few measures of Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony. We hear “bump-bump-bump-baaaah” and the music stops. We’re not sure when we’re going to hear a sound again. The composer repeats the phrase—using different pitches—but after that second rest, we’re off and running, with a regular foot-tappable meter. Other times, composers give us the pulse explicitly, but then intentionally soften its presentation before coming in with a heavy articulation of it for dramatic effect. “Honky Tonk Women” by the Rolling Stones begins with cowbell, followed by drums, followed by electric guitar; the meter stays the same and our sense of the beat does, too, but the intensity of the strong beats unfolds. (And when we listen on headphones the cowbell comes out of only one ear for more dramatic effect.) This is typical of heavy metal and rock anthems. “Back in Black” by AC/DC begins with the high-hat cymbal and muted guitar chords that sound almost like a small snare drum for eight beats until the onslaught of electric guitar comes in. Jimi Hendrix does the same thing in opening “Purple Haze”—eight quarter notes on the guitar and bass, single notes that explicitly set up the meter for us before Mitch Mitchell’s thunderous drums are ushered in. Sometimes composers tease us, setting up expectations for the meter and then taking them away before settling on something strong—a sort of musical joke that they let us in on. Stevie Wonder’s “Golden Lady” and Fleetwood Mac’s “Hypnotized” establish a meter that is changed when the rest of the instruments come in. Frank Zappa was a master at this.
当然，某些类型的音乐似乎比其他类型的音乐更有节奏感。尽管“Eine Kleine Nachtmusik”和“Stayin' Alive”都有明确的节拍，但第二首更可能让大多数人站起来跳舞（至少我们在 20 世纪 70 年代是这么感觉的）。为了被音乐所感动（身体上和情感上），拥有易于预测的节拍会很有帮助。作曲家通过以不同的方式细分节拍，并以不同的方式强调某些音符来实现这一点。这很大程度上也与性能有关。当我们谈论音乐中的伟大节奏时，我们不是在谈论六十年代奥斯汀大贱谍的精彩行话，宝贝；我们是在谈论音乐中的伟大节奏。我们谈论的是这些击败部门创造强大势头的方式。Groove 是推动歌曲前进的品质，在音乐上相当于一本让人爱不释手的书。当一首歌有一个好的节奏时，它会邀请我们进入一个我们不想离开的声音世界。尽管我们知道歌曲的脉搏，但外部时间似乎静止了，我们不希望歌曲永远结束。
Some types of music seem more rhythmically driven than others, of course. Although “Eine Kleine Nachtmusik” and “Stayin’ Alive” both have a definable meter, the second one is more likely to make most people get up and dance (at least that’s the way we felt in the 1970s). In order to be moved by music (physically and emotionally) it helps a great deal to have a readily predictable beat. Composers accomplish this by subdividing the beat in different ways, and accenting some notes differently than others; a lot of this has to do with performance as well. When we talk about a great groove in music, we’re not talking in some jive sixties Austin Powers fab lingo, baby; we’re talking about the way in which these beat divisions create a strong momentum. Groove is that quality that moves the song forward, the musical equivalent to a book that you can’t put down. When a song has a good groove, it invites us into a sonic world that we don’t want to leave. Although we are aware of the pulse of the song, external time seems to stand still, and we don’t want the song to ever end.
Groove 与特定的表演者或特定的表演有关，而不是与纸上写的内容有关。节奏可能是表演中一个微妙的方面，即使是同一群音乐家，也会日复一日地出现和消失。当然，听众对于某些东西是否有良好的节奏存在分歧，但为了在这里的主题建立一些共同点，大多数人认为艾斯利兄弟的“Shout”和里克·詹姆斯的“Super Freak”有很好的效果。凹槽，就像彼得·加布里埃尔的《大锤》。布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀 (Bruce Springsteen) 的《I’m On Fire》、史蒂夫·旺德 (Stevie Wonder) 的《迷信》和伪装者乐队 (Pretenders) 的《俄亥俄》(Ohio) 都有很好的节奏，而且彼此之间也有很大不同。但如何创作一首伟大的歌曲并没有什么公式，每一位尝试过模仿 Temptations 和 Ray Charles 等经典歌曲节奏的 R&B 音乐家都会告诉您。事实上，我们可以指出相对较少的歌曲有它，这证明复制它并不那么容易。
Groove has to do with a particular performer or particular performance, not with what is written on paper. Groove can be a subtle aspect of performance that comes and goes from one day to another, even with the same group of musicians. And, of course, listeners disagree about whether something has a good groove or not, but to establish some common ground for the topic here, most people feel that “Shout” by the Isley Brothers and “Super Freak” by Rick James have a great groove, as does “Sledgehammer” by Peter Gabriel. “I’m On Fire” by Bruce Springsteen, “Superstition” by Stevie Wonder, and “Ohio” by the Pretenders all have great grooves, and are very different from one another. But there is no formula for how to create a great one, as every R & B musician who has tried to copy the groove of classic tunes like those by the Temptations and Ray Charles will tell you. The fact that we can point to relatively few songs that have it is evidence that copying it is not so easy.
史蒂夫·旺德的鼓点是《迷信》的一大亮点。在《迷信》的开头几秒钟，当史蒂维的高钹钹单独演奏时，你可以听到这首歌节奏的部分秘密。鼓手认为高帽是他们的计时员。即使听众在大声的段落中听不到它，鼓手也会用它作为自己的参考点。史蒂夫在高镲上演奏的节奏从来不会两次完全相同。他会增加一些额外的拍打、击打和休息。此外，他在镲片上演奏的每个音符的音量都略有不同——他演奏中的细微差别增加了紧张感。小军鼓以 bum-(rest)-bum-bum-pa 开头，我们进入高镲模式：
One element that gives “Superstition” its great groove is Stevie Wonder’s drumming. In the opening few seconds of “Superstition,” when Stevie’s high-hat cymbal is playing alone, you can hear part of the secret to the song’s groove. Drummers consider the high-hat to be their timekeeper. Even if listeners can’t hear it in a loud passage, the drummer uses it as a point of reference for himself. The beat Stevie plays on the high-hat is never exactly the same way twice; he throws in little extra taps, hits, and rests. Moreover, every note that he plays on the cymbal has a slightly different volume—nuances in his performance that add to the sense of tension. The snare drum starts with bum-(rest)-bum-bum-pa and we’re into the high-hat pattern:
杜-杜-杜-杜塔 杜塔-杜-杜-杜塔
DOOT-daat-doot-dootah DOOT-dootah-dootah-doot
DOOT-doot-doot-dootah DOOtah-doot-doot-dootah
DOOT-daat-doot-dootah DOOT-dootah-dootah-doot
他演奏的天才之处在于，他每次演奏时都会改变模式的各个方面，让我们保持警惕，保持足够的不变，让我们保持脚踏实地和定向。在这里，他在每行的开头演奏相同的节奏，但在该行的第二部分改变节奏，以“呼叫和响应”模式。他还利用自己作为鼓手的技巧在一个关键位置改变了高镲的音色：对于第二行的第二个音符，他保持节奏相同，但他以不同的方式击打镲片以使其“用不同的声音说话；如果他的铙钹是一种声音，就好像他改变了正在说话的元音。
The genius of his playing is that he keeps us on our mental toes by changing aspects of the pattern every time he plays it, holding just enough of it the same to keep us grounded and oriented. Here, he plays the same rhythm at the beginning of each line, but changes the rhythm in the second part of the line, in a “call-and-response” pattern. He also uses his skill as a drummer to alter the timbre of his high-hat in one key place: for the second note of the second line, in which he has kept the rhythm the same, he hits the cymbal differently to make it “speak” in a separate voice; if his cymbal were a voice, it’s as if he changed the vowel sound that was speaking.
音乐家们普遍认为，当律动不是严格的节拍器时（也就是说，当它不完全像机器一样时）效果最好。尽管一些适合跳舞的歌曲是用鼓机制作的（例如迈克尔·杰克逊的“Billie Jean”和保拉·阿卜杜勒的“Straight Up”），但节奏的黄金标准通常是鼓手根据鼓机的审美和情感细微差别稍微改变节奏。音乐; 我们说节奏音轨、鼓有“呼吸”。Steely Dan 花了几个月的时间尝试编辑、重新编辑、移动、推拉他们专辑《Two Against Nature》中的鼓机部分，以便让它们听起来就像人类演奏的一样，平衡节奏与呼吸。但是，与全局节奏相反，改变局部节奏并不会改变节拍，即脉冲的基本结构；它只会改变节拍发生的精确时刻，不会改变节拍是三人一组、三人一组还是四人一组，也不会改变歌曲的整体节奏。
Musicians generally agree that groove works best when it is not strictly metronomic—that is, when it is not perfectly machinelike. Although some danceable songs have been made with drum machines (Michael Jackson’s “Billie Jean” and Paula Abdul’s “Straight Up,” for example), the gold standard of groove is usually a drummer who changes the tempo slightly according to aesthetic and emotional nuances of the music; we say then that the rhythm track, that the drums, “breathe.” Steely Dan spent months trying to edit, reedit, shift, push, and pull the drum-machine parts on their album Two Against Nature in order to get them to sound as if a human had played them, to balance groove with breathing. But changing local, as opposed to global, tempos like this doesn’t change meter, the basic structure of the pulse; it only changes the precise moment that beats will occur, not whether they group in twos, threes, or fours, and not the global pace of the song.
我们通常不会在古典音乐中谈论律动，但大多数歌剧、交响曲、奏鸣曲、协奏曲和弦乐四重奏都有可定义的节拍和脉冲，它们通常对应于指挥的动作；指挥向音乐家展示节拍的位置，有时会拉伸或压缩它们以进行情感交流。人与人之间真正的对话、真正的宽恕请求、愤怒的表达、求爱、讲故事、计划和养育孩子都不会在机器的精确剪辑中发生。就音乐反映我们情感生活和人际互动的动态而言，它需要膨胀和收缩、加速和减速、暂停和反思。我们能够感觉到或知道这些时间变化的唯一方法是大脑中的计算系统是否提取了有关节拍何时发生的信息。大脑需要创建一个恒定脉冲的模型（一种模式），以便我们知道音乐家何时偏离它。这类似于旋律的变奏：我们需要对旋律有一个心理表征，以便了解并欣赏音乐家何时对它进行随意的修改。
We don’t usually talk about groove in the context of classical music, but most operas, symphonies, sonatas, concertos, and string quartets have a definable meter and pulse, which generally corresponds to the conductor’s movements; the conductor is showing the musicians where the beats are, sometimes stretching them out or compressing them for emotional communication. Real conversations between people, real pleas of forgiveness, expressions of anger, courtship, storytelling, planning, and parenting don’t occur at the precise clips of a machine. To the extent that music is reflecting the dynamics of our emotional lives, and our interpersonal interactions, it needs to swell and contract, to speed up and slow down, to pause and reflect. The only way that we can feel or know these timing variations is if a computational system in the brain has extracted information about when the beats are supposed to occur. The brain needs to create a model of a constant pulse—a schema—so that we know when the musicians are deviating from it. This is similar to variations of a melody: We need to have a mental representation of what the melody is in order to know—and appreciate—when the musician is taking liberties with it.
韵律提取，即了解脉搏是什么以及我们期望它何时发生，是音乐情感的重要组成部分。音乐通过系统性地违反期望来与我们进行情感交流。这些违规行为可能发生在任何领域——音高、音色、轮廓、节奏、节拍等等——但它们必须发生。音乐是有组织的声音，但组织必须包含一些意想不到的元素，否则它在情感上就会变得平淡和机械。太多的组织从技术上讲可能仍然是音乐，但这将是没有人愿意听的音乐。例如，音阶是有组织的，但大多数父母都厌倦了听孩子在五分钟后演奏音阶。
Metrical extraction, knowing what the pulse is and when we expect it to occur, is a crucial part of musical emotion. Music communicates to us emotionally through systematic violations of expectations. These violations can occur in any domain—the domain of pitch, timbre, contour, rhythm, tempo, and so on—but occur they must. Music is organized sound, but the organization has to involve some element of the unexpected or it is emotionally flat and robotic. Too much organization may technically still be music, but it would be music that no one wants to listen to. Scales, for example, are organized, but most parents get sick of hearing their children play them after five minutes.
这种韵律提取的神经基础是什么？从损伤研究中我们知道节奏和韵律提取在神经上彼此并不相关。左半球受损的患者会失去感知和产生节奏的能力，但他们仍然可以提取韵律，而右半球受损的患者则表现出相反的模式。这两者在神经上都与旋律处理无关：罗伯特·扎托尔（Robert Zatorre）发现，右颞叶的病变比左颞叶的病变更能影响旋律的感知；伊莎贝尔·佩雷茨发现，大脑的右半球包含一个轮廓处理器，它实际上可以绘制旋律的轮廓并对其进行分析以供以后识别，并且这与大脑中的节奏和节拍电路是分离的。
What of the neural basis for this metrical extraction? From lesion studies we know that rhythm and metrical extraction aren’t neurally related to each other. Patients with damage to the left hemisphere can lose the ability to perceive and produce rhythm, but they can still extract meter, and patients with damage to the right hemisphere have shown the opposite pattern. Both of these are neurally separate from melody processing: Robert Zatorre found that lesions to the right temporal lobe affect the perception of melodies more than lesions to the left; Isabelle Peretz discovered that the right hemisphere of the brain contains a contour processor that in effect draws an outline of a melody and analyzes it for later recognition, and this is dissociable from rhythm and meter circuits in the brain.
正如我们在记忆中看到的那样，计算机模型可以帮助我们掌握大脑的内部运作。荷兰的 Peter Desain 和 Henkjan Honing 开发了一种计算机模型，可以从音乐中提取节拍。它主要依赖于振幅，事实上节拍是由定期交替发生的响亮与柔和的节拍来定义的。为了证明他们的系统的有效性，并且因为他们认识到表演技巧的价值，即使在科学领域也是如此，他们将系统的输出连接到安装在鞋子内的小型电动机。他们的节拍提取演示实际上是用脚（或者至少是金属杆上的鞋子）敲击真实的音乐片段。我在九十年代中期在 CCRMA 上看到了这一点。这真是令人印象深刻。观众（我之所以这样称呼我们，是因为看到男士 9 号黑色翼尖鞋挂在金属杆上，并通过一条蛇形电线连接到计算机上，这真是一个奇观）可以给德塞恩和哈宁一张 CD，他们的“听”几秒钟后，鞋子就会开始敲击一块胶合板。（示威时结束后，佩里·库克走到他们面前说：“干得很好……但它是棕色的吗？”）
As we saw with memory, computer models can help us grasp the inner workings of the brain. Peter Desain and Henkjan Honing of the Netherlands developed a computer model that could extract the beat from a piece of music. It relied mainly on amplitude, the fact that meter is defined by loud versus soft beats occurring at regular intervals of alternation. To demonstrate the effectiveness of their system—and because they recognize the value of showmanship, even in science—they hooked up the output of their system to a small electric motor mounted inside a shoe. Their beat-extraction demonstration actually tapped its foot (or at least a shoe on a metal rod) to real pieces of music. I saw this demonstrated at CCRMA in the mid nineties. It was quite impressive. Spectators (I’m calling us that because the sight of men’s size-nine black wingtip shoe hanging from a metal rod and connected via a snake of wires to the computer was quite a spectacle) could give a CD to Desain and Honing, and their shoe would, after a few seconds of “listening,” start to tap against a piece of plywood. (When the demonstration was over, Perry Cook went up to them and said, “Very nice work … but does it come in brown?”)
有趣的是，Desain 和 Honing 系统与真实的人类存在一些相同的弱点：与专业音乐家认为的节拍位置相比，它有时会在半拍或双拍时打拍子。业余爱好者总是这样做。当计算机模型犯下与人类类似的错误时，这就更好地证明我们的程序正在复制人类的思维，或者至少是思维背后的计算过程的类型。
Interestingly, the Desain and Honing system had some of the same weaknesses that real, live humans do: It would sometimes tap its foot in half time or double time, compared to where professional musicians felt that the beat was. Amateurs do this all the time. When a computerized model makes similar mistakes to a human, it is even better evidence that our program is replicating human thought, or at least the types of computational processes underlying thought.
小脑是大脑的一部分，与身体的计时和协调运动密切相关。小脑这个词源自拉丁语，意思是“小大脑”，事实上，它看起来就像一个小大脑，挂在大脑（大脑的较大的主要部分）下方，就在你的脖子后面。小脑像大脑一样有两侧，每侧又分为几个子区域。从系统发育研究（对遗传阶梯上不同动物的大脑进行的研究）中，我们了解到，从进化角度来说，小脑是大脑最古老的部分之一。用流行语言来说，它有时被称为爬行动物大脑。虽然它的重量只有大脑其他部分的 10%，但它包含神经元总数的 50% 到 80%。大脑最古老部分的功能对音乐至关重要：节奏。
The cerebellum is the part of the brain that is involved closely with timing and with coordinating movements of the body. The word cerebellum derives from the Latin for “little brain,” and in fact, it looks like a small brain hanging down underneath your cerebrum (the larger, main part of the brain), right at the back of your neck. The cerebellum has two sides, like the cerebrum, and each is divided into subregions. From phylogenetic studies—studies of the brains of different animals up and down the genetic ladder—we’ve learned that the cerebellum is one of the oldest parts of the brain, evolutionarily speaking. In popular language, it has sometimes been referred to as the reptilian brain. Although it weighs only 10 percent as much as the rest of the brain, it contains 50 to 80 percent of the total number of neurons. The function of this oldest part of the brain is something that is crucial to music: timing.
传统上，小脑被认为是大脑中引导运动的部分。大多数动物所做的大多数运动都具有重复性、振荡性。当我们走路或跑步时，我们倾向于以或多或少恒定的速度进行；我们的身体会适应一种步态并保持它。当鱼游泳或鸟飞翔时，它们倾向于以或多或少恒定的速度翻转鳍或拍打翅膀。小脑参与维持该速率或步态。帕金森病的特征之一是行走困难，我们现在知道小脑变性伴随着这种疾病。
The cerebellum has traditionally been thought of as that part of the brain that guides movement. Most movements made by most animals have a repetitive, oscillatory quality. When we walk or run, we tend to do so at a more or less constant pace; our body settles into a gait and we maintain it. When fish swim or birds fly, they tend to flip their fins or flap their wings at a more or less constant rate. The cerebellum is involved in maintaining this rate, or gait. One of the hallmarks of Parkinson’s disease is difficulty walking, and we now know that cerebellar degeneration accompanies this disease.
但是音乐和小脑呢？在我的实验室中，我们发现当我们要求人们听音乐时，小脑会出现强烈的激活，但当我们要求他们听噪音时，小脑却不会出现强烈的激活。小脑似乎参与了追踪节拍。小脑在我们的研究中还出现了另一种情况：当我们要求人们听他们喜欢的音乐与他们不喜欢的音乐，或者熟悉的音乐与不熟悉的音乐。
But what about music and the cerebellum? In my laboratory we found strong activations in the cerebellum when we asked people to listen to music, but not when we asked them to listen to noise. The cerebellum appears to be involved in tracking the beat. And the cerebellum has shown up in our studies in another context: when we ask people to listen to music they like versus music they don’t like, or familiar music versus unfamiliar music.
许多人，包括我们自己，都想知道这些小脑对喜欢和熟悉的激活是否是错误的。然后，2003 年夏天，维诺德·梅农 (Vinod Menon) 向我介绍了哈佛大学教授杰里米·施马曼 (Jeremy Schmahmann) 的工作。施马曼一直在逆流而上，反对传统主义者的观点，传统主义者认为小脑只负责计时和运动，除此之外别无其他。但通过尸检、神经影像学、案例研究和其他物种的研究，施马曼和他的追随者已经积累了有说服力的证据，证明小脑也与情绪有关。这可以解释为什么当人们听他们喜欢的音乐时它会被激活。他指出，小脑与大脑的情感中心——杏仁核（参与记忆情感事件）和额叶（大脑中参与计划和冲动控制的部分）有着巨大的联系。情绪和运动之间有什么联系？为什么它们都由同一个大脑区域（甚至在蛇和蜥蜴中也存在）服务？我们不确定，但一些有根据的推测来自最好的来源：DNA结构的共同发现者詹姆斯·沃森和弗朗西斯·克里克。
Many people, including ourselves, wondered if these cerebellar activations to liking and familiarity were in error. Then, in the summer of 2003, Vinod Menon told me about the work of Harvard professor Jeremy Schmahmann. Schmahmann has been swimming upstream against the tide of traditionalists who said that the cerebellum is for timing and movement and nothing else. But through autopsies, neuroimaging, case studies, and studies of other species, Schmahmann and his followers have amassed persuasive evidence that the cerebellum is also involved in emotion. This would account for why it becomes activated when people listen to music they like. He notes that the cerebellum contains massive connections to emotional centers of the brain—the amygdala, which is involved in remembering emotional events, and the frontal lobe, the part of the brain involved in planning and impulse control. What is the connection between emotion and movement, and why would they both be served by the same brain region, a region found even in snakes and lizards? We don’t know for sure, but some informed speculation comes through the very best of sources: the codiscoverers of DNA’s structure, James Watson and Francis Crick.
冷泉港实验室是长岛的一所先进的高科技机构，专门研究神经科学、神经生物学、癌症，以及与诺贝尔奖获得者詹姆斯·沃森为主任的机构相称的遗传学研究。CSHL 通过纽约州立大学石溪分校提供这些领域的学位和高级培训。我的一位同事阿曼丁·佩内尔 (Amandine Penel) 在那里做了几年博士后。她已经获得了博士学位。当我在俄勒冈大学获得音乐认知学位时，我在巴黎获得了音乐认知学位；我们是在年度音乐认知会议上认识的。CSHL 每隔一段时间就会主办一次研讨会，聚集某一特定主题的专家科学家。这些研讨会持续数天；每个人都在吃饭和睡觉实验室，并花一整天的时间一起讨论选定的科学问题。这种聚会背后的想法是，如果该主题的世界专家（通常持有相反的观点）能够就问题的某些方面达成某种共识，科学就能更快地向前发展。CSHL 研讨会在基因组学、植物遗传学和神经生物学领域享有盛誉。
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory is an advanced, high-tech institution on Long Island, specializing in research on neuroscience, neurobiology, cancer, and—as befits an institution whose director is the Nobel laureate James Watson—genetics. Through SUNY Stony Brook, CSHL offers degrees and advanced training in these fields. A colleague of mine, Amandine Penel, was a postdoctoral fellow there for a couple of years. She had taken her Ph.D. in music cognition in Paris while I was earning mine at the University of Oregon; we knew each other from the annual music cognition conferences. Every so often, CSHL sponsors a workshop, an intensive gathering of scientists who are specialists on a particular topic. These workshops span several days; everyone eats and sleeps at the laboratory, and spends all day together hashing out the chosen scientific problem. The idea behind such a gathering is that if the people who are world experts on the topic—often contentiously holding opposite views—can come to some sort of an agreement about certain aspects of the problem, science can move forward more quickly. The CSHL workshops are famous in genomics, plant genetics, and neurobiology.
有一天，当我在有关麦吉尔大学本科生课程委员会和期末考试安排的相当普通的电子邮件中看到一封邀请我参加在冷泉港举行的为期四天的研讨会时，我感到非常惊讶。这是我在收件箱中找到的内容：
I was taken by surprise one day when, buried in between rather mundane e-mails about the undergraduate curriculum committee and final examination schedules at McGill, I saw one inviting me to participate in a four-day workshop at Cold Spring Harbor. Here is what I found in my in-box:
时间模式的神经表示和处理
时间在大脑中是如何表示的？复杂的时间模式是如何被感知或产生的？时间模式的处理是感觉和运动功能的基本组成部分。考虑到我们与环境相互作用的固有时间性质，了解大脑如何处理时间是理解大脑的必要步骤。我们的目标是汇集世界上顶尖的心理学家、神经科学家和理论家来研究这些问题。我们的目标有两个：首先，我们希望将来自不同领域的研究人员聚集在一起，他们对时机有共同的关注，并将从思想的交叉传播中受益匪浅。其次，迄今为止，在单时间间隔处理方面已经开展了许多重要的工作。展望未来，我们希望从这些研究中学习，同时将讨论扩展到由多个间隔组成的时间模式的处理。时间模式感知正在发展成为一个多学科领域；我们预计这次会议可能有助于讨论和制定跨学科研究议程。
Neural Representation and Processing of Temporal Patterns
How is time represented in the brain? How are complex temporal patterns perceived or produced? Processing of temporal patterns is a fundamental component of sensory and motor function. Given the inherent temporal nature of our interaction with the environment, understanding how the brain processes time is a necessary step towards understanding the brain. We aim to bring together the top psychologists, neuroscientists, and theorists in the world working on these problems. Our goals are twofold: First, we wish to bring together researchers from different fields that share a common focus on timing and would benefit greatly from cross-fertilization of ideas. Second, much significant work to date has been carried out on single-temporal-interval processing. Looking to the future, we wish to learn from these studies while extending the discussion to the processing of temporal patterns that are composed of multiple intervals. Temporal pattern perception is growing as a multi-disciplinary field; we anticipate that this meeting may help to discuss and set a cross-disciplinary research agenda.
起初，我以为组织者把我的名字列入名单是一个错误。我知道所有受邀参加者的名字随电子邮件一起提供。他们是我所在领域的巨人——计时研究领域的乔治·马丁斯和保罗·麦卡特尼、小泽征尔和马友友。保拉·塔拉尔 (Paula Tallal) 与加州大学旧金山分校的合作者迈克·梅泽尼奇 (Mike Merzenich) 发现，阅读障碍与儿童听觉系统的时间缺陷有关。她还发表了一些关于言语和大脑的最具影响力的功能磁共振成像研究，显示了大脑中语音处理发生的位置。里奇·艾夫里 (Rich Ivry) 是我知识分子的表弟，是我这一代最聪明的认知神经科学家之一，他获得了博士学位。来自俄勒冈大学的史蒂夫·基尔，他在小脑和运动控制的认知方面做了开创性的工作。里奇为人非常低调、脚踏实地，能够精准切中科学问题的核心。
At first, I thought that the organizers had made a mistake by including my name on the list. I knew all the names of the invited participants that came with the e-mail. They were the giants in my field—the George Martins and Paul McCartneys, the Seiji Ozawas and Yo-Yo Mas of timing research. Paula Tallal had discovered, with her collaborator Mike Merzenich of UC San Francisco, that dyslexia was related to a timing deficit in children’s auditory systems. She had also published some of the most influential fMRI studies of speech and the brain, showing where in the brain phonetic processing occurs. Rich Ivry was my intellectual cousin, one of the brightest cognitive neuroscientists of my generation, who had received his Ph.D. from Steve Keele at the University of Oregon and had done ground-breaking work on the cerebellum and on the cognitive aspects of motor control. Rich has a very low-key, down-to-earth manner, and he can cut to the heart of a scientific issue with razor precision.
兰迪·加利斯特尔（Randy Gallistel）是一位顶尖的数学心理学家，他对人类和老鼠的记忆和学习过程进行了建模。我已经前后阅读了他的论文。布鲁诺·雷普 (Bruno Repp) 是阿曼丁·佩内尔 (Amandine Penel) 的第一位博士后导师，也是我发表的前两篇论文（人们以非常接近正确音调和节奏演唱流行歌曲的实验）的审稿人。另一位世界音乐节拍专家 Mari Reiss Jones 也受邀参加。她在注意力在音乐认知中的作用方面做了最重要的工作，并建立了一个有影响力的模型，说明音乐重音、韵律、节奏和期望如何聚合以创建我们的音乐结构知识。Hopfield 网络（最重要的 PDP 神经网络模型之一）的发明者 John Hopfield 也将出席！当我到达冷泉港时，我感觉自己就像一个 1957 年猫王音乐会后台的女孩。
Randy Gallistel was a top mathematical psychologist who modeled memory and learning processes in humans and mice; I had read his papers forward and backward. Bruno Repp had been Amandine Penel’s first postdoctoral advisor, and had been a reviewer on the first two papers I ever published (the experiments of people singing pop songs very near the correct pitch and tempo). The other world expert on musical timing, Mari Reiss Jones, was also invited. She had done the most important work on the role of attention in music cognition, and had an influential model of how musical accents, meter, rhythm, and expectations converge to create our knowledge of musical structure. And John Hopfield, the inventor of Hopfield nets, one of the most important classes of PDP neural-network models, was going to be there! When I arrived at Cold Spring Harbor, I felt like a girl backstage at a 1957 Elvis concert.
会议气氛热烈。那里的研究人员在基本问题上无法达成一致，例如如何区分振荡器和计时器，或者不同的神经过程是否参与估计无声间隔的长度与充满规则脉冲的时间跨度的长度。
The conference was intense. Researchers there couldn’t agree on basic issues, such as how to distinguish an oscillator from a timekeeper, or whether different neural processes were involved in estimating the length of a silent interval, versus the length of a time span that was filled with regular pulses.
作为一个团队，我们意识到——正如组织者所希望的那样——阻碍该领域取得真正进展的主要原因是我们使用不同的术语来表示相同的事物，而且在许多情况下，我们我们使用单个词（例如“时间”）来表示非常不同的事物，并遵循非常不同的基本假设。
As a group, we realized—just as the organizers had hoped—that much of what impeded true progress in the field was that we were using different terminology to mean the same things, and in many cases, we were using a single word (such as timing) to mean very different things, and following very different elementary assumptions.
当您听到某人使用诸如planum tempale （一种神经结构）之类的词时，您会认为他的使用方式与您相同。但在科学中，就像在音乐中一样，假设可能会导致你的死亡。一个人认为颞平面必须从解剖学上进行定义，另一个人则认为必须从功能上进行定义。我们争论灰质与白质的重要性，争论两个事件同步意味着什么——它们实际上必须在完全相同的时间发生，还是只是在感知上看起来同时发生？
When you hear someone use a word like planum temporale (a neural structure), you think he’s using it the same way you are. But in science, as in music, assumptions can be the death of you. One person considered that the planum temporale had to be defined anatomically, another that it had to be defined functionally. We argued about the importance of gray matter versus white matter, about what it means to have two events be synchronous—do they actually have to happen at exactly the same time, or just at what appears perceptually to be the same time?
晚上，我们准备了晚餐，喝了很多啤酒和红酒，边吃边喝继续讨论。我的博士生布拉德利·瓦恩斯（Bradley Vines）以观察员的身份下来，他为大家演奏萨克斯管。我和乐队中的一些音乐家一起弹吉他，Amandine 唱歌。
At night, we had catered dinners and lots of beer and red wine, and we continued discussions as we ate and drank. My doctoral student Bradley Vines came down as an observer, and he played saxophone for everyone. I played guitar with a few of the group who were musicians, and Amandine sang.
因为这次会议是关于时间的，所以大多数人并没有过多关注施马曼的工作或情感与小脑之间可能存在的联系。但伊夫里有；他了解施马曼的作品并且对其很感兴趣。在我们的讨论中，他揭示了音乐感知和运动动作规划之间的相似之处，这是我在自己的实验中无法看到的。他同意音乐之谜的核心必定涉及小脑。当我见到沃森时，他告诉我，他也觉得小脑、时间、音乐和情感之间存在着看似合理的联系。但这种联系可能是什么？它的进化基础是什么？
Because the meeting was about timing, most of the people there hadn’t paid much attention to Schmahmann’s work or to the possible connection between emotion and the cerebellum. But Ivry had; he knew Schmahmann’s work and was intrigued by it. In our discussions, he cast a light on similarities between music perception and motor action planning, which I hadn’t been able to see in my own experiment. He agreed that the heart of the mystery of music must involve the cerebellum. When I met Watson, he told me he also felt there to be a plausible connection among the cerebellum, timing, music, and emotion. But what could that connection be? What was its evolutionary basis?
几个月后，我拜访了加利福尼亚州拉霍亚索尔克研究所的亲密合作者乌苏拉·贝鲁吉 (Ursula Bellugi)。索尔克研究所坐落在一块俯瞰太平洋的原始土地上。贝鲁吉 (Bellugi) 是 20 世纪 60 年代哈佛大学伟大的罗杰·布朗 (Roger Brown) 的学生，负责该校的认知神经科学实验室。在她职业生涯中的许多“第一”和里程碑式的发现中，她是第一个证明手语确实是一种语言（具有句法结构，而不仅仅是一堆临时或无组织的手势）的人，因此她表明乔姆斯基的语言模块不仅仅适用于口语。她也在空间认知、手势、神经发育障碍以及神经元改变功能的能力（神经可塑性）方面做出了开创性的工作。
A few months later, I visited my close collaborator Ursula Bellugi at the Salk Institute, in La Jolla, California. The Salk Institute sits on a pristine piece of land overlooking the Pacific Ocean. Bellugi, a student of the great Roger Brown at Harvard in the 1960s, runs the Cognitive Neuroscience Laboratory there. Among many, many “firsts” and landmark findings in her career, she was the first to show that sign language is truly a language (with syntactic structure, it is not just an ad hoc or disorganized bunch of gestures), and she thus showed that Chomsky’s linguistic module is not for spoken language only. She also has done ground-breaking work on spatial cognition, gesture, neurodevelopmental disorders, and the ability of neurons to change function—neuroplasticity.
乌苏拉和我已经合作十年来揭示音乐性的遗传基础。对于这项研究来说，还有什么地方比弗朗西斯·克里克 (Francis Crick) 领导的研究所更好呢？克里克与沃森一起发现了 DNA 的结构。我去了那里，就像我每年都会去的那样，这样我们就可以一起查看我们的数据，并致力于准备要发表的文章。乌苏拉和我喜欢坐在同一个房间里，看着同一个电脑屏幕，我们可以指着染色体图，观察大脑激活，并讨论它们对我们的假设意味着什么。
Ursula and I have been working together for ten years to uncover the genetic basis of musicality. What better place was there for the research to be based than an institute headed by Francis Crick, the man who, with Watson, discovered the structure of DNA? I had gone there, as I do every year, so that we could look at our data together, and work on preparing articles for publication. Ursula and I like sitting in the same room together, looking at the same computer screen, where we can point to the chromosome diagrams, look at brain activations, and talk over what they mean for our hypotheses.
索尔克研究所每周举行一次“教授午餐”，受人尊敬的科学家们与研究所所长弗朗西斯·克里克（Francis Crick）围坐在一张大方桌旁。很少允许访客入内。这是一个私人论坛，科学家们可以在其中自由地进行推测。我听说过这个圣地并梦想着去参观它。
Once a week, the Salk Institute had a “professors’ lunch” at which venerable scientists sat around a large square table with Francis Crick, the Institute’s director. Visitors were seldom allowed; this was a private forum at which scientists felt free to speculate. I’d heard of this hallowed ground and dreamed of visiting it.
克里克在《惊人假说》一书中提出，意识源自大脑，我们的思想、信仰、欲望和感觉的总和来自于神经元、神经胶质细胞以及组成它们的分子和原子的活动。这很有趣，但正如我所说，我有点偏向于为了绘制地图而绘制思维图，并且偏向于理解机器如何产生人类经验。
In Crick’s book The Astonishing Hypothesis, he argued that consciousness arises from the brain, that the sum total of our thoughts, beliefs, desires, and feelings comes from the activities of neurons, glial cells, and the molecules and atoms that make them up. This was interesting, but as I’ve said, I am somewhat biased against mapping the mind for mapping’s own sake, and biased toward understanding how the machinery gives rise to human experience.
真正让克里克引起我兴趣的不是他在 DNA 方面的杰出工作，也不是他对索尔克研究所的管理，甚至不是《惊人的假说》。这是他的书《疯狂的追求》，讲述了他早年的科学经历。事实上，正是这段话，因为我也开始了我的科学生涯，有些晚了。
What really made Crick interesting to me was not his brilliant work on DNA or his stewardship of the Salk Institute, or even The Astonishing Hypothesis. It was his book What Mad Pursuit, about his early years in science. In fact, it was precisely this passage, because I, too, had begun my scientific career somewhat late in life.
当战争终于结束时，我不知所措……。我评估了自己的资质。我在海军部取得的成就在一定程度上弥补了一个不太好的学位。了解磁学和流体动力学的某些受限部分，这两个学科我都没有丝毫感觉热情。根本没有发表过论文…… 直到渐渐地，我才意识到这种缺乏资质也可能是一种优势。当大多数科学家年满三十岁时，他们就被自己的专业知识所困。他们在某一特定领域投入了如此多的努力，以至于在他们职业生涯的那个时期，做出根本性的改变往往是极其困难的。另一方面，除了有点老式的物理和数学方面的基本训练以及将我的手转向新事物的能力之外，我什么都不知道……。由于我基本上一无所知，所以我几乎有完全自由的选择……。
When the war finally came to an end, I was at a loss as to what to do …. I took stock of my qualifications. A not-very-good degree, redeemed somewhat by my achievements at the Admiralty. A knowledge of certain restricted parts of magnetism and hydrodynamics, neither of them subjects for which I felt the least bit of enthusiasm. No published papers at all …. Only gradually did I realize that this lack of qualification could be an advantage. By the time most scientists have reached age thirty they are trapped by their own expertise. They have invested so much effort in one particular field that it is often extremely difficult, at that time in their careers, to make a radical change. I, on the other hand, knew nothing, except for a basic training in somewhat old-fashioned physics and mathematics and an ability to turn my hand to new things …. Since I essentially knew nothing, I had an almost completely free choice ….
克里克自己的探索鼓励我将自己缺乏经验作为一种许可，以不同于其他人的方式思考认知神经科学，并且它激励我超越我自己掌握的浅薄限制。
Crick’s own search had encouraged me to take my lack of experience as a license to think about cognitive neuroscience differently than other people, and it inspired me to reach beyond what seemed to be the shallow limits of my own grasp.
一天早上，我从酒店开车到乌苏拉的实验室，以便早点出发。对我来说“早”是早上七点，但乌苏拉从六点就开始在实验室了。当我们在她的办公室里一起工作，在电脑键盘上打字时，乌苏拉放下咖啡，眼睛里闪烁着精灵般的光芒，看着我。“你今天想见见弗朗西斯吗？” 就在几个月前，我遇到了克里克的诺贝尔奖得主双胞胎沃森，这真是惊人的巧合。
I drove to Ursula’s lab from my hotel one morning to get an early start. “Early” for me was seven A.M., but Ursula had been in the lab since six. While we worked together in her office, typing on our computer keyboards, Ursula put down her coffee and looked at me with a pixielike twinkle in her eye. “Would you like to meet Francis today?” The coincidence of my having met Watson, Crick’s Nobel laureate twin, only a few months before was striking.
当旧的记忆向我袭来时，我感到一阵恐慌。当我刚刚开始担任唱片制作人时，旧金山顶级录音室 Automatt 的经理米歇尔·扎林 (Michelle Zarin) 会在周五下午在她的办公室举办葡萄酒和奶酪聚会，只有核心圈子才能参加。邀请。几个月来，当我与 Afflicted 和 Dimes 等不知名乐队合作时，我每周五下午都会在她的办公室里看到摇滚乐的版税档案：卡洛斯·桑塔纳 (Carlos Santana)、休伊·刘易斯 (Huey Lewis)、制作人吉姆·盖恩斯 (Jim Gaines) 和鲍勃·约翰斯顿 (Bob Johnston)。一个星期五，她告诉我罗恩·尼维森 (Ron Nevison) 要去城里——他设计了我最喜欢的齐柏林飞艇 (Led Zeppelin) 唱片，并与 Who 乐队合作过。米歇尔带我走进她的办公室，并告诉我在开始形成的半圆中应该站在哪里。人们喝酒聊天，我恭敬地听着。但罗恩·尼维森我似乎没有注意到他，而他才是我真正想见的人。我看了看手表——十五分钟过去了。博兹·斯卡格斯（Boz Scaggs）（另一位客户）在角落里的立体声音响上。“内幕。” “丽都。” 二十分钟过去了。我会见到内维森吗？“We’re All Alone”响起来了，就像音乐有时能做到的那样，歌词让我很不舒服。我必须自己处理事情。我走向内维森并做了自我介绍。他握了握我的手，然后又继续他的谈话。就是这样。后来米歇尔骂了我——这种事根本就做不到。如果我等到她介绍我时，她就会提醒他，我就是她和他谈到的年轻制片人，是潜在的学徒，是她希望他见到的一个受人尊敬、体贴的年轻人。我再也没有见过内维森。
I felt a rush of panic as an old memory assaulted me. When I was just getting started as a record producer, Michelle Zarin, the manager of the top recording studio in San Francisco, the Automatt, would have Friday afternoon wine-and-cheese get-togethers in her office to which only the inner circle were invited. For months as I worked with unknown bands like the Afflicted and the Dimes, I saw rock’s royalty file into her office on Friday afternoons: Carlos Santana, Huey Lewis, the producers Jim Gaines and Bob Johnston. One Friday she told me that Ron Nevison was going to be in town—he had engineered my favorite Led Zeppelin records, and had worked with the Who. Michelle led me into her office and showed me where to stand in the semicircle that began to form. People drank and chatted, and I listened respectfully. But Ron Nevison seemed oblivious to me, and he was the one I really wanted to meet. I looked at my watch—fifteen minutes went by. Boz Scaggs (another client) was on the stereo in the corner. “Lowdown.” “Lido.” Twenty minutes had gone by. Was I ever going to meet Nevison? “We’re All Alone” came on, and—as music can sometimes do—the lyrics got under my skin. I had to take matters into my own hands. I walked over to Nevison and introduced myself. He shook my hand and returned to the conversation he was having. That was it. Michelle scolded me later—this sort of thing is simply not done. If I had waited until she introduced me, she would have reminded him that I was the young producer she had spoken to him about, the potential apprentice, the respectful and thoughtful young man that she wanted him to meet. I never saw Nevison again.
午餐时间，乌苏拉和我走进圣地亚哥温暖的春天空气中。我能听到海鸥在头顶呼唤。我们走到索尔克校区最能看到太平洋的一角，爬上三层楼梯来到了教授的午餐室。我立即认出了克里克，尽管他看起来很虚弱——他已经八十多岁了，正在试探性地敲九十岁的门。乌苏拉带我坐在他右边距他大约四个人的座位上。
At lunchtime, Ursula and I walked out into the warm spring San Diego air. I could hear seagulls calling overhead. We walked to the corner of the Salk campus with the best view of the Pacific, and walked up three flights of stairs to the professors’ lunchroom. I immediately recognized Crick, although he looked quite frail—he was in his late eighties, knocking tentatively on ninety’s door. Ursula showed me to a seat about four people away from him to his right.
午餐时的谈话很不和谐。我听到了一些对话片段，内容涉及一位教授刚刚发现的癌症基因，以及解码鱿鱼视觉系统的遗传学。还有人猜测可以通过药物干预来减缓与阿尔茨海默病相关的记忆丧失。克里克大部分时间都在听，但他偶尔也会说话，声音很轻，我听不见一个字。教授们吃完饭后，餐厅里的人渐渐稀少。
The lunch conversation was a cacophony. I heard snippets of conversations about a cancer gene that one of the professors had just identified, and about decoding the genetics of the visual system in the squid. Someone else was speculating on a pharmaceutical intervention to slow the memory loss associated with Alzheimer’s. Crick mostly listened, but he occasionally spoke, in a voice so soft I couldn’t hear a word. The lunchroom thinned out as the professors finished eating.
吃完甜点后，克里克离我还有四个座位，正在与他左边背对我们的人热情地交谈。我想见见他，谈谈《惊人的假设》，了解他对认知、情感和运动控制之间关系的看法。DNA 结构的共同发现者对音乐可能的遗传基础有何看法？
After dessert, Crick was still four seats away from me, animatedly talking to someone on his left, facing away from us. I wanted to meet him, to talk about The Astonishing Hypothesis, to find out what he thought about the relationship among cognition, emotion, and motor control. And what did the codiscoverer of DNA’s structure have to say about a possible genetic basis for music?
乌苏拉感觉到我的不耐烦，说她会在我们出去的时候把我介绍给弗朗西斯。我很失望，期待着“你好-再见”。乌苏拉抓住我的手肘；她只有四英尺十英寸高，必须伸手才能够到我的肘部。她带我去见克里克，克里克正在和一位同事谈论轻子和介子。她打断了他的话。“弗朗西斯，”她说，“我只是想向你介绍我来自麦吉尔的同事丹·莱维汀，他和我一起研究威廉姆斯和音乐。” 克里克还没来得及说话，乌苏拉拉着我的手肘朝门口走去。克里克的眼睛亮了起来。他在椅子上坐直了身子。“音乐，”他说。他推开了他的轻子同事。“我想找个时间和你谈谈这个问题，”他说。“好吧，”乌苏拉狡猾地说，“我们现在还有时间。”
Ursula, sensing my impatience, said that she’d introduce me to Francis on our way out. I was disappointed, anticipating a “hello-goodbye.” Ursula took me by the elbow; she is only four foot ten and has to reach up to get to my elbow. She brought me over to Crick, who was talking about leptons and muons with a colleague. She interrupted him. “Francis,” she said, “I just wanted to introduce you to my colleague Dan Levitin, from McGill, who works on Williams and music with me.” Before Crick could say a word, Ursula pulled me by the elbow toward the door. Crick’s eyes lit up. He sat up straight in his chair. “Music,” he said. He brushed away his lepton colleague. “I’d like to talk to you about that sometime,” he said. “Well,” Ursula said slyly, “we have some time right now.”
克里克想知道我们是否做过音乐的神经影像学研究；我告诉他我们对音乐和小脑的研究。他对我们的结果以及小脑可能与音乐情感有关的可能性很感兴趣。小脑在帮助表演者和指挥跟踪音乐节奏并保持恒定节奏方面的作用是众所周知的。许多人还认为它与记录听众的音乐时间有关。但情感又在哪里呢？情绪、时间和运动之间的进化联系可能是什么？
Crick wanted to know if we had done any neuroimaging studies of music; I told him about our studies on music and the cerebellum. He was intrigued by our results, and at the possibility that the cerebellum might be involved in musical emotion. The cerebellum’s role in helping performers and conductors keep track of musical time and to maintain a constant tempo was well known. Many also assumed it was involved in keeping track of musical time in listeners. But where did emotion fit in? What might have been the evolutionary connection between emotion, timing, and movement?
首先，情绪的进化基础可能是什么？科学家们甚至无法就什么是情绪达成一致。我们区分情绪（暂时的状态，通常是某些外部事件的结果，无论是当前的、记忆的还是预期的）、情绪（非暂时的、持久的状态，可能有也可能没有外部原因）和特质（表现出某些状态的倾向或倾向，例如“她通常是一个快乐的人”或“他似乎永远不会满意”）。一些科学家使用“情感”一词来指代我们内部状态的效价（积极或消极），并保留“情绪”一词来指代特定的状态。因此，情感只能呈现两个值（如果算作“无情感状态”，则为第三个值），并且在每个值中我们都有一系列情绪：积极情绪包括快乐和饱足感，消极情绪包括恐惧和愤怒。
To begin with, what might be the evolutionary basis for emotions? Scientists can’t even agree about what emotions are. We distinguish between emotions (temporary states that are usually the result of some external event, either present, remembered, or anticipated), moods (notso-temporary, longer-lasting states that may or may not have an external cause), and traits (a proclivity or tendency to display certain states, such as “She is generally a happy person,” or “He never seems satisfied”). Some scientists use the word affect to refer to the valence (positive or negative) of our internal states, and reserve the word emotion to refer to particular states. Affect can thus take on only two values (or a third value if you count “no affective state”) and within each we have a range of emotions: Positive emotions would include happiness and satiety, negative would include fear and anger.
克里克和我讨论了在进化史上，情绪如何与动机密切相关。克里克提醒我，我们古代原始人类祖先的情绪是一种神经化学状态，旨在激励我们采取行动，通常是为了生存。我们看到一头狮子，立刻就会产生恐惧，一种内部状态——一种情绪——当达到特定的神经递质和放电频率时就会产生这种状态。这种我们称之为“恐惧”的状态会促使我们停止正在做的事情，并且不假思索地逃跑。我们吃了一块不好的食物，我们感到厌恶；某些生理反应立即生效，例如皱起鼻子（以避免可能的有毒气味进入）和伸出舌头（以排出有问题的食物）；我们还收缩喉咙以限制进入胃中的食物量。闲逛了几个小时后，我们看到了一处水体，我们很高兴——我们喝了水，饱足感让我们充满了幸福感和满足感，这些情绪让我们记住那个水坑的用途。下次。
Crick and I talked about how in evolutionary history, emotions were closely associated with motivation. Crick reminded me that emotions for our ancient hominid ancestors were a neurochemical state that served to motivate us to act, generally for survival purposes. We see a lion and that instantly generates fear, an internal state—an emotion—that results when a particular cocktail of neurotransmitters and firing rates is achieved. This state that we call “fear” motivates us to stop what we’re doing and—without thinking about it—run. We eat a piece of bad food and we feel the emotion of disgust; immediately certain physiological reflexes kick in, such as a scrunching up of the nose (to avoid letting in a possible toxic odor) and a sticking out of the tongue (to eject the offending food); we also constrict our throat to limit the amount of food that gets into our stomach. We see a body of water after we’ve been wandering for hours, and we’re elated—we drink and the satiety fills us with a sense of well-being and contentment, emotions that cause us to remember where that watering hole is for next time.
并非所有情绪活动都会导致运动，但许多重要的情绪活动都会导致运动，而跑步就是其中最主要的。如果我们以规律的步态跑步，我们就能跑得更快、更有效——我们就不太可能绊倒或失去平衡。小脑的作用在这里很清楚。情绪可能与小脑神经元有关的想法也是有道理的。最关键的生存活动通常涉及逃跑——逃离捕食者或逃跑的猎物——而我们的祖先需要立即快速做出反应，而不是分析情况并研究最佳行动方案。简而言之，我们的祖先被赋予了与运动系统直接相连的情感系统，可以更快地做出反应，从而能够繁衍后代并将这些基因传递给下一代。
Not all emotional activities lead to motor movements, but many of the important ones do, and running is prime among them. We can run faster and far more efficiently if we do so with a regular gait—we’re less likely to stumble or lose our balance. The role of the cerebellum is clear here. And the idea that emotions might be bound up with cerebellar neurons make sense too. The most crucial survival activities often involve running—away from a predator or toward escaping prey—and our ancestors needed to react quickly, instantly, without analyzing the situation and studying the best course of action. In short, those of our ancestors who were endowed with an emotional system that was directly connected to their motor system could react more quickly, and thus live to reproduce and pass on those genes to another generation.
克里克真正感兴趣的并不是行为的进化起源，而是数据。克里克读过施马曼的著作，施马曼试图复兴许多已不受欢迎或被遗忘的旧观念，例如 1934 年的一篇论文表明小脑参与了觉醒、注意力和睡眠的调节。在 20 世纪 70 年代，我们了解到小脑特定区域的损伤可能会导致觉醒的巨大变化。小脑某一部分受损的猴子会感到愤怒——科学家称之为“假愤怒”，因为环境中没有任何东西可以让猴子发怒。引起这种反应。（当然，猴子有充分的理由生气，因为一些外科医生刚刚损伤了它们的部分大脑，但实验表明，它们只有在这些小脑损伤后才会表现出愤怒，而不会在其他部位损伤。） 小脑其他部分的损伤使人平静，并在临床上用于舒缓精神分裂症患者。对小脑中心的细条组织（称为蚓部）进行电刺激可以导致人类产生攻击性，而在不同的区域则可以减少焦虑和抑郁。
What really interested Crick wasn’t evolutionary origins of behavior so much as the data. Crick had read the work of Schmahmann, who was attempting to resurrect many old ideas that had fallen into disfavor or had simply been forgotten, such as a 1934 paper suggesting that the cerebellum was involved in the modulation of arousal, attention, and sleep. During the 1970s, we learned that lesions to particular regions of the cerebellum could cause dramatic changes in arousal. Monkeys with a lesion to one portion of their cerebellum would experience rage—called sham rage by scientists because there was nothing in the environment to cause this reaction. (Of course, the monkeys had every reason to be enraged because some surgeon had just lesioned parts of their brains, but the experiments show that they only exhibit rage after these cerebellar—but not other—lesions.) Lesions to other parts of the cerebellum cause calm and have been used clinically to soothe schizophrenics. Electrical stimulation of a thin strip of tissue at the center of the cerebellum, called the vermis, can lead to aggression in humans, and in a different region to a reduction in anxiety and depression.
克里克的甜点盘还在他面前，他把它推开。他手里捧着一杯冰水。透过他的皮肤，我可以看到他手上的血管。有那么一刻，我以为我真的能看到他的脉搏。他沉默了片刻，凝视着，思考着。房间里现在完全安静了，但透过开着的窗户我们可以听到下面海浪拍打的声音。
Crick’s dessert plate was still in front of him, and he pushed it away. He clutched a glass of ice water in his hands. I could see the veins of his hands through his skin. For a moment I thought I could actually see his pulse. He became quiet for a moment, staring, thinking. The room was completely still now, but through an open window we could hear the crashing of the waves below.
我们讨论了神经生物学家的工作，他们在 20 世纪 70 年代表明，内耳并不像以前认为的那样将所有连接发送到听觉皮层。猫和老鼠的听觉系统众所周知，并且与我们的听觉系统非常相似，在猫和老鼠中，有直接从内耳到小脑的投射（从耳朵进入小脑的连接），协调定向运动动物在太空中受到听觉刺激。小脑中甚至存在位置敏感神经元，这是一种快速将头部或身体定向到来源的有效方法。这些区域反过来将投射发送到额叶区域，我与维诺德·梅农和乌苏拉的研究发现，这些区域在处理语言和音乐方面非常活跃，即下额叶和眶额皮层的区域。这里发生了什么事？为什么耳朵的连接会绕过听觉皮层（听觉的中央接收区域），并将大量纤维发送到小脑（运动控制中心（也许我们正在学习的情感控制中心））？
We discussed the work of neurobiologists who had shown in the 1970s that the inner ear doesn’t send all of its connections to the auditory cortex, as was previously believed. In cats and rats, animals whose auditory systems are well known and bear a marked resemblance to our own, there are projections directly from the inner ear to the cerebellum—connections that come into the cerebellum from the ear—that coordinate the movements involved in orienting the animal to an auditory stimulus in space. There are even location-sensitive neurons in the cerebellum, an efficient way of rapidly orienting the head or body to a source. These areas in turn send projections out to the areas in the frontal lobe that my studies with Vinod Menon and Ursula found to be active in processing both language and music—regions in the inferior frontal and orbitofrontal cortex. What was going on here? Why would the connections from the ear bypass the auditory cortex, the central receiving area for hearing, and send masses of fibers to the cerebellum, a center of motor control (and perhaps, we were learning, of emotion)?
功能的冗余和分布是神经解剖学的重要原则。游戏的名称是有机体必须活得足够长才能通过繁殖传递其基因。生命有危险；有很多机会被重击头部可能会丧失一些大脑功能。脑损伤后要继续发挥功能，就需要对大脑的单个部分进行打击，但不能关闭整个系统。重要的大脑系统进化出了额外的补充通路。
Redundancy and distribution of function are crucial principles of neuroanatomy. The name of the game is that an organism has to live long enough to pass on its genes through reproduction. Life is dangerous; there are a lot of opportunities to get whacked in the head and potentially lose some brain function. To continue to function after a brain injury requires that a blow to a single part of the brain doesn’t shut down the whole system. Important brain systems evolved additional, supplementary pathways.
我们的感知系统经过精心调整，可以检测环境的变化，因为变化可能是危险迫在眉睫的信号。我们在五种意义上都看到了这一点。我们的视觉系统虽然能够看到数百万种颜色，并且能够在光线微弱到百万分之一光子的黑暗中看到东西，但它对突然的变化最为敏感。视觉皮层的整个区域（MT 区）专门负责检测运动；当我们视野中的物体移动时，那里的神经元就会放电。我们都有过这样的经历：一只昆虫落在我们的脖子上，我们本能地拍打它——我们的触摸系统注意到我们皮肤上的压力发生了极其微妙的变化。尽管它现在已成为儿童动画片的主要内容，但气味变化的力量——邻居窗台上冷却的苹果派在空气中飘荡的气味——可以引起我们的警觉和定向反应。但声音通常会引发最大的惊吓反应。突然的噪音会让我们从座位上跳起来、转过头、躲开或捂住耳朵。
Our perceptual system is exquisitely tuned to detect changes in the environment, because change can be a signal that danger is imminent. We see this in each of the five senses. Our visual system, while endowed with a capacity to see millions of colors and to see in the dark when illumination is as dim as one photon in a million, is most sensitive to sudden change. An entire region of the visual cortex, area MT, specializes in detecting motion; neurons there fire when an object in our visual field moves. We’ve all had the experience of an insect landing on our neck and we instinctively slap it—our touch system noticed an extremely subtle change in pressure on our skin. And although it is now a staple of children’s cartoons, the power of a change in smell—the odor wafting through the air from an apple pie cooling on a neighbor’s windowsill—can cause an alerting and orienting reaction in us. But sounds typically trigger the greatest startle reactions. A sudden noise causes us to jump out of our seats, to turn out heads, to duck, or to cover our ears.
听觉惊吓是我们的惊吓反应中最快、也可以说是最重要的。这是有道理的：在我们生活的世界中，周围环绕着大气层，物体（尤其是大物体）的突然运动会引起空气扰动。我们将空气分子的这种运动视为声音。冗余原则规定，我们的神经系统需要能够对声音输入做出反应，即使它部分受损。我们越深入大脑内部，就越能发现我们以前不知道的冗余通路、潜在回路和系统之间的连接。这些辅助系统具有重要的生存功能。科学文献最近刊登了一些关于视觉通路被切断但仍然可以“看见”的人的文章。尽管他们没有自觉地意识到看到了任何东西——事实上他们声称自己是盲人——但他们仍然可以定向物体，并在某些情况下识别它们。
The auditory startle is the fastest and arguably the most important of our startle responses. This makes sense: In the world we live in, surrounded by a blanket of atmosphere, the sudden movement of an object—particularly a large one—causes an air disturbance. This movement of air molecules is perceived by us as sound. The principle of redundancy dictates that our nervous system needs to be able to react to sound input even if it becomes partially damaged. The deeper we look inside the brain, the more we find redundant pathways, latent circuits, and connections among systems that we weren’t aware of before. These secondary systems serve an important survival function. The scientific literature has recently featured articles on people whose visual pathways were cut, but who can still “see.” Although they aren’t consciously aware of seeing anything—in fact they claim to be blind—they can still orient toward objects, and in some cases identify them.
退化的或补充的听觉系统似乎也存在于涉及小脑的地方。这保留了我们对潜在危险声音做出快速反应（情感上和动作）的能力。
A vestigial or supplementary auditory system also appears to be in place involving the cerebellum. This preserves our ability to react quickly—emotionally and with movement—to potentially dangerous sounds.
与惊吓反射以及听觉系统对变化的敏锐敏感性相关的是习惯化回路。如果你的冰箱有嗡嗡声，你已经习惯了，以至于不再注意到它——这就是习惯。一只在地洞里睡觉的老鼠听到上面传来巨大的噪音。这可能是掠食者的脚步声，他应该感到震惊。但也可能是树枝在风中吹动的声音，或多或少有节奏地撞击在他上方的地面上。如果用树枝敲击他的屋顶一两打后，他发现自己没有危险，他应该忽略这些声音，认识到它们不是威胁。如果强度或频率发生变化，则表明环境条件已发生变化，他应该开始注意。也许风势已经增强，其增加的速度会导致树枝刺穿他的啮齿类动物住所。也许风已经停了，他可以安全地出去寻找食物和交配，不用担心被狂风吹走。习惯化是区分威胁性和非威胁性的重要且必要的过程。小脑就像一个计时器，因此当它受损时，它跟踪感官刺激规律的能力就会受到损害，习惯也会消失。
Related to the startle reflex, and to the auditory system’s exquisite sensitivity to change, is the habituation circuit. If your refrigerator has a hum, you get so used to it that you no longer notice it—that is habituation. A rat sleeping in his hole in the ground hears a loud noise above. This could be the footstep of a predator, and he should rightly startle. But it could also be the sound of a branch blowing in the wind, hitting the ground above him more or less rhythmically. If, after one or two dozen taps of the branch against the roof of his house, he finds he is in no danger, he should ignore these sounds, realizing that they are no threat. If the intensity or frequency should change, this indicates that environmental conditions have changed and that he should start to notice. Maybe the wind has picked up and its added velocity will cause the branch to poke through his rodentine residence. Maybe the wind has died down, and it is safe for him to go out and seek food and mates without fear of being blown away by torrential winds. Habituation is an important and necessary process to separate the threatening from the nonthreatening. The cerebellum acts as something of a timekeeper, so when it is damaged, its ability to track the regularity of sensory stimulation is compromised, and habituation goes out the window.
乌苏拉向克里克讲述了阿尔伯特·加拉布尔达在哈佛大学的发现，患有威廉姆斯综合症（WS）的人的小脑形成方式存在缺陷。当一条染色体（7 号染色体）上大约有 20 个基因缺失时，威廉姆斯就会发生。这种情况的发生率为两万分之一，因此其发病率大约是更为人所知的发育障碍唐氏综合症的四分之一。与唐氏综合症一样，威廉姆斯综合症是由胎儿发育早期发生的基因转录错误引起的。我们拥有大约两万五千个基因，其中二十个的丧失是毁灭性的。患有威廉姆斯病的人最终可能会出现严重的智力障碍。他们中很少有人学会数数、计时或阅读。然而，他们或多或少具有完整的语言技能，他们非常有音乐性，而且他们异常外向和令人愉快；如果说有什么不同的话，那就是他们比我们其他人更情绪化，而且他们当然比普通人更友好、更合群。制作音乐和结识新朋友往往是他们最喜欢做的两件事。施马曼发现，小脑损伤会产生类似威廉姆斯的症状，人们突然变得过于外向，对陌生人表现得过于熟悉。
Ursula told Crick of Albert Galaburda’s discovery, at Harvard, that individuals with Williams syndrome (WS) have defects in the way their cerebellums form. Williams occurs when about twenty genes turn up missing on one chromosome (chromosome 7). This happens in one out of twenty thousand births, and so it is about one fourth as common as the better-known developmental disorder Down syndrome. Like Down syndrome, Williams results from a mistake in genetic transcription that occurs early in the stages of fetal development. Out of the twenty-five thousand or so genes that we have, the loss of these twenty is devastating. People with Williams can end up with profound intellectual impairment. Few of them learn to count, tell time, or read. Yet, they have more or less intact language skills, they are very musical, and they are unusually outgoing and pleasant; if anything, they are more emotional than the rest of us, and they are certainly more friendly and gregarious than the average person. Making music and meeting new people tend to be two of their favorite things to do. Schmahmann had found that lesions to the cerebellum can create Williams-like symptoms, with people suddenly becoming too outgoing, and acting overly familiar with strangers.
几年前，我被邀请去看望一位患有 WS 的十几岁男孩。肯尼性格外向、开朗，热爱音乐，但他的智商不到五十，这意味着他十四岁时的心智能力只有七岁孩子。此外，与大多数患有威廉姆斯综合症的人一样，他的眼手协调能力非常差，扣毛衣扣子（他的母亲必须帮助他）、系自己的鞋子（他用尼龙搭扣带而不是鞋带）都有困难。 ，他甚至很难爬楼梯或将食物从盘子里送到嘴里。但他吹单簧管。有几首曲子是他学过的，而且能够用众多复杂的手指动作来演奏。他无法说出音符的名称，也无法告诉我他在乐曲的任何一个点上在做什么——就好像他的手指有自己的想法一样。突然间，眼手协调问题消失了！但当他停止演奏时，他需要有人帮助打开琴盒以将单簧管放回去。
A couple of years ago I was asked to visit a teenage boy with WS. Kenny was outgoing, cheerful, and loved music, but he had an IQ of less than fifty, meaning that at the age of fourteen he had the mental capacity of a seven-year-old. In addition, as with most people struck with Williams syndrome, he had very poor eye-hand coordination, and had difficulty buttoning up his sweater (his mother had to help him), tying his own shoes (he had Velcro straps instead of laces), and he even had difficulty climbing stairs or getting food from his plate to his mouth. But he played the clarinet. There were a few pieces that he had learned, and he was able to execute the numerous and complicated finger movements to play them. He could not name the notes, and couldn’t tell me what he was doing at any one point of the piece—it was as though his fingers had a mind of their own. Suddenly the eye-hand coordination problems were gone! But then as soon as he stopped playing, he needed help opening the case to put the clarinet back.
斯坦福大学医学院的艾伦·赖斯 (Allan Reiss) 发现，WS 患者的新小脑（小脑的最新部分）比正常人要大。WS 患者与音乐结合的运动与其他类型的运动有所不同。了解他们的小脑形态测量与其他人的不同表明，小脑可能是他们拥有“自己的思想”的部分，这可以告诉我们小脑通常如何影响没有 WS 的人的音乐处理。小脑是情绪的核心——惊吓、恐惧、愤怒、平静、合群。它现在与听觉处理有关。
Allan Reiss at Stanford University Medical School has shown that the neocerebellum, the newest part of the cerebellum, is larger than normal in those with WS. Something about movement when it could be entrained to music was different in people with WS than other kinds of movement. Knowing that their cerebellar morphometry was different from others’ suggested that the cerebellum might be the part of them that had a “mind of its own,” and that could tell us something about how the cerebellum normally influences music processing in people without WS. The cerebellum is central to something about emotion—startle, fear, rage, calm, gregariousness. It was now implicated in auditory processing.
在午餐盘被清理完很久之后，克里克仍然坐在我身边，提到了“束缚问题”，这是认知神经科学中最困难的问题之一。大多数对象都有许多不同的由单独的神经子系统处理的特征——就视觉对象而言，这些特征可能是颜色、形状、运动、对比度、大小等等。大脑必须以某种方式将这些不同的、不同的感知成分“结合在一起”，形成一个连贯的整体。我已经描述了认知科学家如何相信感知是一个建设性的过程，但是神经元实际上在做什么来将所有这些结合在一起呢？我们从对患有病变或特定神经性疾病（例如巴林特综合征）的患者的研究中知道这是一个问题，在这种疾病中，人们只能识别物体的一两个特征，但无法将它们组合在一起。有些患者可以告诉您物体在他们视野中的位置，但不能告诉您其颜色，反之亦然。其他患者可以听到音色和节奏，但听不到旋律，反之亦然。伊莎贝尔·佩雷茨 (Isabelle Peretz) 发现了一位拥有绝对音高但五音不全的患者！他可以完美地说出音符，但他无法通过唱歌来拯救自己的生命。
Still sitting with me, long after the lunch plates were cleared, Crick mentioned “the binding problem,” one of the most difficult problems in cognitive neuroscience. Most objects have a number of different features that are processed by separate neural subsystems—in the case of visual objects, these might be color, shape, motion, contrast, size, and so on. Somehow the brain has to “bind together” these different, distinct components of perception into a coherent whole. I have described how cognitive scientists believe that perception is a constructive process, but what are the neurons actually doing to bring it all together? We know this is a problem from the study of patients with lesions or particular neuropathic diseases such as Balint’s syndrome, in which people can recognize only one or two features of an object but cannot hold them together. Some patients can tell you where an object is in their visual field but not its color, or vice versa. Other patients can hear timbre and rhythm but not melody or vice versa. Isabelle Peretz discovered a patient who has absolute pitch but is tone deaf! He can name notes perfectly, but he cannot sing to save his life.
克里克提出，解决绑定问题的一种方法是整个皮层神经元的同步放电。克里克书中“令人惊讶的假设”的一部分是，意识是通过大脑中神经元以 40 赫兹的频率同步放电而产生的。神经科学家普遍认为小脑的运作发生在“前意识”水平，因为它协调跑步、行走、抓握和伸手等通常不受意识控制的事情。他说，小脑神经元没有理由不能以 40 Hz 的频率放电来促进意识，尽管我们通常不会将类人意识归因于那些只有小脑的生物体，例如爬行动物。“看看其中的联系，”克里克说。克里克在索尔克期间自学了神经解剖学，他注意到许多认知神经科学研究人员并没有遵守他们自己的基本原则，即使用大脑作为假设的约束；克里克对这些人没有耐心，他相信只有人们严格研究大脑结构和功能的细节才能取得真正的进步。
One solution to the binding problem, Crick proposed, was the synchronous firing of neurons throughout the cortex. Part of the “astonishing hypothesis” of Crick’s book was that consciousness emerges from the synchronous firing, at 40 Hz, of neurons in the brain. Neuroscientists had generally considered that the operations of the cerebellum occurred at a “preconscious” level because it coordinates things like running, walking, grasping, and reaching that are normally not under conscious control. There’s no reason that the cerebellar neurons can’t fire at 40 Hz to contribute to consciousness, he said, although we don’t normally attribute humanlike consciousness to those organisms that have only a cerebellum, such as the reptiles. “Look at the connections,” Crick said. Crick had taught himself neuroanatomy during his time at Salk, and he had noticed that many researchers in cognitive neuroscience were not adhering to their own founding principles, to use the brain as a constraint for hypotheses; Crick had little patience for such people, and believed that true progress would only be made by people rigorously studying details about brain structure and function.
轻子同事现在回来了，提醒克里克即将到来的约会。我们都起身离开，克里克最后转向我时间并重复道：“看看其中的联系……” 我再也没见过他。几个月后他去世了。
The lepton colleague was now back, reminding Crick of an impending appointment. We all stood up to leave, and Crick turned to me one last time and repeated, “Look at the connections ….” I never saw him again. He died a few months later.
小脑和音乐之间的联系并不难看出。冷泉港的参与者正在讨论额叶（人类最先进认知的中心）如何与小脑（人类大脑最原始的部分）直接相连。连接是双向的，每个结构都会影响另一个结构。保拉·塔拉尔正在研究的额叶皮层区域——那些帮助我们区分语音的精确差异的区域——也与小脑有关。艾夫里在运动控制方面的研究表明了额叶、枕叶皮层（和运动带）和小脑之间的联系。但在这首神经交响曲中还有另一个演奏者，即大脑皮层深处的一个结构。
The connection between the cerebellum and music wasn’t that hard to see. The Cold Spring Harbor participants were talking about how the frontal lobe—the center of the most advanced cognitions in humans—is connected directly to the cerebellum, the most primitive part of the human brain. The connections run in both directions, with each structure influencing the other. Regions in the frontal cortex that Paula Tallal was studying—those that help us to distinguish precise differences in speech sounds—were also connected to the cerebellum. Ivry’s work on motor control showed connections between the frontal lobes, occipital cortex (and the motor strip), and the cerebellum. But there was another player in this neural symphony, a structure deep inside the cortex.
在 1999 年的一项具有里程碑意义的研究中，蒙特利尔神经学研究所的博士后安妮·布拉德 (Anne Blood) 与罗伯特·扎托雷 (Robert Zatorre) 合作，表明强烈的音乐情感（她的受试者将其描述为“颤抖和寒意”）与被认为参与其中的大脑区域有关。奖励、动机和唤醒：腹侧纹状体、杏仁核、中脑和额叶皮层区域。我对腹侧纹状体（一种包含伏隔核的结构）特别感兴趣，因为伏隔核 (NAc) 是大脑奖励系统的中心，在快乐和成瘾方面发挥着重要作用。当赌徒赢得赌注或吸毒者服用他们最喜欢的药物时，NAc 就会活跃。它还通过释放神经递质多巴胺的能力与阿片类药物在大脑中的传输密切相关。阿夫拉姆·戈尔茨坦 (Avram Goldstein) 在 1980 年证明，服用纳络酮药物可以阻止听音乐的乐趣，纳络酮被认为会干扰伏隔核中的多巴胺。但布拉德和扎托雷使用的特殊类型的脑部扫描——正电子发射断层扫描——没有足够高的空间分辨率来检测小伏核是否参与其中。维诺德·梅农 (Vinod Menon) 和我从高分辨率功能磁共振成像 (fMRI) 中收集了大量数据，如果参与了音乐聆听。但为了真正弄清楚大脑如何对音乐做出反应而产生快乐的故事，我们必须证明伏隔核在正确的时间参与了在听音乐期间招募的一系列神经结构。额叶处理音乐结构和意义的结构激活后，伏隔核必须参与其中。为了了解伏隔核作为多巴胺调节剂的作用，我们必须找到一种方法来证明它的激活与参与多巴胺产生和传输的其他大脑结构的激活同时发生多巴胺——否则，我们就不能说伏隔核的参与只是巧合。最后，因为如此多的证据似乎都指向小脑，我们知道小脑也有多巴胺受体，所以它也必须出现在这个分析中。
In a landmark study in 1999, Anne Blood, a postdoctoral fellow working with Robert Zatorre at the Montreal Neurological Institute, had shown that intense musical emotion—what her subjects described as “thrills and chills”—was associated with brain regions thought to be involved in reward, motivation, and arousal: the ventral striatum, the amygdala, the midbrain, and regions of the frontal cortex. I was particularly interested in the ventral striatum—a structure that includes the nucleus accumbens—because the nucleus accumbens (NAc) is the center of the brain’s reward system, playing an important role in pleasure and addiction. The NAc is active when gamblers win a bet, or drug users take their favorite drug. It is also closely involved with the transmission of opioids in the brain, through its ability to release the neurotransmitter dopamine. Avram Goldstein had shown in 1980 that the pleasure of music listening could be blocked by administering the drug nalaxone, believed to interfere with dopamine in the nucleus accumbens. But the particular type of brain scan that Blood and Zatorre had used, positron emission tomography, doesn’t have a high enough spatial resolution to detect whether the small nucleus accumbens was involved. Vinod Menon and I had lots of data collected from the higher-resolution fMRI, and we had the resolving power to pinpoint the nucleus accumbens if it was involved in music listening. But to really nail down the story about how pleasure in the brain occurs in response to music, we’d have to show that the nucleus accumbens was involved at just the right time in a sequence of neural structures that are recruited during music listening. The nucleus accumbens would have to be involved following activation of structures in the frontal lobe that process musical structure and meaning. And in order to know that it was the nucleus accumbens’s role as a modulator of dopamine, we would have to figure out a way to show that its activation occurred at the same time as activation of other brain structures that were involved in the production and transmission of dopamine—otherwise, we couldn’t argue that the nucleus accumbens involvement was anything more than coincidence. Finally, because so much evidence seemed to point to the cerebellum, which we know to also have dopamine receptors, it would have to show up in this analysis as well.
梅农刚刚阅读了卡尔·弗里斯顿（Karl Friston）和他的同事关于一种新的数学技术的论文，称为功能和有效连接分析，该技术可以通过揭示不同大脑区域在认知操作过程中相互作用的方式来解决这些问题。这些新的连接分析将使我们能够检测传统技术无法解决的音乐处理中神经区域之间的关联。通过测量一个大脑区域与另一个大脑区域的相互作用（受到我们对它们之间解剖学联系的了解的限制），该技术将使我们能够对音乐诱导的神经网络进行即时检查。这肯定是克里克希望看到的。这项任务并不容易。脑部扫描实验产生数以百万计的数据点；单个会话可以占用普通计算机上的整个硬盘驱动器。以标准方式分析数据（只是为了查看哪些区域被激活，而不是我们提议的新型分析）可能需要几个月的时间。而且没有“现成的”统计程序可以为我们进行这些新的分析。梅农花了两个月的时间研究进行这些分析所需的方程式，当他完成后，我们重新分析了我们收集的聆听古典音乐的人的数据。
Menon had just read some papers by Karl Friston and his colleagues about a new mathematical technique, called functional and effective connectivity analysis, that would allow us to address these questions, by revealing the way that different brain regions interact during cognitive operations. These new connectivity analyses would allow us to detect associations between neural regions in music processing that conventional techniques cannot address. By measuring the interaction of one brain region with another—constrained by our knowledge of the anatomical connections between them—the technique would permit us to make a moment-by-moment examination of the neural networks induced by music. This is surely what Crick would have wanted to see. The task was not easy; brain scan experiments produce millions and millions of data points; a single session can take up the entire hard drive on an ordinary computer. Analyzing the data in the standard way—just to see which areas are activated, not the new type of analyses we were proposing—can take months. And there was no “off the shelf” statistical program that would do these new analyses for us. Menon spent two months working through the equations necessary to do these analyses, and when he was done, we reanalyzed the data of people listening to classical music we had collected.
我们发现的正是我们所希望的。听音乐会导致一系列大脑区域按特定顺序被激活：首先是听觉皮层，用于对声音成分进行初步处理。然后是额叶区域，例如 BA44 和 BA47，我们之前已确定它们参与处理音乐结构和期望。最后，一个区域网络——中边缘系统——参与兴奋、愉悦、阿片类药物的传输和多巴胺的产生，最终激活伏隔核。小脑和基底神经节自始至终都很活跃，可能支持节奏和韵律的处理。那么，听音乐的奖励和强化方面似乎是通过增加伏隔核中的多巴胺水平以及小脑通过其与额叶和边缘系统的连接来调节情绪的贡献来介导的。当前的神经心理学理论将积极情绪和影响与多巴胺水平升高联系起来，这是许多新型抗抑郁药作用于多巴胺能系统的原因之一。音乐显然是改善人们情绪的一种手段。现在我们认为我们知道原因了。
We found exactly what we had hoped. Listening to music caused a cascade of brain regions to become activated in a particular order: first, auditory cortex for initial processing of the components of the sound. Then the frontal regions, such as BA44 and BA47, that we had previously identified as being involved in processing musical structure and expectations. Finally, a network of regions—the mesolimbic system—involved in arousal, pleasure, and the transmission of opioids and the production of dopamine, culminating in activation in the nucleus accumbens. And the cerebellum and basal ganglia were active throughout, presumably supporting the processing of rhythm and meter. The rewarding and reinforcing aspects of listening to music seem, then, to be mediated by increasing dopamine levels in the nucleus accumbens, and by the cerebellum’s contribution to regulating emotion through its connections to the frontal lobe and the limbic system. Current neuropsychological theories associate positive mood and affect with increased dopamine levels, one of the reasons that many of the newer antidepressants act on the dopaminergic system. Music is clearly a means for improving people’s moods. Now we think we know why.
音乐似乎模仿了语言的一些特征，并传达了一些与声音交流相同的情感，但以一种非指涉、非特定的方式。它还会调用一些与语言相同的神经区域，但音乐远不止于语言，它还利用了与动机、奖励和情感有关的原始大脑结构。无论是“Honky Tonk Women”中牛铃的前几声敲击，还是“Sheherazade”的前几个音符，大脑中的计算系统都会使神经振荡器与音乐的脉搏同步，并开始预测下一个强音何时出现。将会发生跳动。随着音乐的展开，大脑不断更新对新节拍何时出现的估计，并因将心理节拍与现实世界中的节拍相匹配而感到满足，并且当熟练的音乐家以有趣的方式违反这种期望时感到高兴方式——一种我们都参与的音乐笑话。音乐就像现实世界一样呼吸、加速和减慢，我们的小脑在自我调整以保持同步中找到乐趣。
Music appears to mimic some of the features of language and to convey some of the same emotions that vocal communication does, but in a nonreferential, and nonspecific way. It also invokes some of the same neural regions that language does, but far more than language, music taps into primitive brain structures involved with motivation, reward, and emotion. Whether it is the first few hits of the cowbell on “Honky Tonk Women,” or the first few notes of “Sheherazade,” computational systems in the brain synchronize neural oscillators with the pulse of the music, and begin to predict when the next strong beat will occur. As the music unfolds, the brain constantly updates its estimates of when new beats will occur, and takes satisfaction in matching a mental beat with a real-in-the-world one, and takes delight when a skillful musician violates that expectation in an interesting way—a sort of musical joke that we’re all in on. Music breathes, speeds up, and slows down just as the real world does, and our cerebellum finds pleasure in adjusting itself to stay synchronized.
有效的音乐——律动——涉及到对时间的微妙违反。正如老鼠会对违反树枝敲击他的房子的节奏产生情感反应一样，我们也会对违反节奏音乐的节奏产生情感反应。老鼠在没有了解时间违规的情况下，将其体验为恐惧。我们通过文化和经验知道音乐并不具有威胁性，我们的认知系统将这些违规行为解释为快乐和娱乐的源泉。这种对凹槽的情绪反应是通过耳朵-小脑-伏核-边缘环路而不是通过耳朵-听觉皮层环路发生的。我们对凹槽的反应很大程度上是预先或无意识的，因为它穿过小脑而不是额叶。值得注意的是，所有这些不同的途径都融入到我们对一首歌的体验中。
Effective music—groove—involves subtle violations of timing. Just as the rat has an emotional response to a violation of the rhythm of the branch hitting his house, we have an emotional response to the violation of timing in music that is groove. The rat, with no context for the timing violation, experiences it as fear. We know through culture and experience that music is not threatening, and our cognitive system interprets these violations as a source of pleasure and amusement. This emotional response to groove occurs via the ear–cerebellum–nucleus accumbens–limbic circuit rather than via the ear–auditory cortex circuit. Our response to groove is largely pre- or unconscious because it goes through the cerebellum rather than the frontal lobes. What is remarkable is that all these different pathways integrate into our experience of a single song.
你的大脑与音乐的故事是大脑区域精心编排的故事，涉及人类大脑最古老和最新的部分，以及远至后脑勺小脑和紧随其后的额叶的区域你的眼睛。它涉及逻辑预测系统和情感奖励系统之间神经化学物质释放和吸收的精确编排。当我们喜欢一首音乐时，它会让我们想起我们听过的其他音乐，并激活我们生活中情感时刻的记忆痕迹。正如弗朗西斯·克里克（Francis Crick）在我们离开餐厅时重复的那样，你对音乐的思考就是建立联系。
The story of your brain on music is the story of an exquisite orchestration of brain regions, involving both the oldest and newest parts of the human brain, and regions as far apart as the cerebellum in the back of the head and the frontal lobes just behind your eyes. It involves a precision choreography of neurochemical release and uptake between logical prediction systems and emotional reward systems. When we love a piece of music, it reminds us of other music we have heard, and it activates memory traces of emotional times in our lives. Your brain on music is all about, as Francis Crick repeated as we left the lunchroom, connections.
7. 是什么造就了音乐家？
7. What Makes a Musician?
专业知识剖析
Expertise Dissected
在他的专辑《Songs for Swinging Lovers》中，弗兰克·辛纳屈（Frank Sinatra）出色地控制了自己的情感表达、节奏和音调。现在，我不再是西纳特拉的狂热分子。他发行的两百多张专辑中我只有六张左右，而且我不喜欢他的电影。坦率地说，我发现他的大部分曲目都非常多愁善感。1980年后的一切，他听起来都太自大了。几年前，公告牌聘请我评论他制作的最后一张专辑，与波诺和格洛丽亚·埃斯特凡等流行歌手的二重唱。我对它进行了批评，写道弗兰克“唱歌时充满了一个刚刚杀了人的人的满足感”。
On his album Songs for Swinging Lovers, Frank Sinatra is awesomely in control of his emotional expression, rhythm, and pitch. Now, I am not a Sinatra fanatic. I only have a half dozen or so of the more than two hundred albums he’s released, and I don’t like his movies. Frankly, I find most of his repertoire to be just plain sappy; in everything post-1980, he sounds too cocky. Years ago Billboard hired me to review the last album he made, duets with popular singers such as Bono and Gloria Estefan. I panned it, writing that Frank “sings with all the satisfaction of a man who just had somebody killed.”
但在《摇摆恋人》中，他唱的每一个音符都在时间和音高上完美地定位。我所说的“完美”并不是严格意义上的“完美”。他的节奏和节奏与音乐在纸上的书写方式完全错误，但它们非常适合表达无法描述的情感。他的措辞包含着难以置信的细节和微妙的细微差别——能够关注那么多细节，能够控制它，是我无法想象的。试着跟着《Swinging Lovers》中的任何歌曲一起唱。我从来没有找到任何人可以精确地匹配他的措辞——它太细致、太古怪、太独特。
But on Swinging Lovers, every note he sings is perfectly placed in time and pitch. I don’t mean “perfectly” in the strict, as-notated sense; his rhythms and timing are completely wrong in terms of how the music is written on paper, but they are perfect for expressing emotions that go beyond description. His phrasing contains impossibly detailed and subtle nuances—to be able to pay attention to that much detail, to be able to control it, is something I can’t imagine. Try to sing along with any song on Swinging Lovers. I’ve never found anyone who could match his phrasing precisely—it is too nuanced, too quirky, too idiosyncratic.
人们如何成为专业音乐家？为什么在儿时上音乐课的数以百万计的人中，相对较少成年后继续玩音乐吗？当他们发现我的职业时，很多人告诉我他们喜欢听音乐，但他们的音乐课“没有上”。我认为他们对自己太苛刻了。在我们的文化中，音乐专家和普通音乐家之间的鸿沟越来越大，这让人们感到沮丧，出于某种原因，音乐尤其如此。尽管我们大多数人不能像沙奎尔·奥尼尔那样打篮球，也不能像朱莉娅·柴尔德那样做饭，但我们仍然可以享受在后院打一场友好的篮球比赛，或者为我们的朋友和家人做饭的节日大餐。这种表现差距似乎确实是文化上的，是当代西方社会所特有的。尽管许多人说音乐课不受欢迎，但认知神经科学家在他们的实验室中却发现了相反的情况。即使在孩童时期接触过少量的音乐课程，也会产生比那些缺乏训练的人更增强、更高效的音乐处理神经回路。音乐课教会我们更好地聆听，并提高我们辨别音乐结构和形式的能力，使我们更容易分辨出我们喜欢什么音乐和不喜欢什么音乐。
How do people become expert musicians? And why is that of the millions of people who take music lessons as children, relatively few continue to play music as adults? When they find out what I do for a living, many people tell me that they love music listening, but their music lessons “didn’t take.” I think they’re being too hard on themselves. The chasm between musical experts and everyday musicians that has grown so wide in our culture makes people feel discouraged, and for some reason this is uniquely so with music. Even though most of us can’t play basketball like Shaquille O’Neal, or cook like Julia Child, we can still enjoy playing a friendly backyard game of hoops, or cooking a holiday meal for our friends and family. This performance chasm does seem to be cultural, specific to contemporary Western society. And although many people say that music lessons didn’t take, cognitive neuroscientists have found otherwise in their laboratories. Even just a small exposure to music lessons as a child creates neural circuits for music processing that are enhanced and more efficient than for those who lack training. Music lessons teach us to listen better, and they accelerate our ability to discern structure and form in music, making it easier for us to tell what music we like and what we don’t like.
但是我们都承认真正的音乐专家这一类人——阿尔弗雷德·布伦德尔（Alfred Brendels）、莎拉·张斯（Sarah Changs）、温顿·马萨利斯（Wynton Marsalises）和托里·阿莫塞斯（Tori Amoses）——又如何呢？他们是如何获得我们大多数人所没有的、非凡的演奏和表演设施的呢？他们是否拥有一套与我们其他人完全不同的能力（或神经结构）（类型差异），或者他们只是拥有更多与我们所有人都被赋予的相同的基本东西（程度差异）？作曲家和词曲作者是否拥有与演奏家根本不同的技能？
But what about that class of people that we all acknowledge are true musical experts—the Alfred Brendels, Sarah Changs, Wynton Marsalises, and Tori Amoses? How did they get what most of us don’t have, an extraordinary facility to play and perform? Do they have a set of abilities—or neural structures—that are of a totally different sort than the rest of us have (a difference of kind) or do they just have more of the same basic stuff all of us are endowed with (a difference of degree)? And do composers and songwriters have a fundamentally different set of skills than players?
过去三十年来，对专业知识的科学研究一直是认知科学的一个主要课题，而音乐专业知识往往是在一般专业知识的背景下进行研究。在几乎所有情况下，音乐专业知识都被定义为技术成就——对乐器或作曲技巧的掌握。已故的迈克尔·豪 (Michael Howe) 和他的合作者简·戴维森 (Jane Davidson) 和约翰·斯洛博达 (John Sloboda) 在询问“人才”的世俗概念是否是“人才”时，引发了一场国际辩论。科学上是站得住脚的。他们假设了以下二分法：高水平的音乐成就要么基于先天的大脑结构（我们称之为天赋），要么只是训练和练习的结果。他们将天赋定义为：(1) 源于遗传结构；(2) 受过训练的人员可以在早期阶段识别出来，甚至在获得卓越绩效之前就可以识别出来；(3) 可用于预测谁可能表现出色；（4）只有少数人可以被认定为有才华，因为如果每个人都“有才华”，这个概念就会失去意义。强调早期识别需要我们研究儿童技能的发展。他们补充说，在音乐等领域，“天赋”在不同的孩子身上可能会有不同的表现。
The scientific study of expertise has been a major topic within cognitive science for the past thirty years, and musical expertise has tended to be studied within the context of general expertise. In almost all cases, musical expertise has been defined as technical achievement—mastery of an instrument or of compositional skills. The late Michael Howe, and his collaborators Jane Davidson and John Sloboda, launched an international debate when they asked whether the lay notion of “talent” is scientifically defensible. They assumed the following dichotomy: Either high levels of musical achievement are based on innate brain structures (what we refer to as talent) or they are simply the result of training and practice. They define talent as something (1) that originates in genetic structures; (2) that is identifiable at an early stage by trained people who can recognize it even before exceptional levels of performance have been acquired; (3) that can be used to predict who is likely to excel; and (4) that only a minority can be identified as having because if everyone were “talented,” the concept would lose meaning. The emphasis on early identification entails that we study the development of skills in children. They add that in a domain such as music, “talent” might be manifested differently in different children.
显然，有些孩子比其他孩子更快地掌握技能：即使在同一家庭中，不同孩子开始进行行走、说话和如厕训练的年龄差异很大。可能有遗传因素在起作用，但很难分离出辅助因素（可能还有环境因素），例如动机、个性和家庭动态。类似的因素会影响音乐发展，并可能掩盖遗传对音乐能力的贡献。到目前为止，大脑研究在解决问题方面还没有多大用处，因为很难区分原因和结果。哈佛大学的戈特弗里德·施劳格 (Gottfried Schlaug) 收集了绝对音高 (AP) 患者的脑部扫描结果，结果显示，AP 人群的听觉皮层区域（颞平面）比非 AP 人群更大。这表明平面与 AP 相关，但尚不清楚最终获得 AP 的人的平面是否开始变大，或者更确切地说，是否获得 AP 导致平面尺寸增加。在涉及熟练运动的大脑区域中，这个故事更加清晰。托马斯·埃尔伯特（Thomas Elbert）对小提琴演奏者的研究表明，负责移动左手（小提琴演奏中需要最精确的手）的大脑区域会因练习而增大。我们尚不知道这种增加的倾向是否先存在于某些人身上，而另一些人则不存在。
It is evident that some children acquire skills more rapidly than others: The age of onset for walking, talking, and toilet training vary widely from one child to another, even within the same household. There may be genetic factors at work, but it is difficult to separate out ancillary factors—with a presumably environmental component—such as motivation, personality, and family dynamics. Similar factors can influence musical development and can mask the contributions of genetics to musical ability. Brain studies, so far, haven’t been of much use in sorting out the issues because it has been difficult to separate cause from effect. Gottfried Schlaug at Harvard collected brain scans of individuals with absolute pitch (AP) and showed that a region in the auditory cortex—the planum temporale—is larger in the AP people than the non-AP people. This suggests that the planum is involved in AP, but it’s not clear if it starts out larger in people who eventually acquire AP, or rather, if the acquisition of AP causes the planum to increase in size. The story is clearer in the areas of the brain that are involved in skilled motor movements. Studies of violin players by Thomas Elbert have shown that the region of the brain responsible for moving the left hand—the hand that requires the most precision in violin playing—increases in size as a result of practice. We do not know yet if the propensity for increase preexists in some people and not others.
人才地位最有力的证据是，有些人获得音乐技能的速度比其他人更快。反对人才账户的证据——或者更确切地说，支持“熟能生巧”这一观点的证据来自对专家或高成就人士实际上接受了多少培训的研究。与数学、国际象棋或体育专家一样，音乐专家也需要长时间的指导和练习才能获得真正出色所需的技能。多项研究发现，最优秀的音乐学院学生练习的次数最多，有时是那些成绩不佳的学生的两倍。
The strongest evidence for the talent position is that some people simply acquire musical skills more rapidly than others. The evidence against the talent account—or rather, in favor of the view that practice makes perfect—comes from research on how much training the experts or high achievement people actually do. Like experts in mathematics, chess, or sports, experts in music require lengthy periods of instruction and practice in order to acquire the skills necessary to truly excel. In several studies, the very best conservatory students were found to have practiced the most, sometimes twice as much as those who weren’t judged as good.
在另一项研究中，根据教师对学生能力的评估或对才能的看法，学生被秘密分成两组（不向学生透露，以免造成偏见）。几年后，获得最高成绩的学生都是那些练习最多的学生，无论他们之前被分配到哪个“人才”组。这表明实践是成就的原因，而不仅仅是与之相关的东西。它进一步表明，人才是一个我们以循环方式使用的标签：当我们说某人有才华时，我们认为我们的意思是他们有某种与生俱来的优秀倾向，但最终，我们只是回顾性地应用这个术语，在他们取得重大成就之后。
In another study, students were secretly divided into two groups (not revealed to the students so as not to bias them) based on teachers’ evaluations of their ability, or the perception of talent. Several years later, the students who achieved the highest performance ratings were those who had practiced the most, irrespective of which “talent” group they had been assigned to previously. This suggests that practice is the cause of achievement, not merely something correlated with it. It further suggests that talent is a label that we’re using in a circular fashion: When we say that someone is talented, we think we mean that they have some innate predisposition to excel, but in the end, we only apply the term retrospectively, after they have made significant achievements.
佛罗里达州立大学的安德斯·埃里克森（Anders Ericsson）和他的同事将音乐专业知识这个话题视为认知心理学中的一个普遍问题，涉及人类如何成为一般专家。换句话说，他首先假设成为任何事情的专家都会涉及到某些问题；除了音乐家之外，我们还可以通过研究专家作家、国际象棋棋手、运动员、艺术家、数学家来了解音乐专业知识。
Anders Ericsson, at Florida State University, and his colleagues approach the topic of musical expertise as a general problem in cognitive psychology involving how humans become experts in general. In other words, he takes as a starting assumption that there are certain issues involved in becoming an expert at anything; that we can learn about musical expertise by studying expert writers, chess players, athletes, artists, mathematicians, in addition to musicians.
首先，什么是“专家”？一般来说，我们指的是相对于其他人来说取得了很高成就的人。因此，专业知识是一种社会判断；我们正在针对一个社会中的少数成员相对于更多人口发表的声明。此外，该成就通常被认为属于我们关心的领域。正如斯洛博达指出的那样，我可能会成为以下方面的专家：交叉双臂或念出自己的名字，但这通常并不等同于成为国际象棋专家、保时捷修理专家，或者能够偷走英国皇冠上的宝石而不被抓到。
First, what do we mean by “expert”? Generally we mean that it is someone who has reached a high degree of accomplishment relative to other people. As such, expertise is a social judgment; we are making a statement about a few members of a society relative to a larger population. Also, the accomplishment is normally considered to be in a field that we care about. As Sloboda points out, I may become an expert at folding my arms or pronouncing my own name, but this isn’t generally considered the same as becoming, say, an expert at chess, at repairing Porsches, or being able to steal the British crown jewels without being caught.
这些研究得出的结论是，需要一万个小时的练习才能达到成为世界级专家（在任何事情上）的精通水平。在对作曲家、篮球运动员、小说作家、滑冰运动员、音乐会钢琴家、国际象棋运动员、犯罪高手以及其他人的研究中，这个数字一次又一次地出现。一万个小时相当于每天大约三个小时，或者每周二十个小时，十年的练习时间。当然，这并不能解决为什么有些人在练习时似乎没有取得任何进展，以及为什么有些人从练习中比其他人获得更多的结果。但还没有人发现一个案例可以在更短的时间内完成真正的世界级专业知识。大脑似乎需要这么长时间才能吸收它需要知道的所有知识以实现真正的掌握。
The emerging picture from such studies is that ten thousand hours of practice is required to achieve the level of mastery associated with being a world-class expert—in anything. In study after study, of composers, basketball players, fiction writers, ice skaters, concert pianists, chess players, master criminals, and what have you, this number comes up again and again. Ten thousand hours is equivalent to roughly three hours a day, or twenty hours a week, of practice over ten years. Of course, this doesn’t address why some people don’t seem to get anywhere when they practice, and why some people get more out of their practice sessions than others. But no one has yet found a case in which true world-class expertise was accomplished in less time. It seems that it takes the brain this long to assimilate all that it needs to know to achieve true mastery.
一万小时理论与我们对大脑学习方式的了解是一致的。学习需要神经组织中信息的同化和巩固。我们对某件事的经历越多，对该经历的记忆/学习痕迹就越强烈。尽管人们在神经上巩固信息所需的时间存在差异，但事实是，增加练习会产生更多数量的神经痕迹，这些痕迹可以结合起来创建更强大的记忆表征。无论您赞成多轨迹理论还是记忆神经解剖学中的任何数量的理论变体，这都是事实：记忆的强度与原始刺激经历的次数有关。
The ten-thousand-hours theory is consistent with what we know about how the brain learns. Learning requires the assimilation and consolidation of information in neural tissue. The more experiences we have with something, the stronger the memory/learning trace for that experience becomes. Although people differ in how long it takes them to consolidate information neurally, it remains true that increased practice leads to a greater number of neural traces, which can combine to create a stronger memory representation. This is true whether you subscribe to multiple-trace theory or any number of variants of theories in the neuroanatomy of memory: The strength of a memory is related to how many times the original stimulus has been experienced.
记忆强度也与我们对体验的关心程度有关。与记忆相关的神经化学标签标记了它们的重要性，我们倾向于将其编码为带有大量情感的重要事物，无论是积极的还是消极的。我告诉我的学生，如果他们想在考试中取得好成绩，他们在学习时必须真正关心材料。关怀可能在一定程度上解释了早期的一些情况我们在人们获得新技能的速度上看到了差异。如果我真的喜欢一首特定的音乐，我会想要更多地练习它，并且因为我关心它，我会将神经化学标签附加到记忆的每个方面，将其标记为重要的：声音作品的风格、移动手指的方式、演奏管乐器时呼吸的方式——所有这些都成为我编码为重要的记忆痕迹的一部分。
Memory strength is also a function of how much we care about the experience. Neurochemical tags associated with memories mark them for importance, and we tend to code as important things that carry with them a lot of emotion, either positive or negative. I tell my students if they want to do well on a test, they have to really care about the material as they study it. Caring may, in part, account for some of the early differences we see in how quickly people acquire new skills. If I really like a particular piece of music, I’m going to want to practice it more, and because I care about it, I’m going to attach neurochemical tags to each aspect of the memory that label it as important: The sounds of the piece, the way I move my fingers, if I’m playing a wind instrument the way that I breathe—all these become part of a memory trace that I’ve encoded as important.
同样，如果我正在演奏我喜欢的乐器，并且其声音本身就令我满意，我更有可能关注音调的细微差异，以及我可以调节和影响音调输出的方式。我的乐器。这些因素的重要性怎么估计都不为过；关心会导致注意力，它们共同导致可测量的神经化学变化。多巴胺（与情绪调节、警觉性和情绪相关的神经递质）被释放，多巴胺能系统有助于记忆痕迹的编码。
Similarly, if I’m playing an instrument I like, and whose sound pleases me in and of itself, I’m more likely to pay attention to subtle differences in tone, and the ways in which I can moderate and affect the tonal output of my instrument. It is impossible to overestimate the importance of these factors; caring leads to attention, and together they lead to measurable neurochemical changes. Dopamine, the neurotransmitter associated with emotional regulation, alertness, and mood, is released, and the dopaminergic system aids in the encoding of the memory trace.
由于各种因素的影响，一些上音乐课的人练习积极性较低；由于动机和注意力因素，他们的做法效果较差。一万小时的论点很有说服力，因为它出现在许多领域的一项又一项研究中。科学家喜欢秩序和简单性，所以如果我们看到一个数字或一个公式在不同的背景下出现，我们倾向于支持它作为解释。但和许多科学理论一样，一万小时理论也有漏洞，需要考虑反驳和反驳。
Owing to various factors, some people who take music lessons are less motivated to practice; their practice is less effective because of motivational and attentional factors. The ten-thousand-hours argument is convincing because it shows up in study after study across many domains. Scientists like order and simplicity, so if we see a number or a formula that pops up in different contexts, we tend to favor it as an explanation. But like many scientific theories, the ten-thousand-hours theory has holes in it, and it needs to account for counterarguments and rebuttals.
对一万小时论点的经典反驳是这样的：“那么，莫扎特呢？我听说他四岁时就开始创作交响乐了！即使他从出生那天起每周练习四十个小时，也不够一万个小时。” 首先，这种说法存在事实错误：莫扎特直到六岁才开始作曲，直到八岁才写出第一部交响曲。尽管如此，至少可以说，在八岁时写一部交响曲是不寻常的。莫扎特早年就表现出早熟。但这与成为专家不同。许多孩子写音乐，有些孩子甚至八岁就写出大型作品。莫扎特从他的父亲那里接受了广泛的训练，他被广泛认为是当时全欧洲最伟大的在世音乐老师。我们不知道莫扎特练习了多少，但如果他从两岁开始练习，每周练习三十二个小时（考虑到他父亲作为严格工头的名声，这很有可能），他的练习时间就已经达到一万个小时了。八岁。即使莫扎特没有练习那么多，一万小时的说法并不意味着写一首交响曲需要一万小时。显然，莫扎特最终成为了一位专家，但是第一部交响曲的写作是否使他有资格成为一位专家，或者他是在后来的某个时间才达到了他的音乐专业水平？
The classic rebuttal to the ten-thousand-hours argument goes something like this: “Well, what about Mozart? I hear that he was composing symphonies at the age of four! And even if he was practicing forty hours a week since the day he was born, that doesn’t make ten thousand hours.” First, there are factual errors in this account: Mozart didn’t begin composing until he was six, and he didn’t write his first symphony until he was eight. Still, writing a symphony at age eight is unusual, to say the least. Mozart demonstrated precociousness early in his life. But that is not the same as being an expert. Many children write music, and some even write large-scale works when they’re as young as eight. And Mozart had extensive training from his father, who was widely considered to be the greatest living music teacher in all of Europe at the time. We don’t know how much Mozart practiced, but if he started at age two and worked thirty-two hours a week at it (quite possible, given his father’s reputation as a stern taskmaster) he would have made his ten thousand hours by the age of eight. Even if Mozart hadn’t practiced that much, the ten-thousand-hours argument doesn’t say that it takes ten thousand hours to write a symphony. Clearly Mozart became an expert eventually, but did the writing of that first symphony qualify him as an expert, or did he attain his level of musical expertise sometime later?
卡内基梅隆大学的约翰·海耶斯提出了这个问题。莫扎特交响曲没有。1 称得上是音乐专家的作品吗？换句话说，如果莫扎特没有写过其他任何东西，这部交响曲会给我们留下一个音乐天才的作品的印象吗？也许它确实不太好，我们知道它的唯一原因是因为写它的孩子长大后成为了莫扎特——我们对它有历史兴趣，但不是审美兴趣。海耶斯研究了主要管弦乐队的表演节目和商业唱片目录，认为更好的音乐作品比较差的作品更有可能被演奏和录制。他发现莫扎特的早期作品并没有被经常演奏或录制。音乐学家在很大程度上将它们视为好奇心，这些作品绝不能预测随后的专家作品。莫扎特的那些被认为真正伟大的作品是那些他经过一万个小时的努力而写出来的。
John Hayes of Carnegie Mellon asked just this question. Does Mozart’s Symphony no. 1 qualify as the work of a musical expert? Put another way, if Mozart hadn’t written anything else, would this symphony strike us as the work of a musical genius? Maybe it really isn’t very good, and the only reason we know about it is because the child who wrote it grew up to become Mozart—we have a historical interest in it, but not an aesthetic one. Hayes studied the performance programs of the leading orchestras and the catalog of commercial recordings, assuming that better musical works are more likely to be performed and recorded than lesser works. He found that the early works of Mozart were not performed or recorded very often. Musicologists largely regard them as curiosities, compositions that by no means predicted the expert works that were to follow. Those of Mozart’s compositions that are considered truly great are those that he wrote well after he had been at it for ten thousand hours.
正如我们在有关记忆和分类的争论中所看到的，真相介于两个极端之间，是先天/后天争论中相互对抗的两种假设的综合体。为了了解这种特殊的合成是如何发生的，以及它做出了什么预测，我们需要更仔细地研究遗传学家的说法。
As we have seen in the debates about memory and categorization, the truth lies somewhere between the two extremes, a composite of the two hypotheses confronting each other in the nature/nurture debate. To understand how this particular synthesis occurs, and what predictions it makes, we need to look more closely at what the geneticists have to say.
遗传学家试图找到一组与特定可观察性状相关的基因。他们认为如果存在遗传对音乐的贡献也会体现在家庭中，因为兄弟姐妹之间有 50% 的基因相同。但在这种方法中，很难将基因的影响与环境的影响分开。环境包括子宫内的环境：母亲吃的食物，是否吸烟或饮酒，以及影响胎儿接收的营养和氧气量的其他因素。即使是同卵双胞胎，在子宫内也会经历截然不同的环境，这取决于他们所拥有的空间大小、活动空间和位置。
Geneticists seek to find a cluster of genes that are associated with particular observable traits. They assume that if there is a genetic contribution to music, it will show up in families, since brothers and sisters share 50 percent of their genes with one another. But it can be difficult to separate out the influence of genes from the influence of the environment in this approach. The environment includes the environment of the womb: the food that the mother eats, whether she smokes or drinks, and other factors that influence the amount of nutrients and oxygen the fetus receives. Even identical twins can experience very different environments from one another within the womb, based on the amount of space they have, their room for movement, and their position.
区分遗传和环境对具有后天习得成分的技能（例如音乐）的影响是很困难的。音乐往往是在家庭中传承的。但是，与非音乐家庭的孩子相比，父母都是音乐家的孩子更有可能因早期的音乐倾向而受到鼓励，而在音乐中长大的孩子的兄弟姐妹也可能获得类似水平的支持。以此类推，说法语的父母可能会抚养说法语的孩子，而不会说法语的父母则不太可能这样做。我们可以说说法语是“家族遗传”，但我不知道有谁会声称说法语是遗传的。
Distinguishing genetic from environmental influences on a skill that has a learned component, such as music, is difficult. Music tends to run in families. But a child with parents who are musicians is more likely to receive encouragement for her early musical leanings than a child in a nonmusical household, and siblings of that musically raised child are likely to receive similar levels of support. By analogy, parents who speak French are likely to raise children who speak French, and parents who do not are unlikely to do so. We can say that speaking French “runs in families,” but I don’t know anyone who would claim that speaking French is genetic.
科学家确定性状或技能遗传基础的一种方法是研究同卵双胞胎，尤其是那些分开抚养的双胞胎。明尼苏达双胞胎登记处是心理学家大卫·莱肯（David Lykken）、托马斯·布沙尔（Thomas Bouchard）及其同事保存的数据库，对分开抚养和一起抚养的同卵双胞胎和异卵双胞胎进行了跟踪调查。由于异卵双胞胎拥有 50% 的遗传物质，而同卵双胞胎则拥有 100% 的遗传物质，这使得科学家能够区分先天与后天的相对影响。如果某种东西具有遗传成分，我们预计它在同卵双胞胎中出现的频率会高于在异卵双胞胎中出现的频率。此外，我们预计即使同卵双胞胎是在完全独立的环境中长大的，它也会出现。行为遗传学家寻找这种模式并形成关于某些性状遗传性的理论。
One way that scientists determine the genetic basis of traits or skills is by studying identical twins, especially those who have been reared apart. The Minnesota twins registry, a database kept by the psychologists David Lykken, Thomas Bouchard, and their colleagues, has followed identical and fraternal twins reared apart and reared together. Because fraternal twins share 50 percent of their genetic material, and identical twins share 100 percent, this allows scientists to tease apart the relative influences of nature versus nurture. If something has a genetic component, we would expect it to show up more often in each individual who is an identical twin than in each who is a fraternal twin. Moreover, we would expect it to show up even when the identical twins have been raised in completely separate environments. Behavioral geneticists look for such patterns and form theories about the heritability of certain traits.
最新的方法着眼于基因联系。如果某个性状似乎是可遗传的，我们可以尝试分离与该性状相关的基因。（我不是说“对那个性状负责”，因为基因之间的相互作用非常复杂，我们不能肯定地说单个基因“导致”一个性状。）这很复杂，因为我们可以拥有一个基因对于某事物而不是其处于活动状态。并非我们拥有的所有基因都始终“开启”或表达。使用基因芯片表达谱，我们可以确定哪些基因在给定时间表达，哪些基因不表达。这是什么意思？我们的大约两万五千个基因控制着我们的身体和大脑用来执行所有生物功能的蛋白质的合成。它们控制着头发的生长、头发的颜色、消化液和唾液的产生，无论我们最终身高是六英尺还是五英尺。在青春期左右我们的生长突增期间，需要有某种东西告诉我们的身体开始生长，而六年后，有某种东西必须告诉它停止生长。这些是基因，携带着做什么以及如何做的指令。
The newest approach looks at gene linkages. If a trait appears to be heritable, we can try to isolate the genes that are linked to that trait. (I don’t say “responsible for that trait,” because interactions among genes are very complicated, and we cannot say with certainty that a single gene “causes” a trait.) This is complicated by the fact that we can have a gene for something without its being active. Not all of the genes that we have are “turned on,” or expressed, at all times. Using gene chip expression profiling, we can determine which genes are and which genes aren’t expressed at a given time. What does this mean? Our roughly twenty-five thousand genes control the synthesis of proteins that our bodies and brains use to perform all of our biological functions. They control hair growth, hair color, the creation of digestive fluids and saliva, whether we end up being six feet tall or five feet tall. During our growth spurt around the time of puberty, something needs to tell our body to start growing, and a half dozen years later, something has to tell it to stop. These are the genes, carrying instructions about what to do and how to do it.
使用基因芯片表达谱分析，我可以分析您的 RNA 样本，并且如果我知道我在寻找什么，我就可以判断您的生长基因现在是否处于活跃状态（即表达状态）。在这一点上，对大脑中基因表达的分析是不切实际的，因为当前（和可预见的）技术要求我们分析一块脑组织。大多数人都觉得这不愉快。
Using gene chip expression profiling, I can analyze a sample of your RNA and—if I know what I’m looking for—I can tell whether your growth gene is active—that is, expressed—right now. At this point, the analysis of gene expression in the brain isn’t practical because current (and foreseeable) techniques require that we analyze a piece of brain tissue. Most people find that unpleasant.
科学家研究分开抚养的同卵双胞胎发现了显着的相似之处。在某些情况下，双胞胎在出生时就被分开，甚至没有人知道彼此的存在。他们可能是在地理（缅因州与德克萨斯州、内布拉斯加州与纽约）、经济手段以及宗教或其他文化价值观方面存在很大差异的环境中长大的。二十多年后进行追踪时，出现了许多惊人的相似之处。一位女士喜欢去海滩，当她去的时候，她就会回到水里；一位女士喜欢去海滩。她的双胞胎（她从未见过）也做了同样的事情。一名男子以出售人寿保险为生，在教堂唱诗班唱歌，并佩戴 Lone Star 啤酒皮带扣；他与出生完全分离的人也是如此同卵双胞胎。此类研究表明，音乐性、宗教信仰和犯罪行为具有很强的遗传成分。你还能如何解释这样的巧合呢？
Scientists studying identical twins who’ve been reared apart have found remarkable similarities. In some cases, the twins were separated at birth, and not even told of each other’s existence. They might have been raised in environments that differed a great deal in geography (Maine versus Texas, Nebraska versus New York), in financial means, and in religious or other cultural values. When tracked down twenty or more years later, a number of astonishing similarities emerged. One woman liked to go to the beach and when she did, she would back into the water; her twin (whom she had never met) did exactly the same thing. One man sold life insurance for a living, sang in his church choir, and wore Lone Star beer belt buckles; so did his completely-separated-from-birth identical twin. Studies like these suggested that musicality, religiosity, and criminality had a strong genetic component. How else could you explain such coincidences?
另一种解释是统计学上的，可以这样表述：“如果你足够仔细地观察，并进行足够的比较，你会发现一些非常奇怪的巧合，但这些巧合并没有任何意义。” 从街上随机抽取两个人，他们之间没有任何关系，除了他们共同的祖先亚当和夏娃之外。如果你观察足够多的特征，你一定会发现一些不明显的共同点。我不是在谈论诸如“哦，天哪！你也呼吸着气氛！！” 但诸如“我在周二和周五洗头，周二我使用草药洗发水——只用左手擦洗，而且我不使用护发素。周五我会使用内置护发素的澳大利亚洗发水。之后，我一边听普契尼的音乐一边读《纽约客》。” 诸如此类的故事表明，尽管科学家保证这些人的基因和环境存在极大的差异，但这些人之间存在着潜在的联系。但我们所有人都有千千万万不同的方面，而且我们都有自己的怪癖。有时我们会发现同时出现的情况，这让我们感到惊讶。但从统计学的角度来看，这并不比我想到一到一百之间的数字而你猜出来更令人惊讶。第一次你可能猜不到，但如果我们玩这个游戏足够长的时间，你偶尔就会猜到（准确地说，是 1% 的时间）。
One alternative explanation is statistical, and can be stated like this: “If you look hard enough, and make enough comparisons, you’re going to find some really weird coincidences that don’t really mean anything.” Take any two random people off the street who have no relationship to one another, except perhaps through their common ancestors Adam and Eve. If you look at enough traits, you’re bound to find some in common that aren’t obvious. I’m not talking about things like “Oh, my gosh! You breathe the atmosphere too!!” but things like “I wash my hair on Tuesdays and Fridays, and I use an herbal shampoo on Tuesdays—scrubbing with only my left hand, and I don’t use a conditioner. On Fridays I use an Australian shampoo that has a conditioner built in. Afterward, I read The New Yorker while listening to Puccini.” Stories like these suggest that there is an underlying connection between these people, in spite of the scientists’ assurances that their genes and environment are maximally dissimilar. But all of us differ from one another in thousands upon thousands of different ways, and we all have our quirks. Once in a while we find co-occurrences, and we’re surprised. But from a statistical standpoint, it isn’t any more surprising than if I think of a number between one and one hundred and you guess it. You may not guess it the first time, but if we play the game long enough, you’re going to guess it once in a while (1 percent of the time, to be exact).
第二种解释是社会心理学——一个人的外表会影响别人对待他的方式（“外表”被认为是遗传的）；一般来说，一个有机体根据其外观而受到世界以特定方式的作用。这种直观的观念在文学中有着丰富的传统，从西拉诺·德·贝尔热拉克到怪物史莱克：他们被那些因外表所排斥的人所回避，很少有机会展示自己的内在自我和真实本性。作为一种文化，我们把这样的故事浪漫化，并对一个好人因为与他无关的事情而遭受痛苦感到一种悲剧：他的外表。它也以相反的方式起作用：长得好看的人往往赚更多的钱，找到更好的工作，并报告说他们更快乐。即使不考虑某人是否有吸引力，他的外表也会影响我们与他的关系。那些天生具有与值得信赖相关的面部特征的人（例如大眼睛、扬起的眉毛）是人们倾向于信任的人。个子高的人可能比个子矮的人受到更多的尊重。我们一生中所经历的一系列遭遇在某种程度上是由别人看待我们的方式决定的。
A second alternative explanation is social psychological—the way someone looks influences the way that others treat him (with “looks” assumed to be genetic); in general, an organism is acted on by the world in particular ways as a function of its appearance. This intuitive notion has a rich tradition in literature, from Cyrano de Bergerac to Shrek: Shunned by people who were repulsed by their outward appearance, they rarely had the opportunity to show their inner selves and true nature. As a culture we romanticize stories like these, and feel a sense of tragedy about a good person suffering for something he had nothing to do with: his looks. It works in the opposite way as well: good-looking people tend to make more money, get better jobs, and report that they are happier. Even apart from whether someone is considered attractive or not, his appearance affects how we relate to him. Someone who was born with facial features that we associate with trustworthiness—large eyes, for example, with raised eyebrows—is someone people will tend to trust. Someone tall may be given more respect than someone short. The series of encounters we have over our lifetimes are shaped to some extent by the way others see us.
因此，毫不奇怪，同卵双胞胎最终可能会发展出相似的性格、特征、习惯或怪癖。眉毛下垂的人可能总是看起来很生气，世界也会这样对待他们。看起来毫无防备的人会被利用；一个看起来像恶霸的人可能会一生都被要求打架，最终会形成攻击性的性格。我们在某些演员身上看到了这一原则。休·格兰特、莱因霍尔德法官、汤姆·汉克斯和阿德里安·布罗迪都有着天真无邪的面孔；格兰特什么也没做，脸上露出一种“哇哦，糟糕”的表情，这张脸表明他没有狡诈或欺骗。这种推理表明，有些人生来就具有特定的特征，他们的个性发展在很大程度上取决于他们的外表。基因正在影响人格，但只是以间接的、次要的方式。
It is no wonder, then, that identical twins may end up developing similar personalities, traits, habits, or quirks. Someone with downturned eyebrows might always look angry, and the world will treat them that way. Someone who looks defenseless will be taken advantage of; someone who looks like a bully may spend a lifetime being asked to fight, and eventually will develop an aggressive personality. We see this principle at work in certain actors. Hugh Grant, Judge Reinhold, Tom Hanks, and Adrien Brody have innocent-looking faces; without doing anything, Grant has an “awww, shucks” look, a face that suggests he has no guile or deceit. This line of reasoning says that some people are born with particular features, and their personalities develop in large part as a reflection of how they look. Genes here are influencing personality, but only in an indirect, secondary way.
不难想象类似的论点也适用于音乐家，尤其是歌手。华生医生的声音听起来非常真诚和天真。我不知道他本人是不是这样，但在某种程度上这并不重要。他成为成功的艺术家可能是因为人们对他与生俱来的声音的反应。我不是在谈论与生俱来（或获得）“伟大”的声音，如艾拉·菲茨杰拉德或普拉西多·多明戈的声音，我谈论的是表现力，而不是声音本身是否是一种伟大的乐器。有时，当艾米·曼唱歌时，我会听到一个小女孩声音的痕迹，一种脆弱的纯真让我感动，因为我觉得她正在深入内心深处，坦白通常只对亲密朋友表达的感情。我不知道她是想传达这一点，还是真正感受到这一点——她可能天生就有一种让听众感动的声音品质让她投入这些感受，无论她是否正在经历这些感受。归根结底，音乐表演的本质是能够传达情感。艺术家是否有这种感觉，或者生来就有能力听起来好像她有这种感觉，可能并不重要。
It is not difficult to imagine a similar argument applying to musicians, and in particular to vocalists. Doc Watson’s voice sounds completely sincere and innocent; I don’t know if he is that way in person, and at one level it doesn’t matter. It’s possible that he became the successful artist he is because of how people react to the voice that he was born with. I’m not talking about being born with (or acquiring) a “great” voice, like Ella Fitzgerald’s or Placido Domingo’s, I’m talking about expressiveness apart from whether the voice itself is a great instrument. Sometimes as Aimee Mann sings, I hear the traces of a little girl’s voice, a vulnerable innocence that moves me because I feel that she is reaching down deep inside and confessing feelings that normally are expressed only to a close friend. Whether she intends to convey this, or really feels this, I don’t know—she may have been born with a vocal quality that makes listeners invest her with those feelings, whether she is experiencing them or not. In the end, the essence of music performance is being able to convey emotion. Whether the artist is feeling it or was born with an ability to sound as if she’s feeling it may not be important.
我并不是说我提到的演员和音乐家不需要做他们所做的事情。我不知道有哪个成功的音乐家不是通过努力才取得今天的成就的。我不知道有谁的成功落入了他们的怀抱。我认识很多被媒体称为“一夜成名”的艺术家，但他们花了五到十年才成为那样！遗传学是可能影响个性或职业或一个人在职业中做出的具体选择的起点。汤姆·汉克斯是一位伟大的演员，但他不太可能获得与阿诺·施瓦辛格相同的角色，这在很大程度上是由于他们的基因天赋差异。施瓦辛格并非生来就拥有健美运动员的身材；他天生就是健美运动员。他在这方面非常努力，但他有遗传倾向。同样，六岁十岁更容易成为篮球运动员而不是骑师。但对于六岁十岁的人来说，仅仅站在球场上是不够的，他需要学习比赛并进行多年的练习才能成为专家。体型很大程度上（但不完全）是遗传因素，它为篮球创造了倾向，就像对表演、舞蹈和音乐一样。
I don’t mean to imply that the actors and musicians I’ve mentioned don’t have to work at what they do. I don’t know any successful musicians who haven’t worked hard to get where they are; I don’t know any who had success fall into their laps. I’ve known a lot of artists whom the press has called “overnight sensations,” but who spent five or ten years becoming that! Genetics are a starting point that may influence personality or career, or the specific choices one makes in a career. Tom Hanks is a great actor, but he’s not likely to get the same kinds of roles as Arnold Schwarzenegger, largely owing the differences in their genetic endowments. Schwarzenegger wasn’t born with a body-builder’s body; he worked very hard at it, but he had a genetic predisposition toward it. Similarly, being six ten creates a predisposition toward becoming a basketball player rather than a jockey. But it is not enough for someone who is six ten to simply stand on the court—he needs to learn the game and practice for years to become an expert. Body type, which is largely (though not exclusively) genetic, creates predispositions for basketball as it does for acting, dancing, and music.
音乐家，就像运动员、演员、舞蹈家、雕塑家和画家一样，既使用他们的身体，也使用他们的思想。身体在乐器演奏或歌唱中的作用（当然，在作曲和编曲中则不那么重要）意味着遗传倾向可以极大地影响音乐家选择可以演奏的乐器，以及一个人是否能够演奏得好。选择成为一名音乐家。
Musicians, like athletes, actors, dancers, sculptors and painters, use their bodies as well as their minds. The role of the body in the playing of a musical instrument or in singing (less so, of course, in composing and arranging) means that genetic predispositions can contribute strongly to the choice of instruments a musician can play well—and to whether a person chooses to become a musician.
当我六岁的时候，我在埃德·沙利文秀上看到了披头士乐队，这对我这一代人来说已经是陈词滥调了，我当时就决定要弹吉他。我的父母是守旧派，并不认为吉他是一种“严肃的乐器”，而是告诉我弹家里的钢琴。但我非常想玩。我会从杂志上剪下像安德烈斯·塞戈维亚这样的古典吉他手的照片，然后随意地将它们放在房子周围。六岁的时候我还我说话口齿不清，这是我一生的习惯。直到十岁时，我才摆脱了这种习惯，当时我很尴尬地被公立学校的言语治疗师从四年级的班级中拉了出来，他花了两年时间（每周三个小时）艰苦地教我改变这种方式。我说的是字母s。我指出，披头士乐队一定很认真地与贝弗利·蒂尔斯、罗杰斯和哈默斯坦以及约翰·吉尔古德等伟大的艺术家分享埃德·苏利文秀的舞台。我是无情的。
When I was six years old, I saw the Beatles on The Ed Sullivan Show, and in what has become a cliché for people of my generation, I decided then that I wanted to play the guitar. My parents, who were of the old school, did not view the guitar as a “serious instrument” and told me to play the family piano instead. But I wanted desperately to play. I would cut out pictures of classical guitarists like Andrés Segovia from magazines and casually leave them around the house. At six, I was still speaking with a prominent lisp that I had had all my life; I didn’t get rid of it until age ten when I was embarrassingly plucked out of my fourth-grade class by the public-school speech therapist who spent a grueling two years (at three hours a week) teaching me to change the way that I said the letters. I pointed out that the Beatles must be therious to share the stage of The Ed Sullivan Show with such therious artithts as Beverly Thills, Rodgers and Hammerthtein, and John Gielgud. I was relentless.
到 1965 年，我八岁的时候，吉他已经无处不在。距离旧金山仅十五英里，我能感觉到一场文化和音乐革命正在发生，而吉他是这一切的中心。我的父母仍然不热衷于我学习吉他，也许是因为它与嬉皮士和毒品有关，也许是因为我前一年没有努力练习钢琴。我指出，到目前为止，披头士乐队已经四次参加埃德·沙利文秀了，我的父母终于有点心软了，同意向他们的一位朋友寻求建议。“杰克·金会弹吉他，”有一天晚上，我母亲在晚餐时对我父亲说。“我们可以问他是否认为丹尼已经足够大可以开始吉他课了。” 杰克是我父母的一位大学老朋友，有一天，他下班回家途中顺便拜访了我家。他的吉他听起来与电视和广播中让我着迷的那些吉他不同；他的吉他听起来很有趣。这是一把古典吉他，不适合摇滚的黑暗和弦。杰克是个大个子，有一双大手，留着黑色短平头。他把吉他抱在怀里，就像抱着婴儿一样。我可以看到乐器曲线周围弯曲的复杂木纹图案。他为我们演奏了一些东西。他不让我碰吉他，而是让我伸出手，然后他将手掌按在我的手上。他没有跟我说话，也没有看我，但他对我妈妈说的话我仍然听得很清楚：“他的手太小了，弹不了吉他。”
By 1965, when I was eight, the guitar was everywhere. With San Francisco just fifteen miles away, I could feel a cultural and musical revolution going on, and the guitar was at the center of it all. My parents were still not enthusiastic about me studying the guitar, perhaps because of its association with hippies and drugs, or perhaps as a result of my failure the previous year to practice the piano diligently. I pointed out that by now, the Beatles had been on The Ed Sullivan Show four times and my parents finally quasi-relented, agreeing to ask a friend of theirs for advice. “Jack King plays the guitar,” my mother said at dinner one night to my father. “We could ask him if he thinks Danny is old enough to begin guitar lessons.” Jack, an old college friend of my parents, dropped by the house one day on his way home from work. His guitar sounded different from the ones that had mesmerized me on television and radio; it was a classical guitar, not made for the dark chords of rock and roll. Jack was a big man with large hands, and a short black crew cut. He held the guitar in his arms as one might cradle a baby. I could see the intricate patterns of wood grain bending around the curves of the instrument. He played something for us. He didn’t let me touch the guitar, instead he asked me to hold my hand out, and he pressed his palm against mine. He didn’t talk to me or look at me, but what he said to my mother I can still hear clearly: “His hands are too small for the guitar.”
我现在了解了四分之三尺寸和半尺寸吉他（我什至拥有一把），以及姜戈·莱因哈特（Django Reinhardt），他是有史以来最伟大的吉他手之一，他只能充分使用左手的两个手指。但对于一个八岁的孩子来说，大人的话似乎是牢不可破的。到 1966 年，当我长大一些时，披头士乐队怂恿我电吉他演奏《Help》时，我正在演奏单簧管，很高兴至少能创作音乐。我终于在十六岁的时候买了我的第一把吉他，经过练习，我学会了弹得相当好。我演奏的摇滚乐和爵士乐不需要古典吉他那样的长距离。我学会演奏的第一首歌是齐柏林飞艇乐队的“Stairway to Heaven”（嘿，那是七十年代），这对我们这一代人来说已经成为另一首陈词滥调。有些不同手的吉他手可以演奏的音乐部分对我来说总是很困难，但每种乐器都是如此。在加利福尼亚州好莱坞的好莱坞大道上，一些伟大的摇滚音乐家在水泥上留下了自己的手印。去年夏天，当我把手放在我最喜欢的吉他手之一吉米·佩奇（齐柏林飞船乐队成员）留下的印记上时，我感到很惊讶，他的手并不比我大。
I now know about three-quarter size and half-size guitars (I even own one), and about Django Reinhardt, one of the greatest guitarists of all time, who only had the full use of two of the fingers on his left hand. But to an eight-year-old, the words of adults can seem unbreachable. By 1966, when I had grown some, and the Beatles were egging me on with electric guitar strains of “Help,” I was playing the clarinet and happy to at least be making music. I finally bought my first guitar when I was sixteen and with practice, I learned to play reasonably well; the rock and jazz that I play don’t require the long reach that classical guitar does. The very first song I learned to play—in what has become another cliché for my generation—was Led Zeppelin’s “Stairway to Heaven” (hey, it was the seventies). Some musical parts that guitarists with different hands can play will always be difficult for me, but that is always the case with every instrument. On Hollywood Boulevard in Hollywood, California, some of the great rock musicians have placed their handprints in the cement. I was surprised last summer when I put my hands in the imprint left by Jimmy Page (of Led Zeppelin), one of my favorite guitarists, that his hands were no bigger than mine.
几年前，我与伟大的爵士钢琴家奥斯卡彼得森握手。他的手很大；这是我握过的最大的手，至少是我自己的两倍大。他的职业生涯始于弹奏跨步钢琴，这种风格可以追溯到 20 年代，钢琴家用左手弹奏八度低音，用右手弹奏旋律。要成为一名优秀的跨步演奏者，您需要能够以最少的手部动作触及相距较远的琴键，而奥斯卡可以用一只手伸展高达八度半的音阶！奥斯卡的风格与他能够演奏的和弦类型有关，而那些手较小的人无法演奏的和弦。如果奥斯卡·彼得森小时候被迫拉小提琴，那双大手是不可能的。他宽大的手指使得在相对较小的小提琴琴颈上演奏半音变得困难。
Some years ago I shook hands with Oscar Peterson, the great jazz pianist. His hands were very large; the largest hands I have ever shaken, at least twice the size of my own. He began his career playing stride piano, a style dating back to the 1920s in which the pianist plays an octave bass with his left hand and the melody with his right. To be a good stride player, you need to be able to be able to reach keys that are far apart with a minimum of hand movements, and Oscar can stretch a whopping octave and a half with one hand! Oscar’s style is related to the kinds of chords he is able to play, chords that someone with smaller hands could not. If Oscar Peterson had been forced to play violin as a child it would have been impossible with those large hands; his wide fingers would make it difficult to play a semitone on the relatively small neck of the violin.
有些人对特定乐器或唱歌有生物学倾向。也可能有一组基因共同作用，创造出成为一名成功音乐家所必须具备的组成技能：良好的眼手协调能力、肌肉控制能力、运动控制能力、坚韧、耐心、对某些结构和模式的记忆力。 、节奏感和时机感。要成为一名优秀的音乐家，必须具备这些东西。其中一些技能与成为伟大人物有关，尤其是决心、自信和耐心。
Some people have a biological predisposition toward particular instruments, or toward singing. There may also be a cluster of genes that work together to create the component skills that one must have to become a successful musician: good eye-hand coordination, muscle control, motor control, tenacity, patience, memory for certain kinds of structures and patterns, a sense of rhythm and timing. To be a good musician, one must have these things. Some of these skills are involved in becoming a great anything, especially determination, self-confidence, and patience.
我们还知道，平均而言，成功人士比不成功人士经历的失败要多得多。这似乎违反直觉。成功人士怎么会比其他人更容易失败呢？失败是不可避免的，有时是随机发生的。失败后你要做的事情才是重要的。成功的人都有一种坚持到底的品质。他们不会放弃。从联邦快递总裁到小说家杰西·科辛斯基，从梵高到比尔·克林顿再到弗利特伍德麦克，成功人士经历过很多很多的失败，但他们从中吸取教训并继续前进。这种品质可能部分是与生俱来的，但环境因素也必须发挥作用。
We also know that, on average, successful people have had many more failures than unsuccessful people. This seems counterintuitive. How could successful people have failed more often than everyone else? Failure is unavoidable and sometimes happens randomly. It’s what you do after the failure that is important. Successful people have a stick-toit-iveness. They don’t quit. From the president of FedEx to the novelist Jerzy Kosinsky, from Van Gogh to Bill Clinton to Fleetwood Mac, successful people have had many, many failures, but they learn from them and keep going. This quality might be partly innate, but environmental factors must also play a role.
目前，科学家们对基因和环境在复杂认知行为中的作用的最佳猜测是，基因和环境各自负责大约 50% 的故事。基因可能会遗传耐心、手眼协调性或热情的倾向，但某些生活事件——最广泛意义上的生活事件，不仅意味着你有意识的经历和记忆，还意味着你吃的食物和你母亲在子宫里吃的食物——会影响遗传倾向的实现与否。早年的生活创伤，例如失去父母，或身体或情感虐待，只是环境影响导致遗传倾向增强或抑制的明显例子。由于这种相互作用，我们只能在群体层面而非个体层面对人类行为进行预测。换句话说，如果你知道某人有犯罪行为的遗传倾向，你就无法预测他在未来五年内是否会入狱。另一方面，知道一百个人有这种倾向，我们可以预测其中一定比例的人可能最终会入狱；我们根本不知道是哪些。有些人根本不会遇到任何麻烦。
The best guess that scientists currently have about the role of genes and the environment in complex cognitive behaviors is that each is responsible for about 50 percent of the story. Genes may transmit a propensity to be patient, to have good eye-hand coordination, or to be passionate, but certain life events—life events in the broadest sense, meaning not just your conscious experiences and memories, but the food you ate and the food your mother ate while you were in her womb—can influence whether a genetic propensity will be realized or not. Early life traumas, such as the loss of a parent, or physical or emotional abuse, are only the obvious examples of environmental influences causing a genetic predisposition to become either heightened or suppressed. Because of this interaction, we can only make predictions about human behavior at the level of a population, not an individual. In other words, if you know that someone has a genetic predisposition toward criminal behavior, you can’t make any predictions about whether he will end up in jail in the next five years. On the other hand, knowing that a hundred people have this predisposition, we can predict that some percentage of them will probably wind up in jail; we simply don’t know which ones. And some will never get into any trouble at all.
这同样适用于我们有一天可能会发现的音乐基因。我们只能说，一群拥有这些基因的人更有可能培养出专业的音乐家，但我们无法知道哪些人会成为专家。然而，这是假设我们能够识别音乐专业知识的遗传相关性，并且我们可以就什么达成一致。构成了音乐专业知识。音乐专业知识不仅仅涉及严格的技术。音乐聆听和享受、音乐记忆以及一个人对音乐的参与程度也是音乐思维和音乐个性的各个方面。我们应该采取尽可能包容的方法来识别音乐性，以免排除那些虽然在广义上具有音乐性，但在狭义的技术意义上却并非如此的人。我们许多最伟大的音乐思想家并不被认为是技术意义上的专家。欧文·柏林是二十世纪最成功的作曲家之一，但他的乐器演奏能力很差，几乎不会弹钢琴。
The same applies to musical genes we may find someday. All we can say is that a group of people with those genes is more likely to produce expert musicians, but we cannot know which individuals will become the experts. This, however, assumes that we’ll be able to identify the genetic correlates of musical expertise, and that we can agree on what constitutes musical expertise. Musical expertise has to be about more than strict technique. Music listening and enjoyment, musical memory, and how engaged with music a person is are also aspects of a musical mind and a musical personality. We should take as inclusive an approach as possible in identifying musicality, so as not to exclude those who, while musical in the broad sense, are perhaps not so in a narrow, technical sense. Many of our greatest musical minds weren’t considered experts in a technical sense. Irving Berlin, one of the most successful composers of the twentieth century, was a lousy instrumentalist and could barely play the piano.
即使在精英、顶级古典音乐家中，成为一名音乐家也不仅仅需要拥有出色的技巧。阿瑟·鲁宾斯坦和弗拉基米尔·霍洛维茨都被广泛认为是二十世纪最伟大的两位钢琴家，但令人惊讶的是，他们经常犯错误——技术上的小错误。一个错误的音符，一个仓促的音符，一个指法不正确的音符。但正如一位评论家所写，“鲁宾斯坦在他的一些唱片上犯了错误，但我会接受那些对这位 22 岁的技术奇才充满热情的解释，他可以演奏音符，但无法传达意义。”
Even among the elite, top-tier classical musicians, there is more to being a musician than having excellent technique. Both Arthur Rubinstein and Vladimir Horowitz are widely regarded as two of the greatest pianists of the twentieth century but they made mistakes—little technical mistakes—surprisingly often. A wrong note, a rushed note, a note that isn’t fingered properly. But as one critic wrote, “Rubinstein makes mistakes on some of his records, but I’ll take those interpretations that are filled with passion over the twenty-two-year-old technical wizard who can play the notes but can’t convey the meaning.”
我们大多数人转向音乐是为了一种情感体验。我们并不是在研究错误音符的演奏，只要它们不让我们陷入遐想，我们大多数人都不会注意到它们。许多关于音乐专业知识的研究都在错误的地方寻找成就，即手指的便利性，而不是情感的表达能力。我最近向北美一所顶尖音乐学校的院长询问了这个悖论：在课程的哪个阶段教授情感和表现力？她的回答是他们没有被教导。“批准的课程要涵盖的内容太多了，”她解释道，“曲目、合奏、独奏训练、视唱、视奏、音乐理论——根本没有时间教授表现力。” 那么我们如何培养富有表现力的音乐家呢？“他们中的一些人进来时已经知道如何打动听众。通常他们会在某个时候自己想办法解决这个问题。” 我脸上的惊讶和失望一定已经很明显了。“偶尔，”她几乎是低声补充道，“如果有一名优秀的学生，他们在最后一个学期的最后一段时间里会有时间来指导他们情绪……。通常这是针对那些已经在我们管弦乐队中担任独奏者的人，我们帮助他们从表演中激发出更多的表现力。” 因此，在我们最好的音乐学校之一，音乐存在的理由是只在四年或五年课程的最后几周向少数人教授。
What most of us turn to music for is an emotional experience. We aren’t studying the performance for wrong notes, and so long as they don’t jar us out of our reverie, most of us don’t notice them. So much of the research on musical expertise has looked for accomplishment in the wrong place, in the facility of fingers rather than the expressiveness of emotion. I recently asked the dean of one of the top music schools in North America about this paradox: At what point in the curriculum is emotion and expressivity taught? Her answer was that they aren’t taught. “There is so much to cover in the approved curriculum,” she explained, “repertoire, ensemble, and solo training, sight singing, sight reading, music theory—that there simply isn’t time to teach expressivity.” So how do we get expressive musicians? “Some of them come in already knowing how to move a listener. Usually they’ve figured it out themselves somewhere along the line.” The surprise and disappointment in my face must have been obvious. “Occasionally,” she added, almost in a whisper, “if there’s an exceptional student, there’s time during the last part of their last semester here to coach them on emotion …. Usually this is for people who are already performing as soloists in our orchestra, and we help them to coax out more expressivity from their performance.” So, at one of the best music schools we have, the raison d’être for music is taught to a select few, and then, only in the last few weeks of a four- or five-year curriculum.
即使是我们当中最紧张、最善于分析的人也希望被莎士比亚和巴赫所感动。我们可以惊叹这些天才掌握的手艺，一种语言或笔记的设施，但最终该设施必须用于不同类型的通信。例如，从迈尔斯·戴维斯/约翰·科尔特兰/比尔·埃文斯时代开始，爵士乐迷对他们的后大乐队时代英雄的要求特别高。我们说那些看起来脱离了真实自我和情感的次要爵士音乐家，他们的演奏只不过是“脱壳和跳跃”，试图通过音乐的谄媚而不是通过灵魂来取悦观众。
Even the most uptight and analytic among us expect to be moved by Shakespeare and Bach. We can marvel at the craft these geniuses have mastered, a facility with language or with notes, but ultimately that facility must be brought into service for a different type of communication. Jazz fans, for example, are especially demanding of their post-big-band-era heroes, starting with the Miles Davis/John Coltrane/Bill Evans era. We say of lesser jazz musicians who appear detached from their true selves and from emotion that their playing is nothing more than “shucking and jiving,” attempts to please the audience through musical obsequiousness rather than through soul.
那么，从科学意义上来说，为什么有些音乐家在音乐的情感（相对于技术）维度上优于其他音乐家呢？这是一个巨大的谜团，没有人确切知道。由于技术困难，音乐家还没有通过大脑扫描仪进行表演。（我们目前使用的扫描仪要求受试者保持完全静止，以免大脑图像模糊；这可能在未来五年内发生变化。）对贝多芬、柴可夫斯基、鲁宾斯坦等音乐家的采访和日记伯恩斯坦、BB 金和史蒂夫旺德认为，情感交流的一部分涉及技术、机械因素，另一部分涉及一些仍然神秘的东西。
So—in a scientific sense—why are some musicians superior to others when it comes to the emotional (versus the technical) dimension of music? This is the great mystery, and no one knows for sure. Musicians haven’t yet performed with feeling inside brain scanners, due to technical difficulties. (The scanners we currently use require the subject to stay perfectly still, so as not to blur the brain image; this may change in the coming five years.) Interviews with, and diary entries of, musicians ranging from Beethoven and Tchaikovsky to Rubinstein and Bernstein, B. B. King, and Stevie Wonder suggest that part of communicating emotion involves technical, mechanical factors, and part of it involves something that remains mysterious.
钢琴家阿尔弗雷德·布伦德尔 (Alfred Brendel) 表示，当他在舞台上时，他不会考虑音符；他会考虑音符。他考虑创造一种体验。史蒂夫·旺德告诉我，当他表演时，他试图让自己进入与写这首歌时相同的心态和“心境”；他尝试捕捉相同的感受和情绪，这有助于他完成表演。没有人知道这对他的演唱或演奏方式有何不同意味着什么。不过，从神经科学的角度来看，这是完全有道理的。正如我们所看到的，记住音乐涉及将最初在感知一段音乐时活跃的神经元设置回其原始状态——重新激活它们特定的连接模式，并使放电率尽可能接近其原始水平。这意味着在前叶的注意力和计划中心精心编排的神经交响乐中招募海马体、杏仁核和颞叶的神经元。
The pianist Alfred Brendel says he doesn’t think about notes when he’s onstage; he thinks about creating an experience. Stevie Wonder told me that when he’s performing, he tries to get himself into the same frame of mind and “frame of heart” that he was in when he wrote the song; he tries to capture the same feelings and sentiment, and that helps him to deliver the performance. What this means in terms of how he sings or plays differently is something no one knows. From a neuroscientific perspective, though, this makes perfect sense. As we’ve seen, remembering music involves setting the neurons that were originally active in the perception of a piece of music back to their original state—reactivating their particular pattern of connectivity, and getting the firing rates as close as possible to their original levels. This means recruiting neurons in the hippocampus, amygdala, and temporal lobes in a neural symphony orchestrated by attention and planning centers in the front lobe.
神经解剖学家安德鲁·亚瑟·艾比 (Andrew Arthur Abbie) 在 1934 年推测运动、大脑和音乐之间存在联系，这一联系直到现在才得到证实。他写道，从脑干、小脑到额叶的通路能够将所有感官体验和精确协调的肌肉运动编织成“同质结构”，当这种情况发生时，结果就是“艺术中所表达的人类最高权力” ”。他对这条神经通路的想法是，它致力于包含或反映创造性目的的运动。麦吉尔大学的马塞洛·万德利和我以前的博士生布拉德利·瓦恩斯（现就读于哈佛大学）的新研究表明，非音乐家听众对音乐家的肢体动作非常敏感。通过在关闭声音的情况下观看音乐表演，并注意音乐家的手臂、肩膀和躯干动作等，普通听众可以察觉到音乐家的大量表达意图。添加声音，就会出现一种新兴的品质——对音乐家表达意图的理解，超出了声音或视觉图像本身所能提供的范围。
The neuroanatomist Andrew Arthur Abbie speculated in 1934 a linkage between movement, the brain, and music that is only now becoming proven. He wrote that pathways from the brain stem and cerebellum to the frontal lobes are capable of weaving all sensory experience and accurately coordinated muscular movements into a “homogeneous fabric” and that when this occurs, the result is “man’s highest powers as expressed … in art.” His idea of this neural pathway was that it is dedicated to motor movements that incorporate or reflect a creative purpose. New studies by Marcelo Wanderley of McGill, and by my former doctoral student Bradley Vines (now at Harvard) have shown that nonmusician listeners are exquisitely sensitive to the physical gestures that musicians make. By watching a musical performance with the sound turned off, and attending to things like the musician’s arm, shoulder, and torso movements, ordinary listeners can detect a great deal of the expressive intentions of the musician. Add in the sound, and an emergent quality appears—an understanding of the musician’s expressive intentions that goes beyond what was available in the sound or the visual image alone.
如果音乐通过身体姿势和声音的相互作用来传达情感，那么音乐家需要他的大脑状态与他试图表达的情感状态相匹配。尽管研究尚未进行，但我敢打赌，当 BB 演奏布鲁斯音乐时和他感受布鲁斯音乐时，神经信号非常相似。（的当然也会有差异，部分科学障碍将是减去发出运动命令和听音乐所涉及的过程，而不是坐在椅子上，双手抱头，心情低落。）作为听众，我们有充分的理由相信，我们的某些大脑状态将与我们正在聆听的音乐家的大脑状态相匹配。这是你大脑中反复出现的音乐主题，即使是我们这些缺乏音乐理论和表演方面明确训练的人也有音乐大脑，并且是专业的听众。
If music serves to convey feelings through the interaction of physical gestures and sound, the musician needs his brain state to match the emotional state he is trying to express. Although the studies haven’t been performed yet, I’m willing to bet that when B.B. is playing the blues and when he is feeling the blues, the neural signatures are very similar. (Of course there will be differences, too, and part of the scientific hurdle will be subtracting out the processes involved in issuing motor commands and listening to music, versus just sitting on a chair, head in hands, and feeling down.) And as listeners, there is every reason to believe that some of our brain states will match those of the musicians we are listening to. In what is a recurring theme of your brain on music, even those of us who lack explicit training in music theory and performance have musical brains, and are expert listeners.
在理解音乐专业知识的神经行为基础以及为什么有些人比其他人表现得更好时，我们需要考虑音乐专业知识有多种形式，有时是技术性的（涉及灵活性），有时是情感性的。让我们沉浸在表演中而忘记其他一切的能力也是一种特殊的能力。许多表演者都具有个人魅力或魅力，这与他们可能具有或不具有的任何其他能力无关。当斯汀唱歌时，我们的耳朵就无法离开他。当迈尔斯·戴维斯（Miles Davis）吹小号，或者埃里克·克莱普顿（Eric Clapton）弹吉他时，似乎有一股无形的力量将我们吸引向他。这与他们正在演唱或演奏的实际音符没有太大关系——任何数量的优秀音乐家都可以演奏或演唱这些音符，甚至可能拥有更好的技术设施。相反，这就是唱片公司高管所说的“明星品质”。当我们说一位模特很上镜时，我们谈论的是这种明星气质如何在照片中体现出来。对于音乐家来说也是如此，他们的品质如何在唱片上体现出来——我称之为发声。
In understanding the neurobehavioral basis of musical expertise and why some people become better performers than others, we need to consider that musical expertise takes many forms, sometimes technical (involving dexterity) and sometimes emotional. The ability to draw us into a performance so that we forget about everything else is also a special kind of ability. Many performers have a personal magnetism, or charisma, that is independent of any other abilities they may or may not have. When Sting is singing, we can’t take our ears off of him. When Miles Davis is playing the trumpet, or Eric Clapton the guitar, an invisible force seems to draw us toward him. This doesn’t have to do so much with the actual notes they’re singing or playing—any number of good musicians can play or sing those notes, perhaps even with better technical facility. Rather, it is what record company executives call “star quality.” When we say of a model that she is photogenic, we’re talking about how this star quality manifests itself in photographs. The same thing is true for musicians, and how their quality comes across on records—I call this phonogenic.
区分名人和专业知识也很重要。促成名人的因素可能与促成专业知识的因素不同，甚至可能完全无关。尼尔·杨告诉我，他并不认为自己是一位特别有才华的音乐家，相反，他是能够在商业上取得成功的幸运者之一。很少有人能够通过与一家大型唱片公司达成交易的十字转门，而像尼尔那样能够保持职业生涯几十年的人就更少了。但是尼尔，以及史蒂夫·旺德和埃里克·克莱普顿，他的成功很大程度上不是归功于音乐能力，而是归功于良好的突破。保罗·西蒙对此表示同意。“我很幸运能够与世界上一些最出色的音乐家合作，”他说，“他们中的大多数都是没有人听说过的人。”
It is also important to distinguish celebrity from expertise. The factors that contribute to celebrity could be different from, maybe wholly unrelated to, those that contribute to expertise. Neil Young told me that he did not consider himself to be especially talented as a musician, rather, he was one of the lucky ones who managed to become commercially successful. Few people get to pass through the turnstiles of a deal with a major record label, and fewer still maintain careers for decades as Neil has done. But Neil, along with Stevie Wonder and Eric Clapton, attributes a lot of his success not to musical ability but to a good break. Paul Simon agrees. “I’ve been lucky to have been able to work with some of the most amazing musicians in the world,” he said, “and most of them are people no one’s ever heard of.”
弗朗西斯·克里克（Francis Crick）将缺乏训练的情况转化为他一生工作的积极方面。他不受科学教条的束缚，可以自由地——他写道，完全自由地——开放自己的思想并发现科学。当艺术家将这种自由、这种白板带入音乐时，结果可能是令人震惊的。我们这个时代许多最伟大的音乐家都缺乏正规的训练，包括西纳特拉、路易斯·阿姆斯特朗、约翰·科尔特兰、埃里克·克莱普顿、埃迪·范·海伦、史蒂夫·旺德和乔尼·米切尔；在古典音乐方面，有乔治·格什温、穆索尔斯基和大卫·赫尔夫戈特，根据他的日记，贝多芬认为自己的音乐训练很差。
Francis Crick turned his lack of training into a positive aspect of his life’s work. Unbound by scientific dogma, he was free—completely free, he wrote—to open his mind and discover science. When an artist brings this freedom, this tabula rasa, to music, the results can be astounding. Many of the greatest musicians of our era lacked formal training, including Sinatra, Louis Armstrong, John Coltrane, Eric Clapton, Eddie Van Halen, Stevie Wonder, and Joni Mitchell; in classical music, George Gershwin, Mussorgsky, and David Helfgott, and according to his diaries Beethoven considered his own musical training poor.
乔尼·米切尔曾在公立学校的合唱团唱歌，但从未上过吉他课或任何其他类型的音乐课。她的音乐具有独特的品质，被描述为前卫、空灵，以及连接古典、民谣、爵士和摇滚的桥梁。Joni 使用了很多替代调弦；也就是说，她没有按照通常的方式给吉他调音，而是将琴弦调到自己选择的音高。这并不意味着她会演奏其他人不会演奏的音符——半音阶中仍然只有十二个音符——但这确实意味着她可以轻松地用手指达到其他吉他手无法达到的音符组合（无论他们的手有多大）。
Joni Mitchell had sung in choirs in public school, but had never taken guitar lessons or any other kind of music lessons. Her music has a unique quality that has been variously described as avant-garde, ethereal, and as bridging classical, folk, jazz, and rock. Joni uses a lot of alternate tunings; that is, instead of tuning the guitar in the customary way, she tunes the strings to pitches of her own choosing. This doesn’t mean that she plays notes that other people don’t—there are still only twelve notes in a chromatic scale—but it does mean that she can easily reach with her fingers combinations of notes that other guitarists can’t reach (regardless of the size of their hands).
更重要的区别在于吉他发声的方式。吉他的六根弦中的每一根都被调到特定的音高。当然，当吉他手想要一根不同的琴弦时，她会将一根或多根琴弦压在琴颈上；这使得琴弦更短，从而使其振动更快，从而发出更高音调的音调。按下（“按动”）的琴弦与未按下的琴弦发出不同的声音，这是由于手指造成的琴弦轻微减弱；无品弦或“开放”琴弦具有更清晰、更响亮的音质，并且比有品丝的琴弦听起来更长时间。当两个或多个这样的空弦被允许一起响时，独特的音色出现。通过重新调音，乔尼改变了琴弦打开时演奏音符的配置，这样我们就可以听到吉他上通常不会响起的音符，以及我们通常不会听到的组合。例如，您可以在她的歌曲“切尔西早晨”和“道路避难所”中听到它。
An even more important difference involves the way the guitar makes sound. Each of the six strings of the guitar is tuned to a particular pitch. When a guitarist wants a different one, of course, she presses one or more strings down against the neck; this makes the string shorter, which causes it to vibrate more rapidly, making a tone with a higher pitch. A string that is pressed on (“fretted”) has a different sound from one that isn’t, due to a slight deadening of the string caused by the finger; the unfretted or “open” strings have a clearer, more ringing quality, and they will keep on sounding for a longer time than the ones that are fretted. When two or more of these open strings are allowed to ring together, a unique timbre emerges. By retuning, Joni changed the configuration of which notes are played when a string is open, so that we hear notes ringing that don’t usually ring on the guitar, and in combinations we don’t usually hear. You can hear it on her songs “Chelsea Morning” and “Refuge of the Roads” for example.
但事情远不止于此——许多吉他手都使用自己的调音，例如 David Crosby、Ry Cooder、Leo Kottke 和 Jimmy Page。一天晚上，当我在洛杉矶与乔妮共进晚餐时，她开始谈论与她合作过的贝斯手。她曾与我们这一代最优秀的一些人合作过：Jaco Pastorius、Max Bennett、Larry Klein，她还与 Charles Mingus 一起创作了整张专辑。乔尼（Joni）将用几个小时引人入胜且热情地谈论替代调音，并将它们与梵高在画作中使用的不同颜色进行比较。
But there is something more to it than that—lots of guitarists use their own tunings, such as David Crosby, Ry Cooder, Leo Kottke, and Jimmy Page. One night, when I was having dinner with Joni in Los Angeles, she started talking about bass players that she had worked with. She has worked with some of the very best of our generation: Jaco Pastorius, Max Bennett, Larry Klein, and she wrote an entire album with Charles Mingus. Joni will talk compellingly and passionately about alternate tunings for hours, comparing them to the different colors that van Gogh used in his paintings.
当我们等待主菜时，她讲了一个关于雅科·帕斯托里斯如何总是与她争论、挑战她，并且通常在他们继续之前在后台制造混乱的故事。例如，当罗兰公司将第一台罗兰爵士合唱扩音器手工交付给乔尼在表演中使用时，雅科拿起它，并将其移到舞台的角落。“这是我的，”他咆哮道。当乔尼走近他时，他狠狠地看了她一眼。就是这样。
While we were waiting for the main course, she went off on a story about how Jaco Pastorius was always arguing with her, challenging her, and generally creating mayhem backstage before they would go on. For example when the first Roland Jazz Chorus amplifier was hand-delivered by the Roland Company to Joni to use at a performance, Jaco picked it up, and moved it over to his corner of the stage. “It’s mine,” he growled. When Joni approached him, he gave her a fierce look. And that was that.
我们听了二十分钟的贝斯手故事。因为当 Jaco 演奏《Weather Report》时我是他的超级粉丝，所以我打断了他并问和他一起演奏在音乐上感觉如何。她说他与她曾经合作过的任何其他贝斯手都不同。直到那时，他是唯一一位她觉得真正理解自己想要做什么的贝斯手。这就是为什么她容忍他的攻击性行为。
We were well into twenty minutes of bass-player stories. Because I was a huge fan of Jaco when he played with Weather Report, I interrupted and asked what it was like musically to play with him. She said that he was different from any other bass player she had every played with; that he was the only bass player up to that time that she felt really understood what she was trying to do. That’s why she put up with his aggressive behaviors.
“当我刚开始的时候，”她说，“唱片公司想给我一个制作人，一个有制作热门唱片经验的人。但[大卫]克罗斯比说，“别让他们这么做——制片人会毁了你。” 让我们告诉他们我会为您制作；他们会相信我的。所以基本上，克罗斯比以制作人的身份让唱片公司不妨碍我，这样我就可以按照我想要的方式制作音乐。
“When I first started out,” she said, “the record company wanted to give me a producer, someone who had experience churning out hit records. But [David] Crosby said, ‘Don’t let them—a producer will ruin you. Let’s tell them that I’ll produce it for you; they’ll trust me.’ So basically, Crosby put his name as producer to keep the record company out of my way so that I could make the music the way that I wanted to.
“但是后来音乐家们进来了，他们都对自己想要如何演奏有想法。在我的记录上！最糟糕的是贝斯手，因为他们总是想知道和弦的根音是什么。” 在音乐理论中，和弦的“根音”是和弦命名的音符以及它所基于的音符。例如，“C 大调”和弦以音符 C 作为其根音，“降 E 小调”和弦以音符 E 为根音。就是这么简单。但由于琼妮独特的作曲和吉他演奏风格，她演奏的和弦并不是典型的和弦：琼妮以一种无法轻易标记和弦的方式将音符组合在一起。“贝斯手想要知道根音，因为这就是他们被教导的演奏方式。但我说，‘只要弹奏一些听起来不错的东西就可以了，不用担心根源是什么。’ 他们说，‘我们不能那样做——我们必须弹奏根音，否则听起来就不对劲。’”
“But then the musicians came in and they all had ideas about how they wanted to play. On my record! The worst were the bass players because they always wanted to know what the root of the chord was.” The “root” of a chord, in music theory, is the note for which the chord is named and around which it is based. A “C major” chord has the note C as its root, for example, and an “E-flat minor” chord has the note E-flat as its root. It is that simple. But the chords Joni plays, as a consequence of her unique composition and guitar-playing styles, aren’t typical chords: Joni throws notes together in such a way that the chords can’t be easily labeled. “The bass players wanted to know the root because that’s what they’ve been taught to play. But I said, ‘Just play something that sounds good, don’t worry about what the root is.’ And they said, ‘We can’t do that—we have to play the root or it won’t sound right.’”
因为乔妮没有乐理，也不知道如何读乐谱，所以她无法告诉他们根源。她必须一一告诉他们她在吉他上弹奏的音符，而他们必须自己费力地一次一个和弦地弄清楚。但这就是心理声学和音乐理论爆发性冲突的地方：大多数作曲家使用的标准和弦——C大调、降E小调、D7等等——都是明确的。没有一个有能力的音乐家需要问这样的和弦的根音是什么；这是显而易见的，而且只有一种可能。乔妮的天才在于她创造了模棱两可的和弦，可以有两个或多个不同根音的和弦。当没有贝斯与她的吉他一起演奏时（如“切尔西早晨”或“甜鸟”），听众就会处于一种广阔的审美可能性状态。由于每个和弦都可以用两种或多种不同的方式来解释，因此听众对接下来发生的事情的任何预测或期望都不像传统和弦那样具有确定性。当乔尼将这些模糊和弦中的几个和弦串在一起时，和声的复杂性大大增加；每个和弦序列可以用数十种不同的方式来解释，具体取决于其每个组成部分的聆听方式。由于我们将刚刚听到的内容保存在即时记忆中，并将其与到达我们耳朵和大脑的新音乐流结合起来，细心聆听乔尼音乐的听众——即使是非音乐家——随着作品的展开，他们可以在脑海中书写和改写多种音乐解释；每一次新的聆听都会带来一系列新的背景、期望和解释。从这个意义上说，乔尼的音乐是我听过的最接近印象派视觉艺术的音乐。
Because Joni hadn’t had music theory and didn’t know how to read music, she couldn’t tell them the root. She had to tell them what notes she was playing on the guitar, one by one, and they had to figure it out for themselves, painstakingly, one chord at a time. But here is where psychoacoustics and music theory collide in an explosive conflagration: The standard chords that most composers use—C major, E-flat minor, D7, and so on—are unambiguous. No competent musician would need to ask what the root of a chord like those is; it is obvious, and there is only one possibility. Joni’s genius is that she creates chords that are ambiguous, chords that could have two or more different roots. When there is no bass playing along with her guitar (as in “Chelsea Morning” or “Sweet Bird”), the listener is left in a state of expansive aesthetic possibilities. Because each chord could be interpreted in two or more different ways, any prediction or expectation that a listener has about what comes next is less grounded in certainty than with traditional chords. And when Joni strings together several of these ambiguous chords, the harmonic complexity greatly increases; each chord sequence can be interpreted in dozens of different ways, depending on how each of its constituents is heard. Since we hold in immediate memory what we’ve just heard and integrate it with the stream of new music arriving at our ears and brains, attentive listeners to Joni’s music—even nonmusicians—can write and rewrite in their minds a multitude of musical interpretations as the piece unfolds; and each new listening brings a new set of contexts, expectations, and interpretations. In this sense, Joni’s music is as close to impressionist visual art as anything I’ve heard.
一旦贝斯手演奏一个音符，他就会确定一种特定的音乐解释，从而破坏了作曲家如此巧妙地构建的微妙的模糊性。在 Jaco 之前与 Joni 合作过的所有贝斯手都坚持演奏根音，或者他们认为是根音的东西。乔尼说，雅科的才华在于他本能地知道在可能性空间中徘徊，以同等的重点强化不同的和弦解释，巧妙地将模糊性保持在微妙的、悬而未决的平衡中。雅科允许乔尼在她的歌曲中使用低音吉他，而不会破坏他们最广泛的品质之一。然后，我们在那天晚上的晚餐上发现，这就是为什么乔尼的音乐听起来与其他人不同的秘密之一——它的和声复杂性源于她严格坚持音乐不应该锚定于单一的和声解释。再加上她引人注目的发声声音，我们就会沉浸在一个听觉世界中，这是一个与众不同的音景。
As soon as a bass player plays a note, he fixes one particular musical interpretation, thus ruining the delicate ambiguity the composer has so artfully constructed. All of the bass players Joni worked with before Jaco insisted on playing roots, or what they perceived to be roots. The brilliance of Jaco, Joni said, is that he instinctively knew to wander around the possibility space, reinforcing the different chord interpretations with equal emphasis, sublimely holding the ambiguity in a delicate, suspended balance. Jaco allowed Joni to have bass guitar on her songs without destroying one of their most expansive qualities. This, then, we figured out at dinner that night, was one of the secrets of why Joni’s music sounds unlike anyone else’s—its harmonic complexity born out of her strict insistence that the music not be anchored to a single harmonic interpretation. Add in her compelling, phonogenic voice, and we become immersed in an auditory world, a soundscape unlike any other.
音乐记忆是音乐专业知识的另一个方面。我们中的许多人都认识一个能记住我们其他人记不住的各种细节的人。这可能是一位朋友，他记得他一生中听过的每一个笑话，而我们中的一些人甚至无法复述当天听到的笑话。我的同事理查德·帕恩卡特（Richard Parncutt）是奥地利格拉茨大学的著名音乐学家、音乐认知教授，他曾经在小酒馆里弹钢琴，为读研究生挣钱。每当他来蒙特利尔看望我时，他都会坐在我客厅的钢琴前，在我唱歌时为我伴奏。我们可以一起玩很长时间：任何我命名的歌曲，他都可以凭记忆演奏。他还知道歌曲的不同版本：如果我让他演奏“Anything Goes”，他会问我是否想要西纳特拉、艾拉·菲茨杰拉德或贝西伯爵的版本！现在，我大概可以凭记忆弹奏或唱一百首歌曲。这对于某人来说是典型的谁曾在乐队或管弦乐队中演奏过，以及谁曾表演过。但理查德似乎知道成千上万首歌曲，包括和弦和歌词。他是怎么做的？像我这样记忆力有限的人也能学会这样做吗？
Musical memory is another aspect of musical expertise. Many of us know someone who remembers all kinds of details that the rest of us can’t. This could be a friend who remembers every joke he’s ever heard in his life, while some of us can’t even retell one we’ve heard that same day. My colleague Richard Parncutt, a well-known musicologist and music cognition professor at the University of Graz in Austria, used to play piano in a tavern to earn money for graduate school. Whenever he comes to Montreal to visit me he sits down at the piano in my living room and accompanies me while I sing. We can play together for a long time: Any song I name, he can play from memory. He also knows the different versions of songs: If I ask him to play “Anything Goes,” he’ll ask if I want the version by Sinatra, Ella Fitzgerald, or Count Basie! Now, I can probably play or sing a hundred songs from memory. That is typical for someone who has played in bands or orchestras, and who has performed. But Richard seems to know thousands and thousands of songs, both the chords and lyrics. How does he do it? Is it possible for mere memory mortals like me to learn to do this too?
当我在波士顿伯克利音乐学院的音乐学校就读时，我遇到了一个拥有同样出色的音乐记忆力的人，但与理查德不同。卡拉可以在短短三四秒内识别出一首音乐并为其命名。我其实不知道她凭记忆唱歌有多好，因为我们总是忙着想出一个旋律来难倒她，而这很难做到。卡拉最终在美国作曲家和出版商协会 (ASCAP) 找到了一份工作，这是一个作曲家权利组织，负责监控广播电台的播放列表，以便为 ASCAP 成员收取版税。ASCAP 的工作人员整天坐在曼哈顿的一个房间里，收听全国各地广播节目的节选。为了提高工作效率，并首先被录用，他们必须能够在三到五秒内说出一首歌和表演者的名字，然后将其写在日志中并继续下一首歌。
When I was in music school, at the Berklee College of Music in Boston, I ran into someone with an equally remarkable form of musical memory, but different from Richard’s. Carla could recognize a piece of music within just three or four seconds and name it. I don’t actually know how good she was at singing songs from memory, because we were always busy trying to come up with a melody to stump her, and this was hard to do. Carla eventually took a job at the American Society of Composers and Publishers (ASCAP), a composers’ rights organization that monitors radio station playlists in order to collect royalties for ASCAP members. ASCAP workers sit in a room in Manhattan all day, listening to excerpts from radio programs all over the country. To be efficient at their job, and indeed to be hired in the first place, they have to be able to name a song and the performer within just three to five seconds before writing it down in the log and moving on to the next one.
早些时候，我提到了肯尼，一个患有威廉姆斯综合症的演奏单簧管的男孩。有一次，当肯尼在演奏斯科特·乔普林的《艺人》（《骗中骗》的主题曲）时，他在某个段落上遇到了困难。“我可以再试一次吗？” 他问我，带着一种典型的威廉姆斯综合症的急于取悦的态度。“当然，”我说。然而，他并没有只备份乐曲中的几个音符或几秒钟，而是一路回到了开头！我以前在录音室里见过这种情况，从卡洛斯·桑塔纳到冲突乐队的大师级音乐家都有这种倾向——即使不是回到整首作品的开头，也会回到一个乐句的开头。就好像音乐家正在执行记忆的肌肉运动序列，并且该序列必须从头开始。
Earlier, I mentioned Kenny, the boy with Williams syndrome who plays the clarinet. Once when Kenny was playing “The Entertainer” (the theme song from The Sting), by Scott Joplin, he had difficulty with a certain passage. “Can I try that again?” he asked me, with an eagerness to please that is typical of Williams syndrome. “Of course,” I said. Instead of backing up just a few notes or a few seconds in the piece, however, he went all the way back to the beginning! I had seen this before, in recording studios, with master musicians from Carlos Santana to the Clash—a tendency to go back, if not to the beginning of the entire piece, to the beginning of a phrase. It is as though the musician is executing a memorized sequence of muscle movements, and the sequence has to begin from the beginning.
这三种音乐记忆表现有什么共同点？像理查德和卡拉这样拥有出色音乐记忆力的人的大脑中发生了什么，或者肯尼的“手指记忆”有？这些操作与仅具有普通音乐记忆的人的正常神经过程有何不同或相似？任何领域的专业知识都具有卓越的记忆力，但仅限于专业领域内的事物。我的朋友理查德对生活中的一切都没有超强的记忆力——他仍然像其他人一样丢失了钥匙。国际象棋大师已经记住了数千种棋盘和游戏配置。然而，他们对国际象棋的特殊记忆只限于棋子的合法位置。当要求他们记住棋盘上棋子的随机排列时，他们的表现并不比新手好。换句话说，他们对棋子位置的了解是系统化的，并且依赖于对合法走法和棋子可以采取的位置的了解。同样，音乐专家也依赖于他们对音乐结构的了解。专业音乐家擅长记住“合法”的和弦序列或在他们所经历的和声系统中有意义的和弦序列，但他们在学习随机和弦序列方面并不比其他人更好。
What do these three demonstrations of memory for music have in common? What is going on in the brains of someone with a fantastic musical memory like Richard and Carla, or the “finger memory” that Kenny has? How might those operations be different from—or similar to—the normal neural processes in someone with a merely ordinary musical memory? Expertise in any domain is characterized by a superior memory, but only for things within the domain of expertise. My friend Richard doesn’t have a superior memory for everything in life—he still loses his keys just like anyone else. Grandmaster chess players have memorized thousands of board and game configurations. However, their exceptional memory for chess extends only to legal positions of the chess pieces. Asked to memorize random arrangements of pieces on a board, they do no better than novices; in other words, their knowledge of chess-piece positions is schematized, and relies on knowledge of the legal moves and positions that pieces can take. Likewise, experts in music rely on their knowledge of musical structure. Expert musicians excel at remembering chord sequences that are “legal” or make sense within the harmonic systems that they have experience with, but they do no better than anyone else at learning sequences of random chords.
那么，当音乐家记忆歌曲时，他们依赖于一种记忆结构，并且细节适合该结构。这是大脑运作的一种高效且简约的方式。我们不是记住每个和弦或每个音符，而是建立一个可以容纳许多不同歌曲的框架，一个可以容纳大量音乐作品的心理模板。当学习演奏贝多芬的“Pathétique”奏鸣曲时，钢琴家可以学习前八个小节，然后，对于接下来的八个小节，只需知道相同的主题重复但高八度即可。任何摇滚音乐家都可以演奏披头士乐队的“One After 909”，即使他以前从未演奏过，只要简单地告诉他这是“标准的十六小节布鲁斯进行曲”。这句话是一个框架，可以容纳数千首歌曲。“909之后的一个”有一些细微差别，构成了框架的变化。关键是，一旦音乐家达到一定的经验、知识和熟练程度，他们通常不会一次一个音符地学习新作品。他们可以在他们所知道的之前的作品上搭建框架，只需要注意与标准模式的任何变化。
When musicians memorize songs, then, they are relying on a structure for their memory, and the details fit into that structure. This is an efficient and parsimonious way for the brain to function. Rather than memorizing every chord or every note, we build up a framework within which many different songs can fit, a mental template that can accommodate a large number of musical pieces. When learning to play Beethoven’s “Pathétique” Sonata, the pianist can learn the first eight measures and then, for the next eight, simply needs to know that the same theme is repeated but an octave higher. Any rock musician can play “One After 909” by the Beatles even if he’s never played it before, if he is simply told that it is a “standard sixteen-bar blues progression.” That phrase is a framework within which thousands of songs fit. “One After 909” has certain nuances that constitute variations of the framework. The point is that musicians don’t typically learn new pieces one note at a time once they have reached a certain level of experience, knowledge, and proficiency. They can scaffold on the previous pieces they know, and just note any variations from the standard schema.
因此，演奏一首音乐作品的记忆涉及到一个非常类似于我们在第 4 章中看到的听音乐的过程，通过建立标准模式和期望。此外，音乐家还使用分块，这是一种组织信息的方式，类似于国际象棋选手、运动员和其他专家组织信息的方式。组块是指将信息单元组合成组，并将组作为一个整体而不是单个片段进行记忆的过程。当我们必须记住某人的长途电话号码时，我们总是在没有太多意识的情况下这样做。如果您想记住纽约市某人的电话号码，并且您知道纽约市的其他电话号码并且熟悉它们，那么您不必记住区号作为三个单独的数字，而是记住将其作为一个单位：212。同样，您可能知道洛杉矶是 213，亚特兰大是 404，或者英格兰的国家代码是 44。分块很重要的原因是因为我们的大脑对它们传递的信息量有限制。可以主动跟踪。据我们所知，长期记忆没有实际限制，但工作记忆（我们当前意识的内容）受到严重限制，通常只有九条信息。将北美电话号码编码为区号（一个信息单位）加七位数字可以帮助我们避免这一限制。国际象棋棋手还采用分块的方式，根据以标准、易于命名的模式排列的棋子组来记住棋盘配置。
Memory for playing a musical piece therefore involves a process very much like that for music listening as we saw in Chapter 4, through establishing standard schemas and expectation. In addition, musicians use chunking, a way of organizing information similar to the way chess players, athletes, and other experts organize information. Chunking refers to the process of tying together units of information into groups, and remembering the group as a whole rather than the individual pieces. We do this all the time without much conscious awareness when we have to remember someone’s long-distance phone number. If you’re trying to remember the phone number of someone in New York City—and if you know other NYC phone numbers and are familiar with them—you don’t have to remember the area code as three individual numerals, rather, you remember it as a single unit: 212. Likewise, you may know that Los Angeles is 213, Atlanta is 404, or that the country code for England is 44. The reason that chunking is important is because our brains have limits on how much information they can actively keep track of. There is no practical limit to long-term memory that we know of, but working memory—the contents of our present awareness—is severely limited, generally to nine pieces of information. Encoding a North American phone number as the area code (one unit of information) plus seven digits helps us to avoid that limit. Chess players also employ chunking, remembering board configurations in terms of groups of pieces arranged in standard, easy-to-name patterns.
音乐家还以多种方式使用分块。首先，他们倾向于在记忆中编码整个和弦，而不是和弦的各个音符；他们记住“C大调7”而不是单个音调C-E-G-B，并且他们记住构建和弦的规则，这样他们就可以从一个记忆条目当场创建这四个音调。其次，音乐家倾向于对和弦序列进行编码，而不是对孤立的和弦进行编码。“Plagal cadence”、“aeolian cadence”、“带有 VI 转变的十二小节小调布鲁斯”或“节奏变化”是音乐家用来描述不同长度序列的速记标签。存储有关这些标签含义的信息后，音乐家可以从单个记忆条目中回忆起大量信息。第三，我们作为听众获得有关风格规范的知识，并作为参与者获得有关如何产生这些规范的知识。音乐家知道如何拍摄一首歌并应用这些知识（又是模式），使歌曲听起来像萨尔萨、垃圾摇滚、迪斯科或重金属；每种流派和时代都有其风格特征或特征节奏、音色或和声元素来定义它。我们可以在内存中对这些特征进行整体编码，然后一次性检索这些特征。
Musicians also use chunking in several ways. First, they tend to encode in memory an entire chord, rather than the individual notes of the chord; they remember “C major 7” rather than the individual tones C - E - G - B, and they remember the rule for constructing chords, so that they can create those four tones on the spot from just one memory entry. Second, musicians tend to encode sequences of chords, rather than isolated chords. “Plagal cadence,” “aeolian cadence,” “twelve-bar minor blues with a V-I turnaround,” or “rhythm changes” are shorthand labels that musicians use to describe sequences of varying lengths. Having stored the information about what these labels mean allows the musician to recall big chunks of information from a single memory entry. Third, we obtain knowledge as listeners about stylistic norms, and as players about how to produce these norms. Musicians know how to take a song and apply this knowledge—schemas again—to make the song sound like salsa, or grunge, or disco, or heavy metal; each genre and era has stylistic tics or characteristic rhythmic, timbral, or harmonic elements that define it. We can encode those in memory holistically, and then retrieve these features all at once.
理查德·帕恩卡特 (Richard Parncutt) 坐在钢琴前弹奏数千首歌曲时，就使用了这三种组块形式。他还了解足够的音乐理论，并且足够熟悉不同的风格和流派，他可以假装通过他并不真正知道的段落，就像演员如果暂时忘记了她可能会替换剧本中没有的单词一样线。如果理查德不确定某个音符或和弦，他会用风格上合理的音符或和弦来替换它。
These three forms of chunking are what Richard Parncutt uses when he sits at the piano to play thousands of songs. He also knows enough music theory and is acquainted enough with different styles and genres that he can fake his way through a passage he doesn’t really know, just as an actor might substitute words that aren’t in the script if she momentarily forgets her lines. If Richard is unsure of a note or chord, he’ll replace it with one that is stylistically plausible.
识别记忆——我们大多数人识别以前听过的音乐片段的能力——类似于面孔、照片、甚至味道和气味的记忆，并且存在个体差异，有些人只是比其他人更好; 它也是特定领域的，有些人（比如我的同学卡拉）特别擅长音乐，而另一些人则擅长其他感官领域。能够从记忆中快速检索一首熟悉的音乐是一项技能，但是能够快速、轻松地为其添加标签，例如歌曲名称、艺术家和录制年份（卡拉可以做到）则涉及到独立的皮质网络，我们现在认为该网络涉及颞平面（一种与绝对音高相关的结构）和下前额皮质区域，已知这些区域是将言语标签附加到感觉印象上所必需的。为什么有些人比其他人更擅长这一点仍然未知，但这可能是由于他们的大脑形成方式中的先天或硬连线倾向造成的，而这反过来又可能有部分遗传基础。
Identification memory—the ability that most of us have to identify pieces of music that we’ve heard before—is similar to memory for faces, photos, even tastes and smells, and there is individual variability, with some people simply being better than others; it is also domain specific, with some people—like my classmate Carla—being especially good at music, while others excel in other sensory domains. Being able to rapidly retrieve a familiar piece of music from memory is one skill, but being able to then quickly and effortlessly attach a label to it, such as the song title, artist, and year of recording (which Carla could do) involves a separate cortical network, which we now believe involves the planum temporale (a structure associated with absolute pitch) and regions of the inferior prefrontal cortex that are known to be required for attaching verbal labels to sensory impressions. Why some people are better at this than others is still unknown, but it may result from an innate or hardwired predisposition in the way their brains formed, and this in turn may have a partial genetic basis.
当学习一首新音乐作品中的音符序列时，音乐家有时不得不诉诸我们大多数人小时候学习新声音序列时所采用的蛮力方法，例如字母表、美国效忠誓词或上帝的誓言。祷告：我们只是这样做我们尽一切努力通过一遍又一遍地重复来记住信息。但这种死记硬背是通过材料的分层组织来极大地促进的。文本中的某些单词或音乐作品中的音符（正如我们在第 4 章中看到的）在结构上比其他单词更重要，我们围绕它们组织我们的学习。这种简单而古老的记忆是音乐家在学习演奏特定曲目所需的肌肉运动时所做的事情；这是像肯尼这样的音乐家不能从任何音符开始演奏的部分原因，而是倾向于从有意义的单元的开始，即按层次组织的块的开始。
When learning sequences of notes in a new musical piece, musicians sometimes have to resort to the brute-force approach that most of us took as children in learning new sequences of sounds, such as the alphabet, the U.S. Pledge of Allegiance, or the Lord’s Prayer: We simply do everything we can to memorize the information by repeating it over and over again. But this rote memorization is greatly facilitated by a hierarchical organization of the material. Certain words in a text or notes in a musical piece (as we saw in Chapter 4) are more important than others structurally, and we organize our learning around them. This sort of plain old memorization is what musicians do when they learn the muscle movements necessary to play a particular piece; it is part of the reason that musicians like Kenny can’t start playing on just any note, but tend to go to the beginnings of meaningful units, the beginnings of their hierarchically organized chunks.
因此，成为一名专业音乐家有多种形式：演奏乐器的灵巧性、情感交流、创造力以及记忆音乐的特殊心理结构。作为一名专家聆听者（我们大多数人在六岁时），需要将我们音乐文化的语法融入到心理图式中，使我们能够形成音乐期望，这是音乐审美体验的核心。如何获得所有这些不同形式的专业知识仍然是神经科学的一个谜。然而，正在形成的共识是，音乐专业知识不是一回事，而是涉及许多组成部分，而且并非所有音乐专家都会平等地被赋予这些不同的组成部分——有些人，比如欧文·柏林，可能缺乏我们大多数人甚至认为是的东西。音乐才能的基本方面，能够很好地演奏乐器。从我们现在所知，音乐专业知识与其他领域的专业知识似乎不太可能完全不同。尽管音乐确实使用了其他活动所不需要的大脑结构和神经回路，但成为音乐专家的过程（无论是作曲家还是表演者）需要许多与成为其他领域的专家相同的性格特征，特别是勤奋、耐心、动机和简单的老式坚持下去的态度。
Being an expert musician thus take many forms: dexterity at playing an instrument, emotional communication, creativity, and special mental structures for remembering music. Being an expert listener, which most of us are by age six, involves having incorporated the grammar of our musical culture into mental schemas that allow us to form musical expectations, the heart of the aesthetic experience in music. How all these various forms of expertise are acquired is still a neuroscientific mystery. The emerging consensus, however, is that musical expertise is not one thing, but involves many components, and not all musical experts will be endowed with these different components equally—some, like Irving Berlin, may lack what most of us would even consider a fundamental aspect of musicianship, being able to play an instrument well. It seems unlikely from what we now know that musical expertise is wholly different from expertise in other domains. Although music certainly uses brain structures and neural circuits that other activities don’t, the process of becoming a musical expert—whether a composer or performer—requires many of the same personality traits as becoming an expert in other domains, especially diligence, patience, motivation, and plain old-fashioned stick-to-it-iveness.
成为一名著名音乐家完全是另一回事，可能与内在因素或能力的关系不大，而与魅力、机会和运气的关系更大。然而，有一点值得重复：我们是专业的音乐聆听者，能够非常微妙地决定我们喜欢什么和不喜欢什么，即使我们无法阐明原因。科学确实可以解释为什么我们喜欢我们所做的音乐，这个故事是神经元和音符之间相互作用的另一个有趣的方面。
Becoming a famous musician is another matter entirely, and may not have as much to do with intrinsic factors or ability as with charisma, opportunity, and luck. An essential point bears repeating, however: All of us are expert musical listeners, able to make quite subtle determinations of what we like and don’t like, even when we’re unable to articulate the reasons why. Science does have something to say about why we like the music we do, and that story is another interesting facet of the interplay between neurons and notes.
8. 我最喜欢的东西
8. My Favorite Things
为什么我们喜欢自己喜欢的音乐？
Why Do We Like the Music We Like?
你从沉睡中醒来，睁开眼睛。这是黑暗的。你的听力外围远处有规律的跳动仍然存在。你用手揉眼睛，却看不出任何形状或形状。时间过去了，但多久呢？半小时？一小时？然后你会听到一种不同但可辨认的声音——一种无定形的、移动的、摇摆的声音，伴随着快速的跳动，你可以感觉到脚的撞击声。声音的开始和停止没有定义。它们逐渐建立和消亡，编织在一起，没有明确的开始或结束。这些熟悉的声音令人感到安慰，您以前听过它们。当你聆听时，你会对接下来会发生什么有一个模糊的概念，而且确实如此，即使声音仍然遥远且混乱，就好像你在水下聆听一样。
You wake from a deep sleep and open your eyes. It’s dark. The distant regular beating at the periphery of your hearing is still there. You rub your eyes with your hands, but you can’t make out any shapes or forms. Time passes, but how long? Half an hour? One hour? Then you hear a different but recognizable sound—an amorphous, moving, wiggly sound with fast beating, a pounding that you can feel in your feet. The sounds start and stop without definition. Gradually building up and dying down, they weave together with no clear beginnings or endings. These familiar sounds are comforting, you’ve heard them before. As you listen, you have a vague notion of what will come next, and it does, even as the sounds remain remote and muddled, as though you’re listening underwater.
在子宫内，胎儿被羊水包围，可以听到声音。它听到母亲的心跳，时而加快，时而减慢。英国基尔大学的亚历山德拉·拉蒙特最近发现，胎儿能听到音乐。她发现，孩子出生一年后，就会认识并喜欢他们在子宫里接触过的音乐。胎儿的听觉系统在受孕后约二十周即可完全发挥功能。在拉蒙特的实验中，母亲们在最后阶段反复向婴儿播放一首音乐怀孕三个月。当然，婴儿们还通过子宫内羊水般的羊水过滤听到了母亲日常生活中的所有声音，包括其他音乐、谈话和环境噪音。但我们还是挑选了一首特别的歌曲让每个婴儿定期聆听。精选曲目包括古典音乐（莫扎特、维瓦尔第）、Top 40（五人组、后街男孩）、雷鬼音乐（UB40、肯·布斯）和世界节拍音乐（Spirits of Nature）。出生后，母亲们不被允许给婴儿播放实验歌曲。一年后，拉蒙特给婴儿播放了他们在子宫里听到的音乐，以及另一首选择与风格和节奏相匹配的音乐。例如，一个听过 UB40 的雷鬼歌曲“Many Rivers to Cross”的婴儿在一年后再次听到了这首曲子，同时还听到了雷鬼艺术家 Freddie McGregor 的“Stop Loving You”。然后拉蒙特决定婴儿们更喜欢哪一个。
Inside the womb, surrounded by amniotic fluid, the fetus hears sounds. It hears the heartbeat of its mother, at times speeding up, at other times slowing down. And the fetus hears music, as was recently discovered by Alexandra Lamont of Keele University in the UK. She found that, a year after they are born, children recognize and prefer music they were exposed to in the womb. The auditory system of the fetus is fully functional about twenty weeks after conception. In Lamont’s experiment, mothers played a single piece of music to their babies repeatedly during the final three months of gestation. Of course, the babies were also hearing—through the waterlike filtering of the amniotic fluid in the womb—all of the sounds of their mothers’ daily life, including other music, conversations, and environmental noises. But one particular piece was singled out for each baby to hear on a regular basis. The singled-out pieces included classical (Mozart, Vivaldi), Top 40 (Five, Backstreet Boys), reggae (UB40, Ken Boothe) and world beat (Spirits of Nature). After birth, the mothers were not allowed to play the experimental song to their infants. Then, one year later, Lamont played babies the music that they had heard in the womb, along with another piece of music chosen to be matched for style and tempo. For example, a baby who had heard UB40’s reggae track “Many Rivers to Cross” heard that piece again, a year later, along with “Stop Loving You” by the reggae artist Freddie McGregor. Lamont then determined which one the babies preferred.
你怎么知道尚未学会说话的婴儿更喜欢两种刺激中的哪一种？大多数婴儿研究人员使用一种称为条件转头程序的技术，该技术由 Robert Fantz 在 20 世纪 60 年代开发，并由 John Columbo、Anne Fernald、已故的 Peter Jusczyk 及其同事改进。实验室里设置了两个扬声器，婴儿被放置在扬声器之间（通常放在母亲的腿上）。当婴儿看着一个扬声器时，它开始播放音乐或其他声音，而当他看着另一个扬声器时，它开始播放不同的音乐或不同的声音。婴儿很快就知道他可以通过他看的地方来控制正在播放的内容；也就是说，他了解到实验条件在他的控制之下。实验者确保他们平衡（随机化）不同刺激的来源位置；也就是说，所研究的刺激有一半的时间来自一个说话者，一半的时间来自另一个说话者。当拉蒙特在她的研究中对婴儿进行这项研究时，她发现，与播放新奇音乐的扬声器相比，他们倾向于看正在播放他们在子宫里听到的音乐的扬声器更长的时间，这证实了他们更喜欢自己喜欢的音乐。有过产前暴露。对照组由一岁的孩子组成，他们以前从未听过任何音乐没有表现出任何偏好，证实音乐本身没有任何因素导致这些结果。拉蒙特还发现，在所有条件相同的情况下，小婴儿更喜欢快节奏、欢快的音乐，而不是慢节奏的音乐。
How do you know which of two stimuli a preverbal infant prefers? Most infant researchers use a technique known as the conditioned head-turning procedure, developed by Robert Fantz in the 1960s, and refined by John Columbo, Anne Fernald, the late Peter Jusczyk, and their colleagues. Two loudspeakers are set up in the laboratory and the infant is placed (usually on his mother’s lap) between the speakers. When the infant looks at one speaker, it starts to play music or some other sound, and when he looks at the other speaker, it starts to play different music or a different sound. The infant quickly learns that he can control what is playing by where he is looking; he learns, that is, that the conditions of the experiment are under his control. The experimenters make sure that they counterbalance (randomize) the location that the different stimuli come from; that is, half the time the stimulus under study comes from one speaker and half the time it comes from the other. When Lamont did this with the infants in her study, she found that they tended to look longer at the speaker that was playing music they had heard in the womb than at the speaker playing the novel music, confirming that they preferred the music to which they had the prenatal exposure. A control group of one-year-olds who had not heard any of the music before showed no preference, confirming that there was nothing about the music itself that caused these results. Lamont also found that, all things being equal, the young infant prefers fast, upbeat music to slow music.
这些发现与长期以来关于儿童失忆症的观念相矛盾，即我们在五岁左右之前无法拥有任何真实的记忆。许多人声称拥有两岁和三岁左右的童年记忆，但很难知道这些记忆是否是原始事件的真实记忆，或者更确切地说，是后来有人告诉我们该事件的记忆。幼儿的大脑尚未发育成熟，大脑的功能特化还不完整，神经通路仍处于形成过程中。孩子的大脑试图在尽可能短的时间内吸收尽可能多的信息；孩子对事件的理解、意识或记忆通常存在很大差距，因为他还没有学会如何区分重要事件和不重要事件，或者系统地编码经验。因此，年幼的孩子是建议的主要候选者，并且可能会不知不觉地将别人告诉他的有关他自己的故事编码为他自己的故事。看来，对于音乐来说，甚至产前经历也被编码在记忆中，并且可以在缺乏语言或对记忆的明确认识的情况下获得。
These findings contradict the long-standing notion of childhood amnesia—that we can’t have any veridical memories before around the age of five. Many people claim to have memories from early childhood around age two and three, but it is difficult to know whether these are true memories of the original event, or rather, memory of someone telling us about the event later. The young child’s brain is still undeveloped, functional specialization of the brain isn’t complete, and neural pathways are still in the process of being made. The child’s mind is trying to assimilate as much information as possible in as short a time as possible; there are typically large gaps in the child’s understanding, awareness, or memory for events because he hasn’t yet learned how to distinguish important events from unimportant ones, or to encode experience systematically. Thus, the young child is a prime candidate for suggestion, and could unwittingly encode, as his own, stories that were told to him about himself. It appears that for music even prenatal experience is encoded in memory, and can be accessed in the absence of language or explicit awareness of the memory.
几年前，一项研究登上了报纸和早间脱口秀节目，声称每天听莫扎特十分钟可以让你变得更聪明（“莫扎特效应”）。具体来说，据称，听音乐可以提高你在听完之后立即进行的空间推理任务的表现（一些记者认为这也意味着数学能力）。美国国会议员通过决议，乔治亚州州长拨款为每个乔治亚州新生婴儿购买一张莫扎特CD。大多数科学家发现自己处于一个不舒服的境地。尽管我们确实凭直觉相信音乐可以增强其他认知技能，并且尽管我们都希望看到政府为学校音乐项目提供更多资金，但声称这一点的实际研究存在许多科学缺陷。该研究声称一些正确的事情，但出于错误的原因。就我个人而言，我觉得所有的喧闹都有点令人反感，因为这意味着音乐本身不应该被研究，也不应该为了它本身的权利而被研究，而只有当它可以帮助人们在其他“更重要”的事情上做得更好时。想想看，如果我们把它翻过来，这听起来多么荒谬。如果我声称学习数学有助于提高音乐能力，政策制定者是否会因此而开始向数学投入资金？音乐往往是公立学校的可怜的继子，当出现资金问题时，音乐是第一个被削减的项目，人们经常试图用其附带的好处来证明它的合理性，而不是让音乐为了自身的回报而存在。
A study made the newspapers and morning talk shows several years ago, claiming that listening to Mozart for ten minutes a day made you smarter (“the Mozart Effect”). Specifically, music listening, it was claimed, can improve your performance on spatial-reasoning tasks given immediately after the listening session (which some journalists thought implied mathematical ability as well). U.S. congressmen were passing resolutions, the governor of Georgia appropriated funds to buy a Mozart CD for every newborn baby Georgian. Most scientists found ourselves in an uncomfortable position. Although we do believe intuitively that music can enhance other cognitive skills, and although we would all like to see more governmental funding for school music programs, the actual study that claimed this contained many scientific flaws. The study was claiming some of the right things but for the wrong reasons. Personally, I found all the hubbub a bit offensive because the implication was that music should not be studied in and of itself, or for its own right, but only if it could help people to do better on other, “more important” things. Think how absurd this would sound if we turned it inside out. If I claimed that studying mathematics helped musical ability, would policy makers start pumping money into math for that reason? Music has often been the poor stepchild of public schools, the first program to get cut when there are funding problems, and people frequently try to justify it in terms of its collateral benefits, rather than letting music exist for its own rewards.
“音乐让你更聪明”研究的问题很简单：根据比尔·汤普森、格伦·谢伦伯格和其他人的研究，实验控制不充分，两组之间空间能力的微小差异，都变成了关于控制任务的选择。与坐在房间里无所事事相比，听音乐看起来相当不错。但如果控制任务中的受试者受到最轻微的精神刺激——听磁带上的书、阅读等——听音乐就没有任何优势。这项研究的另一个问题是，没有提出可行的机制——听音乐如何提高空间表现？
The problem with the “music makes you smarter” study turned out to be straightforward: The experimental controls were inadequate, and the tiny difference in spatial ability between the two groups, according to research by Bill Thompson, Glenn Schellenberg, and others, all turned on the choice of a control task. Compared to sitting in a room and doing nothing, music listening looked pretty good. But if subjects in the control task were given the slightest mental stimulation—hearing a book on tape, reading, etc.—there was no advantage for music listening. Another problem with the study was that there was no plausible mechanism proposed by which this might work—how could music listening increase spatial performance?
格伦·谢伦伯格指出了区分音乐的短期和长期影响的重要性。莫扎特效应指的是立竿见影的好处，但其他研究揭示了音乐活动的长期影响。听音乐可以增强或改变某些神经回路，包括初级听觉皮层中树突连接的密度。哈佛大学神经科学家戈特弗里德·施劳格（Gottfried Schlaug）表明，音乐家的胼胝体前部（连接两个大脑半球的纤维团）明显大于非音乐家，特别是对于早期开始训练的音乐家来说。这强化了这样的观念：随着训练的增加，音乐操作变得双边的，因为音乐家协调和招募左右半球的神经结构。
Glenn Schellenberg has pointed out the importance of distinguishing short-term from long-term effects of music. The Mozart Effect referred to immediate benefits, but other research has revealed long-term effects of musical activity. Music listening enhances or changes certain neural circuits, including the density of dendritic connections in the primary auditory cortex. The Harvard neuroscientist Gottfried Schlaug has shown that the front portion of the corpus callosum—the mass of fibers connecting the two cerebral hemispheres—is significantly larger in musicians than nonmusicians, and particularly for musicians who began their training early. This reinforces the notion that musical operations become bilateral with increased training, as musicians coordinate and recruit neural structures in both the left and right hemispheres.
多项研究发现微观结构发生变化小脑在获得运动技能后，例如音乐家获得的运动技能，包括突触数量和密度的增加。施劳格发现音乐家往往比非音乐家有更大的小脑，并且灰质的浓度也更高。灰质是大脑的一部分，包含细胞体、轴突和树突，被认为负责信息处理，而白质则负责信息传输。
Several studies have found microstructural changes in the cerebellum after the acquisition of motor skills, such as are acquired by musicians, including an increased number and density of synapses. Schlaug found that musicians tended to have larger cerebellums than nonmusicians, and an increased concentration of gray matter; gray matter is that part of the brain that contains the cell bodies, axons, and dendrites, and is understood to be responsible for information processing, as opposed to white matter, which is responsible for information transmission.
大脑的这些结构变化是否会转化为非音乐领域能力的增强尚未得到证实，但音乐聆听和音乐治疗已被证明可以帮助人们克服广泛的心理和身体问题。但是，回到关于音乐品味的更富有成效的探究……拉蒙特的结果很重要，因为它们表明产前和新生儿的大脑能够存储记忆并在很长一段时间内检索它们。更实际的是，结果表明环境——即使是由羊水和子宫介导的——也会影响孩子的发育和偏好。因此，音乐偏好的种子是在子宫里播下的，但故事一定不止于此，否则孩子们只会被他们的母亲喜欢的音乐或拉马泽课堂上播放的音乐所吸引。我们可以说的是，音乐偏好受到我们在子宫里听到的声音的影响，但不是决定的。还有一个较长的文化适应期，在此期间，婴儿接受她出生的文化的音乐。几年前有报道称，在习惯外国（对我们来说）文化的音乐之前，所有婴儿都更喜欢西方音乐而不是其他音乐，无论他们的文化或种族如何。这些发现并未得到证实，但相反，人们发现婴儿确实表现出对和谐音的偏好，而不是不和谐音。欣赏不和谐是在以后的生活中出现的，人们对不和谐的容忍程度也不同。
Whether these structural changes in the brain translate to enhanced abilities in nonmusical domains has not been proven, but music listening and music therapy have been shown to help people overcome a broad range of psychological and physical problems. But, to return to a more fruitful line of inquiry regarding musical taste … Lamont’s results are important because they show that the prenatal and newborn brain are able to store memories and retrieve them over long periods of time. More practically, the results indicate that the environment—even when mediated by amniotic fluid and by the womb—can affect a child’s development and preferences. So the seeds of musical preference are sown in the womb, but there must be more to the story than that, or children would simply gravitate toward the music their mothers like, or that plays in Lamaze classes. What we can say is that musical preferences are influenced, but not determined, by what we hear in the womb. There also is an extended period of acculturation, during which the infant takes in the music of the culture she is born into. There were reports a few years ago that prior to becoming used to the music of a foreign (to us) culture, all infants prefer Western music to other musics, regardless of their culture or race. These findings were not corroborated, but rather, it was found that infants do show a preference for consonance over dissonance. Appreciating dissonance comes later in life, and people differ in how much dissonance they can tolerate.
这可能有一个神经基础。辅音音程和不协和音程是通过听觉皮层中不同的机制进行处理的。研究人类和猴子对感觉不和谐的电生理反应的最新结果（即，由于频率比而听起来不和谐的和弦，而不是由于任何原因）和声或音乐背景）表明，初级听觉皮层（声音皮层处理的第一级）中的神经元在不和谐和弦期间同步其放电频率，但在辅音和弦期间则不然。为什么这会产生对和谐的偏好尚不清楚。
There is probably a neural basis for this. Consonant intervals and dissonant intervals are processed via separate mechanisms in the auditory cortex. Recent results from studying the electrophysiological responses of humans and monkeys to sensory dissonance (that is, chords that sound dissonant by virtue of their frequency ratios, not due to any harmonic or musical context) show that neurons in the primary auditory cortex—the first level of cortical processing for sound—synchronize their firing rates during dissonant chords, but not during consonant chords. Why that would create a preference for consonance is not yet clear.
我们确实对婴儿的听觉世界有所了解。尽管婴儿的耳朵在出生前四个月就已完全发挥功能，但发育中的大脑需要数月或数年才能达到完全的听觉处理能力。婴儿能够识别音调和时间的变换（节奏变化），这表明他们有能力进行关系处理，而即使是最先进的计算机也仍然无法很好地做到这一点。威斯康星大学的珍妮·萨弗兰（Jenny Saffran）和麦克马斯特大学的劳雷尔·特雷纳（Laurel Trainor）收集了证据，表明如果任务需要，婴儿也可以注意绝对音调提示，这表明婴儿具有以前未知的认知灵活性：婴儿可以采用不同的处理模式——可能是由不同的神经回路——取决于什么最能帮助他们解决手头的问题。
We do know a bit about the infant’s auditory world. Although infant ears are fully functioning four months before birth, the developing brain requires months or years to reach full auditory processing capacity. Infants recognize transpositions of pitch and of time (tempo changes), indicating they are capable of relational processing, something that even the most advanced computers still can’t do very well. Jenny Saffran of the University of Wisconsin and Laurel Trainor of McMaster University have gathered evidence that infants can also attend to absolute-pitch cues if the task requires it, suggesting a cognitive flexibility previously unknown: Infants can employ different modes of processing—presumably mediated by different neural circuits—depending on what will best help them to solve the problem at hand.
Trehub、Dowling 和其他人已经证明，轮廓对于婴儿来说是最显着的音乐特征，即使在 30 秒的记忆中，婴儿也能发现轮廓的相似性和差异。回想一下，轮廓是指旋律中音高的模式——旋律的起伏顺序——无论音程的大小。例如，专门关注轮廓的人只会编码旋律上升，但不会编码上升多少。婴儿对音乐轮廓的敏感度与他们对语言轮廓的敏感度是平行的——例如，语言轮廓将问题与感叹词分开，并且是语言学家所说的韵律的一部分。弗纳德和特雷哈布记录了父母对婴儿说话的方式与对大孩子和成人说话的方式不同，这在不同文化中都适用。由此产生的说话方式使用较慢的节奏、扩展的音调范围和较高的整体音调水平。
Trehub, Dowling, and others have shown that contour is the most salient musical feature for infants, who can detect contour similarities and differences even across thirty seconds of retention. Recall that contour refers to the pattern of musical pitch in a melody—the sequence of ups and downs that the melody takes—regardless of the size of the interval. Someone attending to contour exclusively would encode only that the melody goes up, for example, but not by how much. Infants’ sensitivity to musical contour parallels their sensitivity to linguistic contours—which separate questions from exclamations, for example, and which are part of what linguists call prosody. Fernald and Trehub have documented the ways in which parents speak differently to infants than to older children and adults, and this holds across cultures. The resulting manner of speaking uses a slower tempo, an extended pitch range, and a higher overall pitch level.
母亲（在较小程度上，父亲）会很自然地这样做，没有任何明确的指示，使用一种夸张的语调，研究人员称之为婴儿定向言语或母亲语。我们相信妈妈语有助于引起婴儿对母亲声音的注意，并有助于区分句子中的单词。我们不会像对成年人那样说“这是一个球”，而是会说“Seeeeee？”之类的话。（eee 的音调上升到句子的末尾）。“看到 BAAAAAALLLLLL 了吗？” （球场覆盖了一个延伸的范围，并在单词球的末尾再次上升）。在这样的话语中，轮廓是母亲正在提出问题或发表陈述的信号，并且通过夸大上下轮廓之间的差异，母亲引起人们的注意。实际上，母亲正在创建一个问题的原型和一个声明的原型，并确保这些原型很容易区分。当一位母亲发出感叹式的斥责时，很自然地——而且同样没有经过明确的训练——她很可能会创造出第三种典型的话语，一种简短而简洁、没有太多音调变化的话语：“不！” （停顿）“不！坏的！” （停顿）“我说了不！” 婴儿似乎天生就具有在特定音调间隔内优先检测和跟踪轮廓的能力。
Mothers (and to a lesser extent, fathers) do this quite naturally without any explicit instruction to do so, using an exaggerated intonation that the researchers call infant-directed speech or motherese. We believe that motherese helps to call the babies’ attention to the mother’s voice, and helps to distinguish words within the sentence. Instead of saying, as we would to an adult, “This is a ball,” motherese would entail something like, “Seeeeee?” (with the pitch of the eee’s going up to the end of the sentence). “See the BAAAAAALLLLLL?” (with the pitch covering an extended range and going up again at the end of the word ball). In such utterances, the contour is a signal that the mother is asking a question or making a statement, and by exaggerating the differences between up and down contours, the mother calls attention to them. In effect, the mother is creating a prototype for a question and a prototype for a declaration, and ensuring that the prototypes are easily distinguishable. When a mother gives an exclamatory scold, quite naturally—and again without explicit training—she is likely to create a third type of prototypical utterance, one that is short and clipped, without much pitch variation: “No!” (pause) “No! Bad!” (pause) “I said no!” Babies seem to come hardwired with an ability to detect and track contour, preferentially, over specific pitch intervals.
特雷哈布还表明，与不和谐音程（如三全音）相比，婴儿更能编码辅音音程，如纯四度和纯五度。特雷哈布发现，我们的音阶的不等步长使得即使在婴儿早期也更容易处理间隔。她和她的同事为九个月大的孩子演奏了常规的七音大调音阶和她发明的两种音阶。对于其中一个发明的音阶，她将八度音阶划分为十一个等间距的音阶，然后选择七个音调来形成单音阶和两音阶模式，而对于另一个音阶，她将八度音阶分为七个相等的音阶。婴儿的任务是检测错误的音调。成年人在大调音阶上表现良好，但在两种人造的、从未听过的音阶上表现不佳。相比之下，婴儿在不等调音阶和等调音阶上都表现得同样好。根据之前的研究，人们相信九个月大的孩子还没有形成大调音阶的心理模式，因此这表明不等步的一般处理优势，这是我们的大调音阶所具有的。
Trehub also showed that infants are more able to encode consonant intervals such as perfect fourth and perfect fifth than dissonant ones, like the tritone. Trehub found that the unequal steps of our scale make it easier to process intervals even early in infancy. She and her colleagues played nine-month-olds the regular seven-note major scale and two scales she invented. For one of these invented scales, she divided the octave into eleven equal-space steps and then selected seven tones that made one- and two-step patterns, and for the other she divided the octave into seven equal steps. The infants’ task was to detect a mistuned tone. Adults performed well with the major scale, but poorly with both of the artificial, never-before-heard scales. In contrast, the infants did equally well on both unequally tuned scales and on the equally tuned ones. From prior work, it is believed that nine-month-olds have not yet incorporated a mental schema for the major scale, so this suggests a general processing advantage for unequal steps, something our major scale has.
换句话说，我们的大脑和我们使用的音阶似乎是共同进化的。我们拥有有趣的、不对称的，这绝非偶然大调音阶中音符的排列：用这种排列更容易学习旋律，这是声音产生物理学的结果（通过我们之前访问的泛音系列）；我们在大调音阶中使用的一组音调在音高上与构成泛音系列的音调非常接近。在童年时期，大多数孩子就开始自发发声，这些早期发声听起来很像唱歌。婴儿探索他们的声音范围，并开始探索语音的产生，以回应他们从周围世界带来的声音。他们听到的音乐越多，他们就越有可能在自发的发声中加入音高和节奏的变化。
In other words, our brains and the musical scales we use seem to have coevolved. It is no accident that we have the funny, asymmetric arrangement of notes in the major scale: It is easier to learn melodies with this arrangement, which is a result of the physics of sound production (via the overtone series we visited earlier); the set of tones we use in our major scale are very close in pitch to the tones that constitute the overtone series. Very early in childhood, most children start to spontaneously vocalize, and these early vocalizations can sound a lot like singing. Babies explore the range of their voices, and begin to explore phonetic production, in response to the sounds they are bringing in from the world around them. The more music they hear, the more likely they are to include pitch and rhythmic variations in their spontaneous vocalizations.
幼儿在两岁时开始表现出对其文化音乐的偏好，大约在同一时间他们开始发展专门的言语处理能力。首先，孩子们倾向于喜欢简单的歌曲，其中简单意味着音乐具有明确定义的主题（而不是四声部对位法）以及以直接且易于预测的方式解决的和弦进行。随着年龄的增长，孩子们开始厌倦容易预测的音乐，转而寻找更具挑战性的音乐。迈克·波斯纳 (Mike Posner) 认为，儿童的额叶和前扣带回（额叶后面负责引导注意力的结构）尚未完全形成，导致儿童无法同时注意几件事；当存在干扰物时，孩子们很难集中注意力于一种刺激。这就是为什么八岁左右的孩子很难唱“划，划，划你的船”这样的“轮”。他们的注意力系统——特别是连接扣带回（前扣带回所在的较大结构）和大脑眶额区域的网络——无法充分过滤掉不需要的或分散注意力的刺激。尚未达到能够排除不相关听觉信息的发展阶段的儿童面临着一个声音极其复杂的世界，所有声音都以感官弹幕的形式出现。他们可能会尝试跟随他们的小组应该唱的歌曲部分，结果却被本轮中的竞争部分分散注意力并绊倒。波斯纳有研究表明，根据美国宇航局使用的注意力和集中游戏改编的某些练习可以帮助加速孩子注意力能力的发展。
Young children start to show a preference for the music of their culture by age two, around the same time they begin to develop specialized speech processing. At first, children tend to like simple songs, where simple means music that has clearly defined themes (as opposed to, say, four-part counterpoint) and chord progressions that resolve in direct and easily predictable ways. As they mature, children start to tire of easily predictable music and search for music that holds more challenge. According to Mike Posner, the frontal lobes and the anterior cingulate—a structure just behind the frontal lobes that directs attention—are not fully formed in children, leading to an inability to pay attention to several things at once; children show difficulty attending to one stimulus when distracters are present. This accounts for why children under the age of eight or so have so much difficulty singing “rounds” like “Row, Row, Row Your Boat.” Their attentional system—specifically the network that connects the cingulate gyrus (the larger structure within which the anterior cingulate sits) and the orbitofrontal regions of the brain—cannot adequately filter out unwanted or distracting stimuli. Children who have not yet reached the developmental stage of being able to exclude irrelevant auditory information face a world of great sonic complexity with all sounds coming in as a sensory barrage. They may try to follow the part of the song that their group is supposed to be singing, only to be distracted and tripped up by the competing parts in the round. Posner has shown that certain exercises adapted from attention and concentration games used by NASA can help accelerate the development of the child’s attentional ability.
当然，儿童的发展轨迹是先喜欢简单的歌曲，然后喜欢更复杂的歌曲，这是一个普遍现象。并不是所有的孩子一开始就喜欢音乐，有些孩子通常是纯粹出于偶然而对不寻常的音乐产生了兴趣。我八岁时开始对大乐队和摇摆乐着迷，大约在那时，我的祖父给了我他收藏的二战时期的 78 rpm 唱片。我最初被新奇的歌曲所吸引，例如“切分音时钟”、“你想在星星上摇摆吗”、“泰迪熊的野餐”和“Bibbidy Bobbidy Boo”——这些都是为儿童创作的歌曲。但是，充分接触弗兰克·德·沃尔和勒罗伊·安德森管弦乐队的相对异国情调的和弦模式和声音，成为我精神线路的一部分，很快我发现自己在听各种爵士乐; 儿童爵士乐打开了神经之门，使爵士乐总体上变得可口且易于理解。
The developmental trajectory, in children, of first preferring simple and then more complex songs is a generalization, of course; not all children like music in the first place, and some children develop a taste for music that is off the beaten path, oftentimes through pure serendipity. I became fascinated with big band and swing music when I was eight, around the time my grandfather gave me his collection of 78 rpm records from the World War II era. I was initially attracted by novelty songs, such as “The Syncopated Clock,” “Would You Like to Swing on a Star,” “The Teddy Bear’s Picnic,” and “Bibbidy Bobbidy Boo”—songs that were made for children. But sufficient exposure to the relatively exotic chord patterns and voicings of Frank de Vol’s and Leroy Anderson’s orchestras became part of my mental wiring, and I soon found myself listening to all kinds of jazz; the children’s jazz opened the neural doors to make jazz in general palatable and understandable.
研究人员指出青少年时期是音乐偏好的转折点。大多数孩子在十岁或十一岁左右才会对音乐产生真正的兴趣，即使是那些早期没有表现出对音乐兴趣的孩子。作为成年人，我们容易怀念的音乐，感觉像是“我们的”音乐，与我们这些年来听到的音乐相对应。老年人患阿尔茨海默病（一种以神经细胞和神经递质水平变化以及突触破坏为特征的疾病）的第一个迹象是记忆丧失。随着疾病的进展，记忆丧失变得更加严重。然而，许多老人仍然记得如何唱他们十四岁时听到的歌曲。为什么是十四？我们之所以记得青少年时期的歌曲，部分原因是因为那些年是自我发现的时期，因此，他们充满了情感；一般来说，我们倾向于记住具有情感成分的事情，因为我们的杏仁核和神经递质协同作用，将记忆“标记”为重要的事情。也有部分原因与神经成熟和修剪有关；十四岁左右，我们的音乐大脑的连接已接近成人的完成水平。
Researchers point to the teen years as the turning point for musical preferences. It is around the age of ten or eleven that most children take on music as a real interest, even those children who didn’t express such an interest in music earlier. As adults, the music we tend to be nostalgic for, the music that feels like it is “our” music, corresponds to the music we heard during these years. One of the first signs of Alzheimer’s disease (a disease characterized by changes in nerve cells and neurotransmitter levels, as well as destruction of synapses) in older adults is memory loss. As the disease progresses, memory loss becomes more profound. Yet many of these old-timers can still remember how to sing the songs they heard when they were fourteen. Why fourteen? Part of the reason we remember songs from our teenage years is because those years were times of self-discovery, and as a consequence, they were emotionally charged; in general, we tend to remember things that have an emotional component because our amygdala and neurotransmitters act in concert to “tag” the memories as something important. Part of the reason also has to do with neural maturation and pruning; it is around fourteen that the wiring of our musical brains is approaching adultlike levels of completion.
获得新的音乐品味似乎没有一个界限，但大多数人在十八岁或二十岁时就已经形成了自己的品味。为什么会这样还不清楚，但一些研究发现确实如此。部分原因可能是，一般来说，随着年龄的增长，人们对新体验的开放程度往往会降低。在我们十几岁的时候，我们开始发现世界上存在着不同的想法、不同的文化、不同的人。我们尝试这样的想法：我们不必将我们的人生轨迹、我们的个性或我们的决定限制在我们父母所教的东西或我们的成长方式上。我们还寻找不同类型的音乐。特别是在西方文化中，音乐的选择具有重要的社会影响。我们听朋友听的音乐。特别是当我们年轻的时候，为了寻找自己的身份，我们与我们想要成为的人或我们认为与我们有共同点的人建立了联系或社会团体。作为将这种联系外在化的一种方式，我们穿着相似，分享活动，听同样的音乐。我们一群人听这种音乐，那些人听那种音乐。这与音乐作为社会联系和社会凝聚力的工具的进化理念有关。音乐和音乐偏好成为个人和群体身份和区别的标志。
There doesn’t seem to be a cutoff point for acquiring new tastes in music, but most people have formed their tastes by the age of eighteen or twenty. Why this is so is not clear, but several studies have found it to be the case. Part of the reason may be that in general, people tend to become less open to new experiences as they age. During our teenage years, we begin to discover that there exists a world of different ideas, different cultures, different people. We experiment with the idea that we don’t have to limit our life’s course, our personalities, or our decisions to what we were taught by our parents, or to the way we were brought up. We also seek out different kinds of music. In Western culture in particular, the choice of music has important social consequences. We listen to the music that our friends listen to. Particularly when we are young, and in search of our identity, we form bonds or social groups with people whom we want to be like, or whom we believe we have something in common with. As a way of externalizing the bond, we dress alike, share activities, and listen to the same music. Our group listens to this kind of music, those people listen to that kind of music. This ties into the evolutionary idea of music as a vehicle for social bonding and societal cohesion. Music and musical preferences become a mark of personal and group identity and of distinction.
在某种程度上，我们可以说性格特征与人们喜欢的音乐类型相关或可以预测。但在很大程度上，它或多或少是由偶然因素决定的：你在哪里上学，和谁一起出去玩，他们碰巧听什么音乐。当我小时候住在加利福尼亚州北部时，克利登斯清水复兴组织 (Creedence Clearwater Revival) 规模很大——他们就来自这条路的尽头。当我搬到南加州时，CCR 的准牛仔乡村音乐品牌与拥抱海滩男孩和大卫·鲍伊等更多戏剧表演艺术家的冲浪者/好莱坞文化不太相符。
To some degree, we might say that personality characteristics are associated with, or predictive of, the kind of music that people like. But to a large degree, it is determined by more or less chance factors: where you went to school, who you hung out with, what music they happened to be listening to. When I lived in northern California as a kid, Creedence Clearwater Revival was huge—they were from just down the road. When I moved to southern California, CCR’s brand of quasi-cowboy, country-hick music didn’t fit in well with the surfer/Hollywood culture that embraced the Beach Boys and more theatrical performance artists like David Bowie.
此外，我们的大脑在整个青春期都在以爆炸性的速度发展和形成新的连接，但在我们的青少年时期（我们的神经回路根据我们的经历而结构化的形成阶段）之后，这种速度会大大减慢。这个过程适用于我们听到的音乐；新音乐被吸收到我们在这个关键时期听到的音乐的框架内。我们知道，学习语言等新技能有关键时期。如果孩子在六岁左右还没有学习语言（无论是第一语言还是第二语言），那么孩子将永远无法像大多数以某种语言为母语的人那样轻松地学会说话。音乐和数学有一个扩展的窗口，但不是无限的：如果一个学生在二十岁左右之前没有上过音乐课或数学训练，他仍然可以学习这些科目，但难度很大，而且很可能他永远不会像早期学习数学或音乐的人那样“讲”数学或音乐。这是因为突触生长的生物学过程。大脑的突触被编程为生长多年，建立新的连接。在那之后，就会转向修剪，以消除不需要的连接。
Also, our brains are developing and forming new connections at an explosive rate throughout adolescence, but this slows down substantially after our teenage years, the formative phase when our neural circuits become structured out of our experiences. This process applies to the music we hear; new music becomes assimilated within the framework of the music we were listening to during this critical period. We know that there are critical periods for acquiring new skills, such as language. If a child doesn’t learn language by the age of six or so (whether a first or a second language), the child will never learn to speak with the effortlessness that characterizes most native speakers of a language. Music and mathematics have an extended window, but not an unlimited one: If a student hasn’t had music lessons or mathematical training prior to about age twenty, he can still learn these subjects, but only with great difficulty, and it’s likely that he will never “speak” math or music like someone who learned them early. This is because of the biological course for synaptic growth. The brain’s synapses are programmed to grow for a number of years, making new connections. After that time, there is a shift toward pruning, to get rid of unneeded connections.
神经可塑性是大脑自我重组的能力。尽管在过去的五年里出现了一些令人印象深刻的大脑重组的例子，而这些过去被认为是不可能的，但大多数成年人中可以发生的重组量远远少于儿童和青少年中可以发生的重组量。
Neuroplasticity is the ability of the brain to reorganize itself. Although in the last five years there have been some impressive demonstrations of brain reorganization that used to be thought impossible, the amount of reorganization that can occur in most adults is vastly less than can occur in children and adolescents.
当然，存在个体差异。正如有些人可以比其他人更快地治愈骨折或皮肤割伤一样，有些人也可以比其他人更容易建立新的联系。一般来说，在八岁到十四岁之间，额叶开始进行修剪，额叶是高级思想和推理、计划和冲动控制的所在地。髓鞘形成在此期间开始加速。髓磷脂是一种脂肪物质，覆盖轴突，加速突触传递。（这就是为什么随着孩子年龄的增长，一般来说，解决问题的速度会变得更快，并且能够解决更复杂的问题。）整个大脑的髓鞘形成通常在二十岁时完成。多种的硬化症是可能影响神经元周围髓鞘的几种退行性疾病之一。
Of course, there are individual differences. Just as some people can heal broken bones or skin cuts faster than others, so, too, can some people forge new connections more easily than others. Generally, between the ages of eight and fourteen, pruning starts to occur in the frontal lobes, the seat of higher thought and reasoning, planning, and impulse control. Myelination starts to ramp up during this time. Myelin is a fatty substance that coats the axons, speeding up synaptic transmission. (This is why as children get older, generally, problem solving becomes more rapid and they are able to solve more complex problems.) Myelination of the whole brain is generally completed by age twenty. Multiple sclerosis is one of several degenerative diseases that can affect the myelin sheath surrounding the neurons.
音乐的简单性和复杂性之间的平衡也影响着我们的喜好。对绘画、诗歌、舞蹈和音乐等各种审美领域的喜欢和不喜欢的科学研究表明，一件艺术作品的复杂性和我们对它的喜爱程度之间存在着有序的关系。当然，复杂性完全是一个主观概念。为了让这个概念有意义，我们必须考虑到这样一个想法：对斯坦利来说看似难以理解的复杂事物可能恰好符合奥利弗偏好的“最佳点”。同样，由于背景、经验、理解和认知模式的差异，一个人觉得平淡无奇、极其简单的事情，另一个人可能会觉得难以理解。
The balance between simplicity and complexity in music also informs our preferences. Scientific studies of like and dislike across a variety of aesthetic domains—painting, poetry, dance, and music—have shown that an orderly relationship exists between the complexity of an artistic work and how much we like it. Of course, complexity is an entirely subjective concept. In order for the notion to make any sense, we have to allow for the idea that what seems impenetrably complex to Stanley might fall right in the “sweet spot” of preference for Oliver. Similarly, what one person finds insipid and hideously simple, another person might find difficult to understand, based on differences in background, experience, understanding, and cognitive schemas.
从某种意义上说，模式就是一切。它们构建了我们的理解；它们是我们将审美对象的元素和解释放入其中的系统。图式告诉我们认知模型和期望。只要有一个图式，马勒的第五交响曲就可以完美地解释，即使是第一次听：它是一部交响曲，它遵循交响曲形式，有四个乐章；它是一部交响曲，它遵循交响曲形式，有四个乐章；它包含主主题和副主题以及主题的重复；主题是通过管弦乐器表现的，而不是非洲会说话的鼓或法兹贝斯。熟悉马勒《第四交响曲》的人会认识到，第五交响曲以同一主题的变奏开始，甚至音调相同。熟悉马勒作品的人会认识到，作曲家引用了他自己的三首歌曲。受过音乐教育的听众会意识到，从海顿到勃拉姆斯和布鲁克纳的大多数交响曲通常都以相同的调开始和结束。马勒的第五首作品打破了这一惯例，从升C小调转到A小调，最后以D大调结束。如果你没有学会在交响曲发展时在心里保持调性，或者如果你没有对交响曲正常轨迹的感觉，那么这是没有意义的；但对于经验丰富的听众来说，这种对惯例的蔑视带来了惊喜，违反了期望，尤其是当完成了这样的关键改变时熟练地以免刺耳。缺乏适当的交响图式，或者如果听众持有另一种图式，也许是印度拉格迷的图式，马勒的《第五交响曲》就是无意义的，或者可能是漫无目的的，一个音乐理念无定形地融入下一个，没有边界，没有开始或结束出现作为一个连贯整体的一部分。该图式构建了我们的感知、认知处理以及最终的体验。
In a sense, schemas are everything. They frame our understanding; they’re the system into which we place the elements and interpretations of an aesthetic object. Schemas inform our cognitive models and expectations. With one schema, Mahler’s Fifth is perfectly interpretable, even upon hearing it for the first time: It is a symphony, it follows symphonic form with four movements; it contains a main theme and subthemes, and repetitions of the theme; the themes are manifested through orchestral instruments, as opposed to African talking drums or fuzz bass. Those familiar with Mahler’s Fourth will recognize that the Fifth opens with a variation on that same theme, and even at the same pitch. Those well acquainted with Mahler’s work will recognize that the composer includes quotations from three of his own songs. Musically educated listeners will be aware that most symphonies from Haydn to Brahms and Bruckner typically begin and end in the same key. Mahler flouts this convention with his Fifth, moving from C-sharp minor to A minor and finally ending in D major. If you had not learned to hold in your mind a sense of key as the symphony develops, or if you did not have a sense of the normal trajectory of a symphony, this would be meaningless; but for the seasoned listener, this flouting of convention brings a rewarding surprise, a violation of expectations, especially when such key changes are done skillfully so as not to be jarring. Lacking a proper symphonic schema, or if the listener holds another schema, perhaps that of an aficionado of Indian ragas, Mahler’s Fifth is nonsensical or perhaps rambling, one musical idea melding amorphously into the next, with no boundaries, no beginnings or endings that appear as part of a coherent whole. The schema frames our perception, our cognitive processing, and ultimately our experience.
当一首音乐作品太简单时，我们往往会不喜欢它，认为它微不足道。当它太复杂时，我们往往不喜欢它，发现它不可预测——我们不认为它有任何熟悉的基础。音乐或任何与此相关的艺术形式，都必须在简单性和复杂性之间取得适当的平衡，才能让我们喜欢它。简单性和复杂性与熟悉程度相关，而熟悉程度只是模式的另一种说法。
When a musical piece is too simple we tend not to like it, finding it trivial. When it is too complex, we tend not to like it, finding it unpredictable—we don’t perceive it to be grounded in anything familiar. Music, or any art form for that matter, has to strike the right balance between simplicity and complexity in order for us to like it. Simplicity and complexity relate to familiarity, and familiarity is just another word for a schema.
当然，在科学中定义我们的术语很重要。什么是“太简单”或“太复杂”？一个操作性的定义是，当我们发现一件作品可以简单地预测，类似于我们以前经历过的事情，并且没有丝毫挑战时，我们就认为它太简单了。以此类推，考虑一下井字游戏。年幼的孩子会发现它无穷无尽的迷人，因为它有许多特征有助于在他们的认知能力水平上激发兴趣：它有明确的规则，任何孩子都可以轻松表达；它有一个令人惊讶的元素，因为玩家永远无法确切地知道她的对手下一步会做什么；游戏是动态的，因为自己的下一步行动会受到对手行为的影响；比赛何时结束，谁胜谁负，是否平局尚未确定，但有九步的外部限制。这种不确定性导致紧张和期望，而当比赛结束时紧张终于得到释放。
It is important in science, of course, to define our terms. What is “too simple” or “too complex”? An operational definition is that we find a piece too simple when we find it trivially predictable, similar to something we have experienced before, and without the slightest challenge. By analogy, consider the game tic-tac-toe. Young children find it endlessly fascinating, because it has many features that contribute to interest at their level of cognitive ability: It has clearly defined rules that any child can easily articulate; it has an element of surprise in that the player never knows for sure exactly what her opponent will do next; the game is dynamic, in that one’s own next move is influenced by what one’s opponent did; when the game will end, who will win, or whether it will be a draw is undetermined, yet there is an outer limit of nine moves. That indeterminacy leads to tension and expectations, and the tension is finally released when the game is over.
随着孩子认知能力的不断提高，她最终会学会策略——第二个行动的人无法战胜能力强的玩家；第二位玩家最多能指望的是平局。当动作顺序和游戏终点变得可预测时，井字棋就失去了吸引力。当然，大人还是可以享受的和孩子们一起玩这个游戏，但我们喜欢看到孩子脸上的快乐，我们喜欢孩子随着大脑的发育而学习解开游戏奥秘的过程——这个过程需要花费数年的时间。
As the child develops increasing cognitive sophistication, she eventually learns strategies—the person who moves second cannot win against a competent player; the best the second player can hope for is a draw. When the sequence of moves and the end point of the game become predictable, tic-tac-toe loses its appeal. Of course, adults can still enjoy playing the game with children, but we enjoy seeing the pleasure on the child’s face and we enjoy the process—spread out over several years—of the child learning to unlock the mysteries of the game as her brain develops.
对于许多成年人来说，拉菲和恐龙巴尼就像井字游戏的音乐版。当音乐太可预测，结果太确定，并且从一个音符或和弦到下一个音符或和弦的“移动”不包含任何惊喜时，我们会发现音乐没有挑战性且简单化。当音乐播放时（特别是当你全神贯注时），你的大脑会提前思考下一个音符的不同可能性是什么、音乐的走向、它的轨迹、它的预期方向和它的最终结局观点。作曲家必须让我们进入一种信任和安全的状态；我们必须让他带我们踏上和谐的旅程；他必须给我们足够的小奖励——完成期望——让我们感受到秩序感和地方感。
To many adults, Raffi and Barney the Dinosaur are the musical equivalents of tic-tac-toe. When music is too predictable, the outcome too certain, and the “move” from one note or chord to the next contains no element of surprise, we find the music unchallenging and simplistic. As the music is playing (particularly if you’re engaged with focused attention), your brain is thinking ahead to what the different possibilities for the next note are, where the music is going, its trajectory, its intended direction, and its ultimate end point. The composer has to lull us into a state of trust and security; we have to allow him to take us on a harmonic journey; he has to give us enough little rewards—completions of expectations—that we feel a sense of order and a sense of place.
假设您从加利福尼亚州戴维斯搭便车到旧金山。您希望接您的人走正常路线，即 80 号高速公路。您可能愿意容忍一些捷径，特别是如果司机友好、可信，并且坦率地说明自己在做什么。（“我只是要在萨莫拉路抄近路，以避免高速公路上的一些施工。”）但是，如果司机在没有任何解释的情况下将你带到小路上，而你到达了一个地方，你将不再看到任何地标，你的安全感肯定会受到侵犯。当然，不同的人、不同的性格类型，对这种意想不到的旅程（无论是音乐之旅还是车辆之旅）会有不同的反应。有些人的反应是纯粹的恐慌（“那个斯特拉文斯基要杀了我！”），有些人的反应是因为发现的兴奋而感到冒险（“科尔特兰在这里做了一些奇怪的事情，但管他呢，它不会伤害我”为了再坚持一段时间，我可以照顾我的和声自我，并在必要时找到回到音乐现实的方法”）。
Say you’re hitchhiking from Davis, California, to San Francisco. You want the person who picks you up to take the normal route, Highway 80. You might be willing to tolerate a few shortcuts, especially if the driver is friendly, believable, and is up-front about what he’s doing. (“I’m just going to cut over here on Zamora Road to avoid some construction on the freeway.”) But if the driver takes you out on back roads with no explanation, and you reach a point where you no longer see any landmarks, your sense of safety is sure to be violated. Of course, different people, with different personality types, react differently to such unanticipated journeys, musical or vehicular. Some react with sheer panic (“That Stravinsky is going to kill me!”) and some react with a sense of adventure at the thrill of discovery (“Coltrane is doing something weird here, but what the hell, it won’t hurt me to stick around awhile longer, I can take care of my harmonic self and find my way back to musical reality if I have to”).
继续用游戏来类比，有些游戏的规则非常复杂，一般人没有耐心去学习。任何给定回合中可能发生的情况是数量太多或太难以预测（对于新手来说），无法思考。但无法预测接下来会发生什么并不总是表明只要玩家坚持足够长的时间，一款游戏就会最终引起人们的兴趣。无论你练习多少，游戏的进程都可能完全不可预测——许多棋盘游戏只是简单地掷骰子，然后等着看会发生什么。《滑槽和梯子》和《糖果乐园》都是这样的。孩子们喜欢惊喜的感觉，但成年人可能会觉得这个游戏很乏味，因为虽然没有人能够准确预测会发生什么（游戏是随机掷骰子的函数），但结果没有任何结构，而且，玩家的技能再多也无法影响游戏的进程。
To continue the analogy with games, some games have such a complicated set of rules that the average person doesn’t have the patience to learn them. The possibilities for what can happen on any given turn are too numerous or too unpredictable (to the novice) to contemplate. But an inability to predict what will happen next is not always a sign that a game holds eventual interest if only one sticks with it long enough. A game may have a completely unpredictable course no matter how much practice you have with it—many board games simply involve rolling the dice and waiting to see what happens to you. Chutes and Ladders and Candy Land are like this. Children enjoy the sense of surprise, but adults can find the game tedious because, although no one can predict exactly what will happen (the game is a function of the random throw of the dice), the outcome has no structure whatsoever, and moreover, there is no amount of skill on the part of the player that can influence the course of the game.
涉及太多和弦变化或不熟悉结构的音乐可能会将许多听众直接带到最近的出口，或音乐播放器上的“跳过”按钮。有些游戏，例如 Go、Axiom 或 Zendo 对于新手来说足够复杂或不透明，以至于许多人在玩得很远之前就放弃了：其结构呈现出陡峭的学习曲线，新手无法确定投入的时间是否会成功。值得。我们中的许多人对不熟悉的音乐或不熟悉的音乐形式都有同样的经历。人们可能会告诉你勋伯格很聪明，或者特里基是下一任王子，但如果你无法弄清楚他们的作品的第一分钟左右发生了什么，你可能会发现自己想知道回报是否会增加。证明你为解决这一切而付出的努力是合理的。我们告诉自己，如果我们听得足够多，我们就可能开始理解它并像我们的朋友一样喜欢它。然而，我们回想起生活中的其他时候，我们在一位艺术家身上投入了数小时的黄金聆听时间，但从未达到我们“明白”的程度。尝试欣赏新音乐就像思考新的友谊一样，需要时间，而且有时你无法加快速度。在神经层面，我们需要能够找到一些地标才能调用认知模式。如果我们听一段全新的音乐足够多的次数，其中的一些内容最终将被编码在我们的大脑中，我们将形成里程碑。如果作曲家技术高超的话作品中成为我们地标的部分将是作曲家想要的那些部分；他对作曲以及人类感知和记忆的了解将使他能够在音乐中创造出某些“钩子”，最终在我们的脑海中脱颖而出。
Music that involves too many chord changes, or unfamiliar structure, can lead many listeners straight to the nearest exit, or to the “skip” button on their music players. Some games, such as Go, Axiom, or Zendo are sufficiently complicated or opaque to the novice that many people give up before getting very far: The structure presents a steep learning curve, and the novice can’t be sure that the time invested will be worth it. Many of us have the same experience with unfamiliar music, or unfamiliar musical forms. People may tell you that Schönberg is brilliant, or that Tricky is the next Prince, but if you can’t figure out what is going on in the first minute or so of one of their pieces, you may find yourself wondering if the payoff will justify the effort you spend trying to sort it all out. We tell ourselves that if we only listen to it enough times, we may begin to understand it and to like it as much as our friends do. Yet, we recall other times in our lives when we invested hours of prime listening time in an artist and never arrived at the point where we “got it.” Trying to appreciate new music can be like contemplating a new friendship in that it takes time, and sometimes there is nothing you can do to speed it up. At a neural level, we need to be able to find a few landmarks in order to invoke a cognitive schema. If we hear a piece of radically new music enough times, some of that piece will eventually become encoded in our brains and we will develop landmarks. If the composer is skillful, those parts of the piece that become our landmarks will be the very ones that the composer intended they should be; his knowledge of composition and human perception and memory will have allowed him to create certain “hooks” in the music that will eventually stand out in our minds.
结构处理是欣赏一首新音乐的困难根源之一。不理解交响乐形式、奏鸣曲形式或爵士乐标准的 AABA 结构，听音乐就相当于在没有路标的高速公路上开车：你永远不知道自己在哪里，也不知道何时会到达目的地（或者甚至是一个临时地点，虽然不是您的目的地，但提供了一个定向地标）。例如，很多人就是不“了解”爵士乐；他们只是“不懂”爵士乐。他们说，这听起来像是一种无组织、疯狂、无形的即兴创作，一场将尽可能多的音符挤进尽可能小的空间的音乐竞赛。人们统称为“爵士乐”的子流派有六种以上：迪克西兰爵士乐、布吉伍吉爵士乐、大乐队、摇摆乐、波普爵士乐、“直接”爵士乐、迷幻爵士乐、融合爵士乐、形而上学等等。有时被称为“直接前进”或“经典爵士乐”，或多或少是爵士乐的标准形式，类似于古典音乐中的奏鸣曲或交响曲，或者甲壳虫乐队或比利·乔尔的典型歌曲或诱惑是摇滚乐。
Structural processing is one source of difficulty in appreciating a new piece of music. Not understanding symphonic form, or the sonata form, or the AABA structure of a jazz standard, is the music-listening equivalent of driving on a highway with no road signs: You never know where you are or when you’ll arrive at your destination (or even at an interim spot that is not your destination, but one that provides an orienting landmark). For example, many people just don’t “get” jazz; they say that it sounds like an unstructured, crazy, and formless improvisation, a musical competition to squeeze as many notes as possible into as small a space as possible. There are more than a half-dozen subgenres of what people collectively call “jazz”: Dixieland, boogie-woogie, big band, swing, bebop, “straight-ahead,” acid-jazz, fusion, metaphysical, and so on. “Straight-ahead,” or “classic jazz,” as it is sometimes called, is more or less the standard form of jazz, analogous to the sonata or the symphony in classical music, or what a typical song by the Beatles or Billy Joel or the Temptations is to rock music.
在古典爵士乐中，艺术家首先演奏歌曲的主题；通常是百老汇的知名作品，或者已经受到其他人欢迎的作品；这些歌曲被称为“标准”，包括“随着时间的流逝”、“我有趣的情人节”和“我的一切”。艺术家将歌曲的完整形式贯穿一遍——通常是两节主歌和副歌部分（也称为“副歌”），然后是另一节主歌。副歌是歌曲中经常重复的部分；改变的是诗句。我们称这种形式为AABA，其中字母A代表主歌，字母B代表副歌。AABA 的意思是我们演奏主歌-主歌-合唱-主歌。当然，许多其他变化也是可能的。有些歌曲有 C 部分，称为桥段。
In classic jazz, the artist begins by playing the main theme of the song; often a well-known one from Broadway, or one that has already been a hit for someone else; such songs are called “standards,” and they include “As Time Goes By,” “My Funny Valentine,” and “All of Me.” The artist runs through the complete form of the song once—typically two verses and the chorus (otherwise known as a “refrain”), followed by another verse. The chorus is the part of a song that repeats regularly throughout; the verses are what change. We call this form AABA, where the letter A represents the verse and the letter B represents the chorus. AABA means we play verse-verse-chorus-verse. Many other variations are possible, of course. Some songs have a C section, called the bridge.
合唱一词不仅指歌曲的第二部分，还指贯穿整个形式的一段。换句话说，运行一次歌曲的 AABA 部分称为“播放一首副歌”。当我演奏爵士乐时，如果有人说，“播放副歌部分”，或者“让我们回顾一下副歌部分”（使用“the”这个词），我们都假设他指的是歌曲的一部分。相反，如果有人说，“让我们演一段副歌”，或者“让我们演几段副歌”，我们就知道他指的是整个形式。
The term chorus is used to mean not just the second section of the song, but also one run through the entire form. In other words, running through the AABA portion of a song once is called “playing one chorus.” When I play jazz, if someone says, “Play the chorus,” or, “Let’s go over the chorus” (using the word the), we all assume he means a section of the song. If, instead someone says, “Let’s run through one chorus,” or, “Let’s do a couple of choruses,” we know he means the entire form.
“Blue Moon”（Frank Sinatra、Billie Holiday）是 AABA 形式歌曲的一个例子。爵士艺术家可能会玩弄歌曲的节奏或感觉，并可能修饰旋律。在演奏完歌曲的形式（爵士音乐家称之为“头”）后，乐团的不同成员轮流在原歌曲的和弦进行和形式上即兴创作新音乐。每位音乐家演奏一个或多个副歌，然后下一位音乐家在头部的开头接手。在即兴创作过程中，一些艺术家紧贴原始旋律，一些艺术家添加了遥远而异国情调的和声。当每个人都有机会即兴创作时，乐队回到头脑中，或多或少地直接演奏，然后他们就完成了。即兴创作可以持续很多分钟——爵士乐表演两到三分钟的歌曲延长到十到十五分钟的情况并不罕见。音乐家轮流演奏也有一个典型的顺序：圆号先演奏，然后是钢琴和/或吉他，最后是贝斯手。有时鼓手也会即兴演奏，他通常会跟随贝斯。有时，音乐家们也会分享合唱的一部分——每个音乐家演奏四到八个小节，然后将独奏交给另一位音乐家，一种音乐接力赛。
“Blue Moon” (Frank Sinatra, Billie Holiday) is an example of a song with AABA form. A jazz artist may play around with the rhythm or feel of the song, and may embellish the melody. After playing through the form of the song once, what jazz musicians refer to as “the head,” the different members of the ensemble take turns improvising new music over the chord progression and form of the original song. Each musician plays through one or more choruses and then the next musician takes over at the beginning of the head. During the improvisations, some artists stick close to the original melody, some add ever distant and exotic harmonic departures. When everyone has had a chance to improvise, the band returns to the head, playing it more or less straight, and then they’re done. The improvisations can go on for many minutes—it is not uncommon for a jazz rendition of a two- or three-minute song to stretch out to ten to fifteen minutes. There is also a typical order to how the musicians take turns: The horns go first, followed by the piano and/or guitar, followed by the bass player. Sometimes the drummer also improvises, and he would typically follow the bass. Sometimes the musicians also share part of a chorus—each musician playing four or eight measures, and then handing off the solo to another musician, a sort of musical relay race.
对于新手来说，整个事情可能看起来很混乱。然而，仅仅知道即兴创作是在歌曲的原始和弦和形式之上进行的，就可以让新手了解演奏者在歌曲中的位置，从而产生很大的不同。我经常建议爵士乐的新听众一旦即兴创作开始，就在脑海中简单地哼出主旋律——这就是即兴创作者自己经常做的事情——这会大大丰富体验。
To the newbie, the whole thing may seem chaotic. Yet, simply knowing that the improvisation takes place over the original chords and form of the song can make a big difference in orienting the neophyte to where in the song the players are. I often advise new listeners to jazz to simply hum the main tune in their mind once the improvisation begins—this is what the improvisers themselves are often doing—and that enriches the experience considerably.
每种音乐流派都有自己的一套规则和自己的形式。我们听得越多，这些规则就越能在记忆中实例化。不熟悉结构可能会导致沮丧或缺乏欣赏。了解流派或风格可以有效地拥有围绕它构建的类别，并能够将新歌曲分类为该类别的成员或非成员，或者在某些情况下，作为该类别的“部分”或“模糊”成员，成员受某些例外的影响。
Each musical genre has its own set of rules and its own form. The more we listen, the more those rules become instantiated in memory. Unfamiliarity with the structure can lead to frustration or a simple lack of appreciation. Knowing a genre or style is to effectively have a category built around it, and to be able to categorize new songs as being either members or nonmembers of that category—or in some cases, as “partial” or “fuzzy” members of the category, members subject to certain exceptions.
复杂性和喜好之间的有序关系被称为倒 U 函数，因为绘制图表的方式将这两个因素联系起来。想象一个图表，其中 x 轴是一首音乐（对您来说）的复杂程度，y 轴是您喜欢它的程度。在该图的左下角，靠近原点的地方，会有一个非常简单的音乐点，而您的反应是您不喜欢它。随着音乐复杂性的增加，您的喜好也会增加。这两个变量在图表上相当长一段时间内相互跟随——复杂性的增加会带来喜好的增加，直到你跨越一些个人阈值，从强烈不喜欢这件作品变成实际上非常喜欢它。但在某些时候，当我们增加复杂性时，音乐就会变得过于复杂，你对它的喜爱程度就会开始下降。现在音乐变得越来越复杂，导致人们越来越不喜欢音乐，直到你跨过另一个门槛，你不再喜欢音乐了。太复杂了，你绝对讨厌音乐。这种图形的形状会形成倒U型或倒V型。
The orderly relationship between complexity and liking is referred to as the inverted-U function because of the way a graph would be drawn that relates these two factors. Imagine a graph in which the x-axis is how complex a piece of music is (to you) and the y-axis is how much you like it. At the bottom left of this graph, close to the origin, there would be a point for music that is very simple and your reaction being that you don’t like it. As the music increases in complexity, your liking increases as well. The two variables follow each other for quite a while on the graph—increased complexity yields increased liking, until you cross some personal threshold and go from disliking the piece intensely to actually liking it quite a bit. But at some point as we increase complexity, the music becomes too complex, and your liking for it begins to decrease. Now more complexity in the music leads to less and less liking, until you cross another threshold and you no longer like the music at all. Too complex and you absolutely hate the music. The shape of such a graph would make an inverted U or an inverted V.
倒 U 假设并不意味着您喜欢或不喜欢一首音乐的唯一原因是它的简单性或复杂性。相反，它的目的是考虑这个变量。音乐元素本身就可能构成欣赏新音乐的障碍。显然，如果音乐太大声或太小声，这可能会出现问题。但即使是一首作品的动态范围——最响亮和最柔和的部分之间的差异——也会导致一些人拒绝它。对于那些使用音乐以特定方式调节情绪的人来说尤其如此。想要用音乐让自己平静下来的人，或者想要让音乐为锻炼打起精神的人，可能不会想听到响度范围从非常轻柔到非常响亮的音乐作品，或者情绪上从悲伤到兴奋（例如马勒第五交响曲）。动态范围为而且情绪范围太宽，可能会造成进入障碍。
The inverted-U hypothesis is not meant to imply that the only reason you might like or dislike a piece of music is because of its simplicity or complexity. Rather, it is intended to account for this variable. The elements of music can themselves form a barrier to appreciation of a new piece of music. Obviously, if music is too loud or too soft, this can be problematic. But even the dynamic range of a piece—the disparity between the loudest and softest parts—can cause some people to reject it. This can be especially true for people who use music to regulate their mood in a specific way. Someone who wants music to calm her down, or someone else who wants music to pep him up for a workout, is probably not going to want to hear a musical piece that runs the loudness gamut all the way from very soft to very loud, or emotionally from sad to exhilarating (as does Mahler’s Fifth, for example). The dynamic range as well as the emotional range is simply too wide, and may create a barrier to entry.
音调也可以根据偏好发挥作用。有些人无法忍受现代嘻哈音乐的重击低音，另一些人则无法忍受他们所描述的小提琴的高音哀鸣声。部分原因可能是生理学问题。从字面上看，不同的耳朵可能会传输频谱的不同部分，导致某些声音听起来令人愉悦，而另一些声音则令人厌恶。各种乐器还可能存在正面和负面的心理关联。
Pitch can also play into preference. Some people can’t stand the thumping low beats of modern hip-hop, others can’t stand what they describe as the high-pitched whininess of violins. Part of this may be a matter of physiology; literally, different ears may transmit different parts of the frequency spectrum, causing some sounds to appear pleasant and others aversive. There may also exist psychological associations, both positive and negative, to various instruments.
节奏和节奏模式影响我们欣赏特定音乐流派或作品的能力。由于节奏的复杂性，许多音乐家被拉丁音乐所吸引。对于外行人来说，这一切听起来都只是“拉丁”，但对于那些能够辨别出某种节拍相对于其他节拍何时较强的细微差别的人来说，拉丁音乐是一个有趣而复杂的世界：巴萨诺瓦、桑巴、伦巴、贝吉恩、曼波、梅伦格、探戈——每一种都是完全独特且可识别的音乐风格。当然，有些人真正喜欢拉丁音乐和拉丁节奏，但无法区分它们，但另一些人则发现节奏过于复杂和不可预测，这对他们来说是一个障碍。我发现，如果我向听众教授一两种拉丁节奏，他们就会开始欣赏它们；这完全是一个基础和架构的问题。对于其他听众来说，过于简单的节奏会破坏某种音乐风格。我父母那一代人对摇滚乐的典型抱怨，除了他们觉得摇滚乐有多么响亮之外，就是节奏都是一样的。
Rhythm and rhythmic patterns influence our ability to appreciate a given musical genre or piece. Many musicians are drawn to Latin music because of the complexity of the rhythms. To an outsider, it all just sounds “Latin,” but to someone who can make out the nuances of when a certain beat is strong relative to other beats, Latin music is a whole world of interesting complexity: bossa nova, samba, rhumba, beguine, mambo, merengue, tango—each is a completely distinct and identifiable style of music. Some people genuinely enjoy Latin music and Latin rhythms without being able to tell them apart, of course, but others find the rhythms too complicated and unpredictable, and this is a turnoff to them. I’ve found that if I teach one or two Latin rhythms to listeners, they come to appreciate them; it is all a question of grounding and having a schema. For other listeners, rhythms that are too simple are the dealbreaker for a style of music. The typical complaint of my parents’ generation about rock and roll, apart from how loud it seemed to them, was that it all had the same beat.
正如我在第一章中所说，音色对许多人来说是另一个障碍，而且它的影响力几乎肯定会不断增加。当我第一次听到约翰·列侬或唐纳德·费根唱歌时，我觉得这些声音不可思议地奇怪。我不想喜欢他们。不过，有什么东西让我忍不住回去听——也许是因为陌生——最终他们成为了我最喜欢的两个声音；现在的声音已经超越了熟悉，接近我只能称之为亲密的声音；我觉得这些声音似乎已经融入了我的内心。在神经层面上，他们做到了。听了这两位歌手的数千小时，以及数十次播放了数千次他们的歌曲后，我的大脑已经发展出一种电路，可以从数千首其他歌曲中辨别出他们的声音，即使他们唱的是我以前从未听过的歌。我的大脑已经编码了每一个声音的细微差别和每一个音色的华丽，所以如果我听到他们的一首歌曲的替代版本——就像我们在约翰列侬专辑的演示版本中所做的那样——我可以立即识别出这首歌的方式。我的表现与我存储在长期记忆神经通路中的表现有所偏差。
Timbre is another barrier for many people and its influence is almost certainly increasing, as I argued in Chapter 1. The first time I heard John Lennon or Donald Fagen sing, I thought the voices unimaginably strange. I didn’t want to like them. Something kept me going back to listen, though—perhaps it was the strangeness—and they wound up being two of my favorite voices; voices that now have gone beyond familiar and approach what I can only call intimate; I feel as though these voices have become incorporated into who I am. And at a neural level, they have. Having listened to thousands of hours of both these singers, and tens of thousands of playings of their songs, my brain has developed circuitry that can pick out their voices from among thousands of others, even when they sing something I’ve never heard them sing before. My brain has encoded every vocal nuance and every timbral flourish, so that if I hear an alternate version of one of their songs—as we do on the John Lennon Collection of demo versions of his albums—I can immediately recognize the ways in which this performance deviates from the one I have stored in the neural pathways of my long-term memory.
与其他类型的偏好一样，我们的音乐偏好也会受到我们之前经历过的事情以及该经历的结果是积极还是消极的影响。如果你曾经对南瓜有过不好的经历——比如，它让你胃部不适——你可能会对未来的南瓜味觉保持警惕。如果您只接触过几次西兰花，但大多是积极的，您可能会愿意尝试新的西兰花食谱，也许是西兰花汤，即使您以前从未吃过。一种积极的经历会产生其他的积极经历。
As with other sorts of preferences, our musical preferences are also influenced by what we’ve experienced before, and whether the outcome of that experience was positive or negative. If you had a negative experience once with pumpkin—say, for example, it made you sick to your stomach—you are likely to be wary of future excursions into pumpkin gustation. If you’ve had only a few, but largely positive, encounters with broccoli, you might be willing to try a new broccoli recipe, perhaps broccoli soup, even if you’ve never had it before. The one positive experience begets others.
我们感到愉悦的声音、节奏和音乐质感的类型通常是我们之前在生活中获得的积极音乐体验的延伸。这是因为听到一首你喜欢的歌曲很像享受任何其他愉快的感官体验——吃巧克力、新鲜采摘的覆盆子、早上闻咖啡的味道、看到一件艺术品或你所爱的人在睡觉时平静的脸。我们享受感官体验，并在熟悉感中找到安慰以及熟悉感带来的安全感。我可以看着成熟的覆盆子，闻一闻它的味道，并预期它的味道会很好，而且这种体验是安全的——我不会生病。如果我以前从未见过罗甘莓，那么它与覆盆子有足够的共同点，我可以抓住机会吃它，并预计它是安全的。
The types of sounds, rhythms, and musical textures we find pleasing are generally extensions of previous positive experiences we’ve had with music in our lives. This is because hearing a song that you like is a lot like having any other pleasant sensory experience—eating chocolate, fresh-picked raspberries, smelling coffee in the morning, seeing a work of art or the peaceful face of someone you love who is sleeping. We take pleasure in the sensory experience, and find comfort in its familiarity and the safety that familiarity brings. I can look at a ripe raspberry, smell it, and anticipate that it will taste good and that the experience will be safe—I won’t get sick. If I’ve never seen a loganberry before, there are enough points in common with the raspberry that I can take the chance in eating it and anticipate that it will be safe.
安全对于我们很多人选择音乐来说都起着重要作用。在某种程度上，当我们聆听音乐时，我们就屈服于音乐——我们允许自己用心和精神去信任作曲家和音乐家；我们让音乐带我们到自己之外的地方。我们中许多人感受伟大的音乐将我们与比我们自己的存在更伟大的事物、其他人或上帝联系起来。即使音乐不能将我们带入超然的情感境界，音乐也可以改变我们的心情。那么，我们可能不愿意对任何人放松警惕，放弃情感防御，这是可以理解的。如果音乐家和作曲家让我们感到安全，我们就会这样做。我们想知道我们的漏洞不会被利用。这就是为什么这么多人不能听瓦格纳的部分原因。由于他恶毒的反犹太主义、他思想的纯粹粗俗（正如奥利弗·萨克斯所描述的那样）以及他的音乐与纳粹政权的联系，一些人在听他的音乐时感到不安全。瓦格纳一直深深地困扰着我，不仅仅是他的音乐，还有聆听它的想法。我不愿意屈服于像他一样心烦意乱的思想和危险（或难以理解的坚硬）心所创造的音乐的诱惑，因为担心我可能会产生一些同样丑陋的想法。当我聆听一位伟大作曲家的音乐时，我觉得从某种意义上说，我正在与他合而为一，或者让他的一部分融入我的内心。我也发现这对流行音乐来说令人不安，因为肯定有一些流行音乐的提供者是粗鲁的、性别歧视的、种族主义的，或者三者兼而有之。
Safety plays a role for a lot of us in choosing music. To a certain extent, we surrender to music when we listen to it—we allow ourselves to trust the composers and musicians with a part of our hearts and our spirits; we let the music take us somewhere outside of ourselves. Many of us feel that great music connects us to something larger than our own existence, to other people, or to God. Even when music doesn’t transport us to an emotional place that is transcendent, music can change our mood. We might be understandably reluctant, then, to let down our guard, to drop our emotional defenses, for just anyone. We will do so if the musicians and composer make us feel safe. We want to know that our vulnerability is not going to be exploited. This is part of the reason why so many people can’t listen to Wagner. Due to his pernicious anti-Semitism, the sheer vulgarity of his mind (as Oliver Sacks describes it), and his music’s association with the Nazi regime, some people don’t feel safe listening to his music. Wagner has always disturbed me profoundly, and not just his music, but also the idea of listening to it. I feel reluctant to give into the seduction of music created by so disturbed a mind and so dangerous (or impenetrably hard) a heart as his, for fear that I might develop some of the same ugly thoughts. When I listen to the music of a great composer I feel that I am, in some sense, becoming one with him, or letting a part of him inside me. I also find this disturbing with popular music, because surely some of the purveyors of pop are crude, sexist, racist, or all three.
这种脆弱和屈服的感觉并不比过去四十年的摇滚和流行音乐更普遍。这就是围绕感恩而死乐队、戴夫·马修斯乐队、菲什、尼尔·杨、乔尼·米切尔、披头士乐队、REM、阿尼·迪弗兰科等流行音乐家的粉丝群体的原因。我们允许它们控制我们的情绪，甚至我们的政治——让我们振奋、让我们沮丧、安慰我们、激励我们。当周围没有其他人时，我们让他们进入我们的客厅和卧室。当我们不与世界上任何其他人交流时，我们通过耳塞和耳机直接将它们放入耳朵中。
This sense of vulnerability and surrender is no more prevalent than with rock and popular music in the past forty years. This accounts for the fandom that surrounds popular musicians—the Grateful Dead, the Dave Matthews Band, Phish, Neil Young, Joni Mitchell, the Beatles, R.E.M., Ani DiFranco. We allow them to control our emotions and even our politics—to lift us up, to bring us down, to comfort us, to inspire us. We let them into our living rooms and bedrooms when no one else is around. We let them into our ears, directly, through earbuds and headphones, when we’re not communicating with anybody else in the world.
让自己在一个完全陌生的人面前变得如此脆弱是不寻常的。我们大多数人都有某种保护措施，防止我们脱口而出想到的每一个想法和感受。当有人问我们“你好吗？” 我们会说“好吧”，即使我们因为刚刚在家打架而感到沮丧，或者患有轻微的身体疾病。我的祖父曾经说过，无聊的定义是一个人当你问他“你好吗？” 实际上告诉你。即使与亲密的朋友在一起，我们也会隐藏一些事情，例如消化和肠道相关的问题，或者自我怀疑的感觉。我们愿意让自己在我们最喜欢的音乐家面前变得脆弱的原因之一是，他们经常让自己在我们面前变得脆弱（或者他们通过他们的艺术传达脆弱性——他们是真的脆弱还是仅仅在艺术上表现脆弱之间的区别并不重要。目前很重要）。
It is unusual to let oneself become so vulnerable with a total stranger. Most of us have some kind of protection that prevents us from blurting out every thought and feeling that comes across our minds. When someone asks us, “How’re ya doin’?” we say, “Fine,” even if we’re depressed about a fight we just had at home, or suffering a minor physical ailment. My grandfather used to say that the definition of a bore is someone who when you ask him “How are you?” actually tells you. Even with close friends, there are some things we simply keep hidden—digestive and bowel-related problems, for example, or feelings of self-doubt. One of the reasons that we’re willing to make ourselves vulnerable to our favorite musicians is that they often make themselves vulnerable to us (or they convey vulnerability through their art—the distinction between whether they are actually vulnerable or merely representing it artistically is not important for now).
艺术的力量在于它可以将我们彼此联系起来，并让我们了解关于活着意味着什么以及作为人类意味着什么的更大真理。当尼尔杨唱歌时
The power of art is that it can connect us to one another, and to larger truths about what it means to be alive and what it means to be human. When Neil Young sings
老人看看我的生活，我很像你……。
独自生活在一个让我想起两个人的天堂里。
Old man look at my life, I’m a lot like you were ….
Live alone in a paradise that makes me think of two.
我们对写这首歌的人感到同情。我可能不是生活在天堂，但我可以同情一个可能拥有一些物质成功但没有人分享的人，一个感觉自己“赢得了世界却失去了灵魂”的人，正如乔治·哈里森曾经唱过的那样，立即引用马克和圣雄甘地的福音。
we feel for the man who wrote the song. I may not live in a paradise, but I can empathize with a man who may have some material success but no one to share it with, a man who feels he has “gained the world but lost his soul,” as George Harrison once sang, quoting at once the gospel according to Mark and Mahatma Gandhi.
或者，当布鲁斯·斯普林斯汀（Bruce Springsteen）演唱关于失去爱情的《回到你的怀抱》（Back in Your Arms）时，我们会与一位与尼尔·杨（Neil Young）具有相似“普通人”形象的诗人所唱的类似主题产生共鸣。当我们考虑到斯普林斯汀拥有多少——全世界数百万人的崇拜和数百万美元——他无法拥有他想要的一个女人时，这就变得更加悲惨。
Or when Bruce Springsteen sings “Back in Your Arms” about losing love, we resonate to a similar theme, by a poet with a similar “everyman” persona to Neil Young’s. And when we consider how much Springsteen has—the adoration of millions of people worldwide, and millions of dollars—it becomes all the more tragic that he cannot have the one woman he wants.
我们在意想不到的地方听到了脆弱的声音，这让我们更接近艺术家。大卫·伯恩（Talking Heads 乐队成员）因其抽象、附庸风雅、带有一丝理智的歌词而闻名。在他的独奏《铃兰》中，他唱出了孤独和恐惧。我们对这首歌词的欣赏部分是通过了解艺术家的一些信息，或者至少是艺术家的角色，作为一个古怪的知识分子，他很少透露出像害怕这样原始和透明的东西。
We hear vulnerability in unlikely places and it brings us closer to the artist. David Byrne (of the Talking Heads) is generally known for his abstract, arty lyrics, with a touch of the cerebral. In his solo performance of “Lilies of the Valley,” he sings about being alone and scared. Part of our appreciation for this lyric is enhanced by knowing something about the artist, or at least the artist’s persona, as an eccentric intellectual, who rarely revealed something as raw and transparent as being afraid.
因此，与艺术家的联系或艺术家所代表的东西可以成为一部分我们的音乐偏好。约翰尼·卡什塑造了一个亡命之徒的形象，并通过在监狱中举办多场音乐会来表达对监狱囚犯的同情。囚犯可能会喜欢约翰尼·卡什的音乐——或者逐渐喜欢它——因为艺术家所代表的东西，而不是任何严格的音乐考虑。但正如迪伦在纽波特民谣音乐节上了解到的那样，歌迷们只会走这么远去追随他们的英雄。约翰尼·卡什可以在不疏远观众的情况下唱出想要离开监狱的歌，但如果他说他喜欢参观监狱，因为这有助于他欣赏自己的自由，那么他无疑会跨越从同情到幸灾乐祸的界限，而他的囚犯观众会向他发起攻击，这是可以理解的。
Connections to the artist or what the artist stands for can thus be part of our musical preferences. Johnny Cash cultivated an outlaw image, and also showed his compassion for prison inmates by performing many concerts in prisons. Prisoners may like Johnny Cash’s music—or grow to like it—because of what the artist stands for, quite apart from any strictly musical considerations. But fans will only go so far to follow their heroes, as Dylan learned at the Newport Folk Festival. Johnny Cash could sing about wanting to leave prison without alienating his audience, but if he had said that he liked visiting prisons because it helped him appreciate his own freedom, he would no doubt have crossed a line from compassion to gloating, and his inmate audience would have understandably turned on him.
偏好从接触开始，我们每个人都有自己的“冒险精神”商数，即我们愿意在任何给定时间离开音乐安全区多远。我们中的一些人在生活的各个方面都比其他人更愿意尝试，包括音乐；在我们一生中的不同时期，我们可能会寻求或避免尝试。一般来说，我们发现自己无聊的时候就是我们寻求新体验的时候。随着互联网广播和个人音乐播放器变得越来越流行，我认为未来几年我们将看到个性化音乐电台，每个人都可以拥有自己的个人广播电台，由计算机算法控制，为我们播放混合音乐我们已经知道并喜欢的音乐以及我们不知道但我们可能会喜欢的音乐的混合体。我认为重要的是，无论这项技术采取何种形式，听众都应该有一个可以转动的“刺激性”旋钮，该旋钮将控制新旧音乐的混合，或者新音乐与他们通常听到的音乐的差异程度到。这是因人而异的事情，甚至在一个人体内，从一天中的一个时间到下一个时间，都有很大的差异。
Preferences begin with exposure and each of us has our own “adventuresomeness” quotient for how far out of our musical safety zone we are willing to go at any given time. Some of us are more open to experimentation than others in all aspects of our lives, including music; and at various times in our life we may seek or avoid experimentation. Generally, the times when we find ourselves bored are those when we seek new experiences. As Internet radio and personal music players are becoming more popular, I think that we will be seeing personalized music stations in the next few years, in which everyone can have his or her own personal radio station, controlled by computer algorithms that play us a mixture of music we already know and like and a mixture of music we don’t know but we are likely to enjoy. I think it will be important that whatever form this technology takes, listeners should have an “adverturesomeness” knob they can turn that will control the mix of old and new, or the mix of how far out the new music is from what they usually listen to. This is something that is highly variable from person to person, and even, within one person, from one time of day to the next.
即使我们只是被动地聆听，而不是试图分析音乐，我们的音乐聆听也会为音乐流派和形式创建模式。在很小的时候，我们就知道我们文化的音乐中的合法动作是什么。对于许多人来说，我们未来的好恶将是我们通过童年聆听形成的对音乐的认知模式类型的结果。这并不意味着音乐我们小时候听的音乐必然会决定我们余生的音乐品味；许多人接触或学习不同文化和风格的音乐并适应它们，也学习他们的模式。关键是，我们早期的接触往往是最深刻的，并成为进一步理解音乐的基础。
Our music listening creates schemas for musical genres and forms, even when we are only listening passively, and not attempting to analyze the music. By an early age, we know what the legal moves are in the music of our culture. For many, our future likes and dislikes will be a consequence of the types of cognitive schemas we formed for music through childhood listening. This isn’t meant to imply that the music we listen to as children will necessarily determine our musical tastes for the rest of our lives; many people are exposed to or study music of different cultures and styles and become acculturated to them, learning their schemas as well. The point is that our early exposure is often our most profound, and becomes the foundation for further musical understanding.
音乐偏好也有很大的社会成分，基于我们对歌手或音乐家的了解、我们对家人和朋友喜欢什么的了解，以及对音乐代表什么的了解。从历史上看，特别是从进化的角度来看，音乐一直与社会活动有关。这也许可以解释为什么从《大卫诗篇》到《锡盘巷》再到当代音乐，最常见的音乐表达形式是情歌，以及为什么对我们大多数人来说，情歌似乎是我们最喜欢的东西之一。
Musical preferences also have a large social component based on our knowledge of the singer or musician, on our knowledge of what our family and friends like, and knowledge of what the music stands for. Historically, and particularly evolutionarily, music has been involved with social activities. This may explain why the most common form of musical expression, from the Psalms of David to Tin Pan Alley to contemporary music, is the love song, and why for most of us, love songs seem to be among our favorite things.
9. 音乐本能
9. The Music Instinct
Evolution 的第一名热门作品
Evolution’s #1 Hit
音乐从哪里来？对音乐进化起源的研究有着悠久的历史，可以追溯到达尔文本人，他相信音乐是通过自然选择作为人类或古人类交配仪式的一部分而发展起来的。我相信科学证据也支持这个想法，但并不是每个人都同意。经过数十年对该主题的零散研究后，1997 年，人们的兴趣突然集中在认知心理学家和认知科学家史蒂文·平克 (Steven Pinker) 提出的挑战上。
Where did music come from? The study of the evolutionary origins of music has a distinguished history, dating back to Darwin himself, who believed that it developed through natural selection as part of human or paleohuman mating rituals. I believe that the scientific evidence supports this idea as well, but not everyone agrees. After decades of only scattered work on the topic, in 1997 interest was suddenly focused on a challenge issued by the cognitive psychologist and cognitive scientist Steven Pinker.
全球约有 250 人将音乐感知和认知作为主要研究重点。与大多数科学学科一样，我们每年举行一次会议。1997年，会议在麻省理工学院举行，史蒂文·平克（Steven Pinker）受邀致开幕词。平克刚刚完成了《心灵如何运作》，这是一部解释和综合认知科学主要原理的重要大型著作，但他尚未声名狼藉。“语言显然是一种进化适应，”他在主题演讲中告诉我们。“作为认知心理学家和认知科学家，我们研究的认知机制，例如记忆、注意力、分类和决策等机制，都有明确的进化目的。” 他解释说，有时，我们会在某个事物中发现某种行为或属性。缺乏明确进化基础的有机体；当进化的力量出于某种特定原因传播适应性时，就会发生这种情况，并且伴随着其他东西的出现，史蒂芬·杰·古尔德借用了建筑学中的术语，将其称为“拱肩”。在建筑中，设计师可能会计划用四个拱门支撑一个圆顶。拱门之间必然有一个空间，不是因为它是计划好的，而是因为它是设计的副产品。鸟类进化出羽毛是为了保暖，但它们将羽毛用于另一个目的——飞行。这是拱肩。
There are about 250 people worldwide who study music perception and cognition as a primary research focus. As with most scientific disciplines, we hold conferences once a year. In 1997, the conference was held at MIT, and Steven Pinker was invited to give the opening address. Pinker had just completed How the Mind Works, an important large-scale work that explains and synthesizes the major principles of cognitive science, but he had not yet found popular notoriety. “Language is clearly an evolutionary adaptation,” he told us during his keynote speech. “The cognitive mechanisms that we, as cognitive psychologists and cognitive scientists, study, mechanisms such as memory, attention, categorization, and decision making, all have a clear evolutionary purpose.” He explained that, once in a while, we find a behavior or attribute in an organism that lacks any clear evolutionary basis; this occurs when evolutionary forces propagate an adaptation for a particular reason, and something else comes along for the ride, what Stephen Jay Gould called a spandrel, borrowing the term from architecture. In architecture, a designer might plan for a dome to be held up by four arches. There will necessarily be a space between the arches, not because it was planned for, but because it is a by-product of the design. Birds evolved feathers to keep warm, but they coopted the feathers for another purpose—flying. This is a spandrel.
许多拱肩都得到了如此好的使用，以至于事后很难知道它们是否是改编品。建筑物拱门之间的空间成为艺术家绘制天使和其他装饰品的地方。拱肩——建筑师设计的副产品——成为建筑中最美丽的部分之一。平克认为，语言是一种适应，而音乐是它的拱肩。他接着说，在人类进行的认知操作中，音乐是最无趣的，因为它只是一种副产品，是一种依赖于语言的进化事故。
Many spandrels are put to such good use that it is hard to know after the fact whether they were adaptations or not. The space between arches in a building became a place where artists painted angels and other decorations. The spandrel—a by-product of the architects’ design—became one of the most beautiful parts of a building. Pinker argued that language is an adaptation and music is its spandrel. Among the cognitive operations that humans perform, music is the least interesting to study because it is merely a by-product, he went on, an evolutionary accident piggybacking on language.
“音乐是听觉芝士蛋糕，”他轻蔑地说。“它恰好以一种非常令人愉悦的方式刺激了大脑的几个重要部分，就像芝士蛋糕刺激了味蕾一样。” 人类并没有进化出对芝士蛋糕的喜爱，但我们确实进化出了对脂肪和糖的喜爱，而这些在我们的进化史上是供不应求的。人类进化出了一种神经机制，当吃糖和脂肪时，我们的奖励中心会被激发，因为少量的糖和脂肪对我们的健康有益。
“Music is auditory cheesecake,” he said dismissively. “It just happens to tickle several important parts of the brain in a highly pleasurable way, as cheesecake tickles the palate.” Humans didn’t evolve a liking for cheesecake, but we did evolve a liking for fats and sugars, which were in short supply during our evolutionary history. Humans evolved a neural mechanism that caused our reward centers to fire when eating sugars and fats because in the small quantities they were available, they were beneficial to our well-being.
大多数对物种生存重要的活动，例如饮食和性，也是令人愉快的；我们的大脑进化出了奖励和鼓励这些行为的机制。但我们可以学会缩短原来的活动并直接利用这些奖励系统。我们可以吃没有营养价值的食物，我们可以发生性行为而不生育；我们可以服用海洛因，它会利用大脑中正常的快乐感受器；这些都不是适应性的，但我们边缘系统中的快乐中心不知道其中的区别。随后，人类发现平克解释说，芝士蛋糕只是碰巧按下了脂肪和糖的快乐按钮，而音乐只是一种寻求快乐的行为，它利用一个或多个现有的快乐通道，这些通道进化为加强适应性行为，大概是语言交流。
Most activities that are important for survival of the species, such as eating and sex, are also pleasurable; our brains evolved mechanisms to reward and encourage these behaviors. But we can learn to short-circuit the original activities and tap directly into these reward systems. We can eat foods that have no nutritive value and we can have sex without procreating; we can take heroin, which exploits the normal pleasure receptors in the brain; none of these is adaptive, but the pleasure centers in our limbic system don’t know the difference. Humans, then, discovered that cheesecake just happens to push pleasure buttons for fat and sugar, Pinker explained, and music is simply a pleasure-seeking behavior that exploits one or more existing pleasure channels that evolved to reinforce an adaptive behavior, presumably linguistic communication.
平克告诉我们，“音乐推动语言能力的按钮（音乐与语言能力在很多方面有重叠）；它按下听觉皮层中的按钮，该系统对人声哭泣或咕咕声中的情感信号做出反应，以及在行走或跳舞时向肌肉注入节奏的运动控制系统。”
“Music,” Pinker lectured us, “pushes buttons for language ability (with which music overlaps in several ways); it pushes buttons in the auditory cortex, the system that responds to the emotional signals in a human voice crying or cooing, and the motor control system that injects rhythm into the muscles when walking or dancing.”
“就生物学因果关系而言，”平克在《语言本能》中写道（并在他给我们的演讲中解释），“音乐是无用的。它没有表现出任何旨在实现长寿、子孙后代或对世界的准确感知和预测等目标的设计迹象。与语言、视觉、社会推理和身体知识相比，音乐可能会从我们的物种中消失，而我们生活方式的其余部分几乎不会改变。”
“As far as biological cause and effect are concerned,” Pinker wrote in The Language Instinct (and paraphrased in the talk he gave to us), “music is useless. It shows no signs of design for attaining a goal such as long life, grandchildren, or accurate perception and prediction of the world. Compared with language, vision, social reasoning, and physical knowhow, music could vanish from our species and the rest of our lifestyle would be virtually unchanged.”
当像平克这样才华横溢、受人尊敬的科学家提出有争议的主张时，科学界就会注意到，这导致我和我的许多同事重新评估我们认为理所当然的音乐进化基础的立场，没有质疑。平克让我们思考。一些研究表明，他并不是唯一一个嘲笑音乐进化起源的理论家。宇宙学家约翰·巴罗（John Barrow）表示，音乐对于物种的生存没有任何作用，心理学家丹·斯珀伯（Dan Sperber）则称音乐为“进化的寄生虫”。斯珀伯认为，我们进化出了一种认知能力来处理音高和持续时间不同的复杂声音模式，这种交流能力首先出现在原始的、前语言的人类中。斯珀伯认为，音乐的寄生发展是为了利用这种为真正交流而进化的能力。剑桥大学的伊恩·克罗斯 (Ian Cross) 总结道：“对于平克、斯珀伯和巴罗来说，音乐的存在仅仅是因为它能带来快乐；它的基础纯粹是享乐。”
When a brilliant and respected scientist such as Pinker makes a controversial claim, the scientific community takes notice, and it caused me and many of my colleagues to reevaluate a position on the evolutionary basis of music that we had taken for granted, without questioning. Pinker got us thinking. And a little research showed that he is not the only theorist to deride music’s evolutionary origins. The cosmologist John Barrow said that music has no role in survival of the species, and psychologist Dan Sperber called music “an evolutionary parasite.” Sperber believes that we evolved a cognitive capacity to process complex sound patterns that vary in pitch and duration, and that this communicative ability first arose in primitive, prelinguistic humans. Music, according to Sperber, developed parasitically to exploit this capacity that had evolved for true communication. Ian Cross of Cambridge University sums up: “For Pinker, Sperber, and Barrow, music exists simply because of the pleasure that it affords; its basis is purely hedonic.”
我碰巧认为平克是错的，但我会让证据说明一切。首先让我回顾一下查尔斯·达尔文一百五十年前的情况。我们大多数人在学校里学到的口号是“人的生存”“适者生存”（不幸的是由英国哲学家赫伯特·斯宾塞宣扬）是进化论的过度简化。进化论基于几个假设。首先，我们所有的表型属性（我们的外表、生理属性和一些行为）都编码在我们的基因中，并代代相传。基因告诉我们的身体如何制造蛋白质，从而产生我们的表型特征。基因的作用是针对它们所在的细胞的。给定的基因可能包含有用或无用的信息，具体取决于所涉及的细胞，例如，您眼睛中的细胞不需要生长皮肤。我们的基因型（特定的 DNA 序列）产生了我们的表型（特定的身体特征）。综上所述：一个物种成员之间的许多差异都被编码在基因中，并通过繁殖传递下去。
I happen to think that Pinker is wrong, but I’ll let the evidence speak for itself. Let me back up first a hundred and fifty years to Charles Darwin. The catchphrase most of us are taught in school, “survival of the fittest” (unfortunately propagated by the British philosopher Herbert Spencer), is an oversimplification of evolution. The theory of evolution rests on several assumptions. First, all of our phenotypic attributes (our appearance, physiological attributes, and some behaviors) are encoded in our genes, which are passed from one generation to the next. Genes tell our body how to make proteins, which generate our phenotypic characteristics. The action of genes is specific to the cells in which they reside; a given gene may contain information that is useful or not useful depending on the cell in question—cells in your eye don’t need to grow skin, for example. Our genotype (particular sequence of DNA) gives rise to our phenotype (particular physical characteristics). So to sum up: Many of the ways in which members of a species differ from one another are encoded in the genes, and these are passed on through reproduction.
进化论的第二个假设是，我们之间存在一些自然的遗传变异。第三，当我们交配时，我们的遗传物质结合形成一个新的生物，其遗传物质的 50% 来自父母双方。最后，由于自发错误，有时会发生错误或突变，这些错误或突变可能会遗传给下一代。
The second assumption of evolutionary theory is that there exists between us some natural genetic variability. Third, when we mate, our genetic material combines to form a new being, 50 percent of whose genetic material comes from each parent. Finally, due to spontaneous errors, mistakes or mutations sometimes occur that may be passed on to the next generation.
今天存在于你体内的基因（除了少数可能发生突变的基因）是那些在过去成功繁殖的基因。我们每个人都是基因军备竞赛的胜利者。许多未能成功繁殖的基因就消失了，没有留下后代。今天活着的每个人都是由在一场长期、大规模的基因竞争中获胜的基因组成的。“适者生存”过于简单化，因为它导致了一种扭曲的观点，即赋予宿主生物体生存优势的基因就是那些将赢得基因竞赛的基因。但长寿，无论多么快乐和富有成效，都不会遗传基因。有机体需要繁殖来传递其基因。进化游戏的名称是不惜一切代价繁殖，并看到一个人的后代活着做同样的事情，并让他们的后代活得足够长，做同样的事情，等等。
The genes that exist in you today (with the exception of a small number that may have mutated) are those that reproduced successfully in the past. Each of us is a victor in a genetic arms race; many genes that failed to reproduce successfully died out, leaving no descendants. Everyone alive today is composed of genes that won a long-lasting, large-scale genetic competition. “Survival of the fittest” is an oversimplification because it leads to the distorted view that genes that confer a survival advantage in their host organism are those that will win the genetic race. But living a long life, however happy and productive, does not pass on genes. An organism needs to reproduce to pass on its genes. The name of the evolutionary game is to reproduce at all costs, and to see that one’s offspring live to do the same, and for their offspring to live long enough to do the same, and so on.
如果一个有机体活得足够长，可以繁殖，并且它的孩子们都很热心并受到保护，以便他们能够做同样的事情，那么就没有有机体长寿的令人信服的进化理由。一些鸟类和蜘蛛在性交配期间或之后死亡。交配后的岁月并不会给有机体基因的生存带来任何优势，除非它能够利用这段时间来保护其后代，为它们获取资源，或帮助它们寻找配偶。因此，有两件事导致基因“成功”：（1）生物体能够成功交配，将其基因传递下去；（2）它的后代能够生存下来，以便做同样的事情。
If an organism lives long enough to reproduce, and if its children are hearty and protected so that they can do the same, there is no compelling evolutionary reason for the organism to live a long time. Some avian species and spiders die during or after sexual mating. The postmating years do not confer any advantage to the survival of the organism’s genes unless it is able to use that time to protect its offspring, secure resources for them, or help them to find mates. Thus, two things lead to genes’ being “successful”: (1) the organism is able to successfully mate, passing its genes on, and (2) its offspring are able to survive in order to do the same.
达尔文认识到他的自然选择理论的这一含义，并提出了性选择的想法。因为有机体必须繁殖才能传递其基因，所以吸引配偶的品质最终应该被编码在基因组中。如果方形下巴和巨大的二头肌对男性来说是有吸引力的特征（在潜在伴侣眼中），那么具有这些特征的男性将比下巴狭窄、手臂骨瘦如柴的竞争对手更成功地繁殖。方下巴、大二头肌的基因将会变得更加丰富。后代还需要受到保护，免受自然灾害、捕食者和疾病的侵害，并获得食物和其他资源，以便它们能够繁殖。因此，促进交配后养育行为的基因也可能在整个人群中传播，以至于具有养育基因的人的后代作为一个群体在资源和配偶的竞争中表现得更好。
Darwin recognized this implication of his theory of natural selection and came up with the idea of sexual selection. Because an organism must reproduce to pass its genes on, qualities that will attract a mate should eventually become encoded in the genome. If a square jaw and outsized biceps are attractive features for a man to have (in the eyes of potential mates), men with those features will reproduce more successfully than their narrow-jawed, scrawny-armed competitors. The square-jaw, large-bicep genes will then become more plentiful. Offspring also need to be protected from the elements, from predators, from disease, and to be given food and other resources so that they can reproduce. Thus, a gene that promotes nurturing behavior postcopulation could also spread throughout the population, to the extent that the offspring of people with the nurturing gene fare better, as a group, in the competition for resources and mates.
音乐可能在性选择中发挥作用吗？达尔文也是这么想的。他在《人类的起源》中写道：“我的结论是，音符和节奏最初是由人类的男性或女性祖先为了吸引异性而获得的。因此，音乐音调与动物能够感受到的一些最强烈的激情紧密相关，因此被本能地使用......” 在寻找伴侣时，我们与生俱来的动力是有意识或无意识地寻找一个在生物学和性方面都适合的人，一个能为我们生下健康且能够吸引自己的配偶的孩子的人。音乐可能表明生物和性健康，有助于吸引配偶。
Might music play a role in sexual selection? Darwin thought so. In The Descent of Man he wrote, “I conclude that musical notes and rhythm were first acquired by the male or female progenitors of mankind for the sake of charming the opposite sex. Thus musical tones became firmly associated with some of the strongest passions an animal is capable of feeling, and are consequently used instinctively ….” In seeking mates, our innate drive is to find—either consciously or unconsciously—someone who is biologically and sexually fit, someone who will provide us with children who are likely to be healthy and able to attract mates of their own. Music may indicate biological and sexual fitness, serving to attract mates.
达尔文相信音乐先于言语作为求爱的手段，将音乐等同于孔雀的尾巴。在达尔文的性选择理论中，达尔文提出了一些特征的出现，这些特征除了让自己（以及一个人的基因）有吸引力之外，没有直接的生存目的。认知心理学家杰弗里·米勒将这一概念与音乐在当代社会中扮演的角色联系起来。吉米·亨德里克斯“与数百名追星族有过性关系，与至少两名女性保持着平行的长期关系，并且在美国、德国和瑞典生下了至少三个孩子。在节育之前的祖先条件下，他会生育更多的孩子，”米勒写道。齐柏林飞艇乐队的主唱罗伯特·普兰特回忆起他在七十年代大型巡回演唱会的经历：
Darwin believed that music preceded speech as a means of courtship, equating music with the peacock’s tail. In his theory of sexual selection, Darwin posited the emergence of features that served no direct survival purpose other than to make oneself (and hence one’s genes) attractive. The cognitive psychologist Geoffrey Miller has connected this notion with the role that music plays in contemporary society. Jimi Hendrix had “sexual liaisons with hundreds of groupies, maintained parallel long-term relationships with at least two women, and fathered at least three children in the United States, Germany, and Sweden. Under ancestral conditions before birth control, he would have fathered many more,” Miller writes. Robert Plant, the lead singer of Led Zeppelin, recalls his experience with their big concert tours in the seventies:
“我正走在去爱的路上。总是。无论我走哪条路，这辆车都正在驶向我所经历过的最伟大的性遭遇之一。”
“I was on my way to love. Always. Whatever road I took, the car was heading for one of the greatest sexual encounters I’ve ever had.”
摇滚明星的性伴侣数量可能是正常男性的数百倍，而对于米克·贾格尔这样的顶级摇滚明星来说，外貌似乎并不是问题。
The number of sexual partners for rock stars can be hundreds of times what a normal male has, and for the top rock stars, such as Mick Jagger, physical appearance doesn’t seem to be an issue.
在性求爱过程中，动物经常宣传它们的基因、身体和思想的质量，以吸引最好的配偶。许多人类特有的行为（例如对话、音乐制作、艺术能力和幽默）可能主要是为了在求爱期间展示智力而进化的。米勒认为，在我们大部分进化史中音乐和舞蹈完全交织在一起的条件下，音乐才能/舞蹈才能在两个方面都是性健康的标志。首先，任何能歌善舞的人都在向潜在的伴侣宣传他的耐力和身体和精神上的整体健康状况。其次，任何在音乐和舞蹈方面成为专家或有成就的人都在宣传他有足够的食物和足够坚固的住所，他可以浪费宝贵的时间来发展纯粹不必要的技能。这就是孔雀美丽尾巴的论点：孔雀尾巴的大小与鸟的年龄、健康状况和整体健康状况相关。色彩缤纷的尾巴表明健康的孔雀有代谢废物，他是如此健康，如此团结，如此富有（就资源而言）以至于他有额外的资源可以投入纯粹用于展示和审美目的的东西。
During sexual courtship, animals often advertise the quality of their genes, bodies, and minds, in order to attract the best possible mate. Many human-specific behaviors (such as conversation, music production, artistic ability, and humor) may have evolved principally to advertise intelligence during courtship. Miller suggests that under the conditions that would have existed throughout most of our evolutionary history in which music and dance were completely intertwined, musicianship/danceship would have been a sign of sexual fitness on two fronts. First, anyone who could sing and dance was advertising to potential mates his stamina and overall good health, physical and mental. Second, anyone who had become expert or accomplished in music and dance was advertising that he had enough food and sturdy enough shelter that he could afford to waste valuable time on developing a purely unnecessary skill. This is the argument of the peacock’s beautiful tail: The size of the peacock’s tail correlates with the bird’s age, health, and overall fitness. The colorful tail signals that the healthy peacock has metabolism to waste, he is so fit, so together, so wealthy (in terms of resources) that he has extra resources to put into something that is purely for display and aesthetic purposes.
在当代社会，我们在建造精致的房屋或驾驶价值数十万美元的汽车的富人身上看到了这一点。性选择的信息很明确：选择我。我有那么多的食物和那么多的资源，我可以把它们浪费在这些奢侈品上。在美国，许多生活在贫困线或贫困线附近的男性购买旧凯迪拉克和林肯汽车并非偶然，这些不实用的高地位车辆在不知不觉中表明了车主的性健康。这也可以被视为“bling”的起源，即男性佩戴华丽珠宝的趋势。男性对汽车和珠宝的渴望和购买在青春期达到顶峰，此时他们的性能力最强，这一点符合这一理论。音乐创作涉及一系列身体和心理技能，因此是健康的公开展示，并且在某种程度上，有人有时间发展自己的音乐才能，这种观点认为，这将表明资源财富。
In contemporary society, we see this with rich people who build elaborate houses or drive hundred-thousand-dollar cars. The sexual selection message is clear: Choose me. I have so much food and so many resources that I can afford to squander them on these luxury items. It is no accident that many men living at or near the poverty line in the U.S. buy old Cadillacs and Lincolns—impractical, high-status vehicles that unconsciously signal their owner’s sexual fitness. This can also be seen as the origin of bling, the tendency for men to wear gaudy jewelry. That the yearning for and purchasing of cars and jewelry peaks in men during adolescence, when they are most sexually potent, serves the theory. Music making, because it involves an array of physical and mental skills, would be an overt display of health, and to the extent that someone had time to develop his musicianship, the argument goes, it would indicate resource wealth.
在当代社会，对音乐的兴趣也在青春期达到顶峰，进一步增强了音乐的性别选择方面。与四十岁的人相比，组建乐队并尝试接触新音乐的十九岁的人要多得多，尽管四十岁的人有更多的时间来发展他们的音乐才能和喜好。米勒认为：“音乐不断发展，并继续发挥求偶表演的作用，主要由年轻雄性播放以吸引雌性。”
In contemporary society, interest in music also peaks during adolescence, further bolstering the sexual-selection aspects of music. Far more nineteen-year-olds are starting bands and trying to get their hands on new music than are forty-year-olds, even though the forty-year-olds have had more time to develop their musicianship and preferences. “Music evolved and continues to function as a courtship display, mostly broadcast by young males to attract females,” Miller argues.
当我们认识到狩猎在某些狩猎采集社会中所采取的形式时，音乐作为性健康展示的想法并不是那么牵强。一些原始人类依靠持久狩猎——向猎物投掷长矛、岩石和其他射弹，然后追逐猎物几个小时，直到动物因受伤和疲惫而倒下。如果过去狩猎采集社会中的舞蹈与我们在当代社会中观察到的情况类似的话，那么它通常会持续数小时，需要大量的有氧运动。作为男性参加或领导狩猎的健康表现，这种部落舞蹈将是一个很好的指标。大多数部落舞蹈都包括使用身体最大、最耗能量的肌肉反复高步、跺脚和跳跃。现在已知许多精神疾病会削弱跳舞或有节奏地表演的能力——仅举两个例子，精神分裂症和帕金森症——所以有节奏的舞蹈和音乐制作是历代大多数音乐的特征，可以作为身体和心理健康的保证，甚至可能是可靠性和责任心的保证（因为，正如我们在第 7 章中看到的，专业知识需要一种特殊的精神集中） 。
Music as a sexual fitness display is not so farfetched an idea when we realize the form that hunting took in some hunter-gatherer societies. Some protohumans would rely on persistence hunting—hurling spears, rocks, and other projectiles at their prey, then chasing the prey for hours until the animal dropped from injury and exhaustion. If dancing in past hunter-gatherer societies was anything like what we observe in contemporary ones, it typically extended for many hours, requiring great aerobic effort. As a display of a male’s fitness to take part in or lead a hunt, such tribal dancing would be an excellent indicator. Most tribal dancing includes repeated high-stepping, stomping, and jumping using the largest, most energy-hungry muscles of the body. Many mental illnesses are now known to undermine the ability to dance or to perform rhythmically—schizophrenia and Parkinson’s, to name just two—and so the sort of rhythmic dancing and music making that have characterized most music across the ages serves as a warranty of physical and mental fitness, perhaps even a warranty of reliability and conscientiousness (because, as we saw in Chapter 7, expertise requires a particular kind of mental focus).
另一种可能性是，进化总体上选择了创造力作为性健康的标志。音乐/舞蹈组合表演中的即兴创作和新颖性将表明舞者的认知灵活性，表明他在狩猎时狡猾和制定战略的潜力。长期以来，男性追求者的物质财富一直被认为是对女性最有吸引力的吸引力之一，女性认为这会增加她们的后代获得充足食物、住所和保护的可能性。（富人之所以获得保护，是因为他们可以争取其他社区成员的支持，以换取食物或象征性的财富，例如珠宝或现金。）如果财富是约会游戏的名称，那么音乐似乎相对不重要。但米勒和他在加州大学洛杉矶分校的同事玛蒂·哈瑟尔顿已经证明，创造力胜过财富，至少对人类女性来说是这样。他们的假设是，虽然财富可以预测谁将成为一个好父亲（对于养育孩子），但创造力可以更好地预测谁将提供最好的基因（对于养育孩子）。
Another possibility is that evolution selected creativity in general as a marker of sexual fitness. Improvisation and novelty in a combined music/dance performance would indicate the cognitive flexibility of the dancer, signaling his potential for cunning and strategizing while on the hunt. The material wealth of a male suitor has long been considered among the most compelling attractors to females, who assume that it will increase the likelihood of their offspring having ample food, shelter, and protection. (Protection accrues to the wealthy because they can marshal support of other community members in exchange for food or symbolic tokens of wealth such as jewelry or cash.) If wealth is the name of the dating game, then music would seem relatively unimportant. But Miller and his colleague Martie Haselton at UCLA have shown that creativity trumps wealth, at least in human females. Their hypothesis is that while wealth may predict who will make a good dad (for child rearing), creativity may better predict who will furnish the best genes (for child fathering).
在一项巧妙的研究中，女性处于正常月经周期的不同阶段——有些处于生育高峰期，有些处于生育最低期，有些处于生育高峰期——被要求根据描述虚构男性的书面小插曲来评估潜在伴侣的吸引力。一个典型的小插曲描述了一个艺术家，他在作品中表现出了巨大的创造性智慧，但由于运气不佳而贫穷。另一个小插图描述了一个具有平均创造性智力的人，但由于运气好而碰巧很富有。所有的小插曲都旨在表明，每个人的创造力是其特征和属性（因此是内生的、遗传的和可遗传的）的函数，而每个人的财务状况很大程度上是偶然的（因此是外生的且不可遗传的）。
In a clever study, women at various stages of their normal menstrual cycle—some during their peak of fertility, others at their minimum of fertility and others in between—were asked to rate the attractiveness of potential mates based on written vignettes describing fictional males. A typical vignette described a man who was an artist, and who displayed great creative intelligence in his work, but who was poor due to bad luck. An alternate vignette described a man who had average creative intelligence, but happened to be wealthy due to good luck. All the vignettes were designed to make clear that each man’s creativity was a function of his traits and attributes (and thus, endogenous, genetic, and heritable) while each man’s financial state was largely accidental (and thus exogenous and not heritable).
结果显示，当女性处于生育高峰时，作为短期伴侣或短暂的性接触，他们更喜欢有创造力但贫穷的艺术家，而不是没有创造力但富有的人。在月经周期的其他时期，女性并没有表现出这样的偏好。重要的是要记住，偏好在很大程度上是与生俱来的，不会轻易被有意识的认知所压倒。事实上，今天的女性可以通过几乎万无一失的节育来避免怀孕，这对我们这个物种来说是一个新概念，对任何先天偏好没有影响。可能成为最好的照顾者的男性（和女性）不一定是那些能够为潜在后代贡献最好基因的人。人们并不总是与那些对他们最具性吸引力的人结婚，50% 的男女都有婚外情。更多的女性愿意与摇滚明星和运动员上床，而不是嫁给他们。简而言之，最好的父亲（在生物学意义上）并不总是成为最好的父亲（在抚养孩子方面）。这也许可以解释为什么根据欧洲最近的一项研究，10% 的母亲表示，她们的孩子是由错误地认为孩子是她们自己的男人抚养的。尽管今天的繁殖可能不是动机，但很难将先天的、进化而来的对交配伴侣的偏好与我们社会和文化引发的对性伴侣的品味区分开来。
The results showed that when they were at their peak fertility, women preferred the creative but poor artist to the not creative but rich man as a short-term mate, or for a brief sexual encounter. At other times during their cycle, women did not show such preferences. It is important to bear in mind that preferences are to a large degree hardwired and not easily overpowered by conscious cognitions; the fact that women today can avoid pregnancy through almost foolproof birth control is a concept so new in our species as to have no influence on any innate preferences. The men (and women) who might make the best caregivers are not necessarily those who can contribute the best genes to potential offspring. People don’t always marry those to whom they are the most sexually attracted, and 50 percent of people of both sexes report to having extramarital affairs. Far more women want to sleep with rock stars and athletes than to marry them. In short, the best fathers (in the biological sense) don’t always make the best dads (for child rearing). This may account for why, according to a recent European study, 10 percent of mothers reported that their children were being raised by men who falsely believed the children were their own. Although today reproduction may not be the motive, it is difficult to separate out innate, evolutionarily derived preferences for mating partners from our societally and culturally induced tastes in sexual partners.
对于俄亥俄州立大学的音乐学家大卫·休伦来说，进化基础的关键问题是表现出音乐行为的个体与不表现出音乐行为的个体相比，可能会获得什么优势。如果音乐是一种非适应性的寻求快乐的行为——听觉芝士蛋糕论——我们预计它在进化史上不会持续很长时间。休伦写道：“海洛因使用者往往忽视自己的健康，并且死亡率很高。此外，吸食海洛因的人会成为可怜的父母；他们往往忽视自己的后代。” 忽视自己和孩子的健康肯定会降低自己的基因遗传给后代的可能性。首先，如果音乐是非适应性的，那么音乐爱好者应该在进化或生存上处于劣势。其次，音乐不应该存在太久。任何适应性价值低的活动都不太可能被练习在物种的历史中很长，或者占据了个体的很大一部分时间和精力。
For musicologist David Huron of Ohio State, the key question for the evolutionary basis is what advantage might be conferred on individuals who exhibit musical behaviors, versus those who do not. If music is a nonadaptive pleasure-seeking behavior—the auditory cheesecake argument—we would expect it not to last very long in evolutionary time. Huron writes, “Heroin users tend to neglect their health and are known to have high mortality rates. Furthermore, heroin users make poor parents; they tend to neglect their offspring.” Neglecting one’s health and the health of one’s children is a surefire way to reduce the probability of one’s genes being passed on to future generations. First, if music was nonadaptive, then music lovers should be at some evolutionary or survival disadvantage. Second, music shouldn’t have been around very long. Any activity that has low adaptive value is unlikely to be practiced for very long in the species’s history, or to occupy a significant portion of an individual’s time and energy.
所有现有的证据都表明，音乐不仅仅是听觉上的芝士蛋糕；它是一种听觉上的享受。它在我们这个物种中已经存在很长时间了。乐器是我们发现的最古老的人造文物之一。斯洛文尼亚的骨笛就是一个典型的例子，它的历史可以追溯到五万年前，它是由现已灭绝的欧洲熊的股骨制成的。在我们人类的历史上，音乐早于农业。我们可以保守地说，没有确凿的证据表明语言先于音乐。事实上，物证表明事实恰恰相反。音乐无疑比五万年前的骨笛更古老，因为长笛不太可能是最早的乐器。各种打击乐器，包括鼓、摇弦器和拨浪鼓，很可能在长笛出现之前就已经使用了数千年——我们在当代狩猎采集社会中看到了这一点，并且从欧洲入侵者关于他们在美洲原住民中发现的东西的记录中看到了这一点文化。考古记录显示，在我们发现人类的任何地方、每个时代都有不间断的音乐创作记录。当然，歌唱很可能也早于长笛。
All the available evidence is that music can’t be merely auditory cheesecake; it has been around a very long time in our species. Musical instruments are among the oldest human-made artifacts we have found. The Slovenian bone flute, dated at fifty thousand years ago, which was made from the femur of a now-extinct European bear, is a prime example. Music predates agriculture in the history of our species. We can say, conservatively, that there is no tangible evidence that language preceded music. In fact, the physical evidence suggests the contrary. Music is no doubt older than the fifty-thousand-year-old bone flute, because flutes were unlikely the first instruments. Various percussion instruments, including drums, shakers, and rattles were likely to have been in use for thousands of years before flutes—we see this in contemporary hunter-gatherer societies, and from the record of European invaders reporting on what they found in native American cultures. The archaeological record shows an uninterrupted record of music making everywhere we find humans, and in every era. And, of course, singing most probably predated flutes as well.
重申一下进化生物学的概括原理：“基因突变提高了一个人活得足够长以繁殖的可能性，从而成为适应。” 最好的估计是，人类基因组中至少需要五万年才能出现适应。这被称为进化滞后——适应首次出现在一小部分个体中和广泛分布在种群中之间的时间滞后。当行为遗传学家和进化心理学家为我们的行为或外表寻找进化解释时，他们会考虑所讨论的适应正在解决什么进化问题。但由于进化滞后，所讨论的适应可能是对至少五万年前的条件的反应，而不是今天的情况。我们的狩猎采集祖先的生活方式与阅读本书的任何人都截然不同，他们的优先事项和压力也不同。我们今天面临的许多问题——癌症、心脏病、也许甚至是高离婚率——也开始折磨我们，因为我们的身体和大脑的设计方式就是按照五万年前的方式来处理生活。五万年后的 52,006 年（大约几千年），我们的物种可能最终进化到能够以现在的方式处理生活，城市过度拥挤，空气和水污染，电子游戏，聚酯纤维，釉面甜甜圈，以及全球资源分配的严重不平衡。我们可能会进化出心理机制，使我们能够在近距离生活而不会感到失去隐私，以及处理一氧化碳、放射性废物和精制糖的生理机制，并且我们可能会学会使用今天无法使用的资源。
To restate the summary principle of evolutionary biology, “Genetic mutations that enhance one’s likelihood to live long enough to reproduce become adaptations.” The best estimates are that it takes a minimum of fifty thousand years for an adaptation to show up in the human genome. This is called evolutionary lag—the time lag between when an adaptation first appears in a small proportion of individuals and when it becomes widely distributed in the population. When behavioral geneticists and evolutionary psychologists look for an evolutionary explanation for our behaviors or appearance, they consider what evolutionary problem was being addressed by the adaptation in question. But due to evolutionary lag, the adaptation in question would have been a response to conditions as they were at least fifty thousand years ago, not as they are today. Our hunter-gatherer ancestors had a very different lifestyle than anyone who is reading this book, with different priorities and pressures. Many of the problems we face today—cancers, heart disease, maybe even the high divorce rate—have come to torment us because our bodies and our brains were designed to handle life the way it was for us fifty thousand years ago. Fifty thousand years from now in the year 52,006 (give or take a few millennia), our species may finally have evolved to handle life the way it is now, with overcrowded cities, air and water pollution, video games, polyester, glazed doughnuts, and a gross imbalance in the distribution of resources worldwide. We may evolve mental mechanisms that allow us to live in close quarters without feeling a loss of privacy, and physiological mechanisms to process carbon monoxide, radioactive waste, and refined sugar, and we may learn to use resources that today are unusable.
当我们询问音乐的进化基础时，思考布兰妮或巴赫是没有好处的。我们必须思考大约五万年前的音乐是什么样的。从考古遗址中发现的乐器可以帮助我们了解我们的祖先用什么来创作音乐，以及他们听什么样的旋律。洞穴壁画、石器绘画和其他图画文物可以告诉我们一些关于音乐在日常生活中所扮演的角色。我们还可以研究与我们所知的文明隔绝的当代社会，这些人群过着数千年来一成不变的狩猎采集生活方式。一个惊人的发现是，在我们所知的每一个社会中，音乐和舞蹈都是密不可分的。
When we ask about the evolutionary basis for music, it does no good to think about Britney or Bach. We have to think what music was like around fifty thousand years ago. The instruments recovered from archeological sites can help us understand what our ancestors used to make music, and what kinds of melodies they listened to. Cave paintings, paintings on stoneware, and other pictorial artifacts can tell us something about the role that music played in daily life. We can also study contemporary societies that have been cut off from civilization as we know it, groups of people who are living hunter-gatherer lifestyles that have remained unchanged for thousands of years. One striking find is that in every society of which we’re aware, music and dance are inseparable.
反对音乐改编的论点认为音乐只是一种无形的声音，而且是由专家班为观众表演的。但直到最近五百年，音乐才成为一种观众活动——在我们作为一个物种的整个历史中，由一群“专家”为欣赏的观众表演的音乐会的想法实际上是未知的。直到最近一百年左右，音乐声音与人类运动之间的联系才被最小化。人类学家约翰·布莱金（John Blacking）写道，音乐的具体本质、动作和声音的不可分割性，体现了跨文化、跨时代的音乐特征。如果交响音乐会上的观众从椅子上站起来，拍手、欢呼、欢呼、跳舞，我们大多数人都会感到震惊就像詹姆斯·布朗音乐会上的礼仪那样。但对詹姆斯·布朗的反应肯定更接近我们的真实本性。礼貌的聆听反应，即音乐已成为一种完全大脑的体验（在古典传统中，甚至音乐的情感也意味着内在的感受，而不是引起身体的爆发），这与我们的进化历史背道而驰。孩子们经常表现出符合我们本性的反应：即使在古典音乐会上，他们也会摇摆、喊叫，并且通常会在他们愿意的时候参与。我们必须训练他们表现得“文明”。
The arguments against music as an adaptation consider music only as disembodied sound, and moreover, as performed by an expert class for an audience. But it is only in the last five hundred years that music has become a spectator activity—the thought of a musical concert in which a class of “experts” performed for an appreciative audience was virtually unknown throughout our history as a species. And it has only been in the last hundred years or so that the ties between musical sound and human movement have been minimized. The embodied nature of music, the indivisibility of movement and sound, the anthropologist John Blacking writes, characterizes music across cultures and across times. Most of us would be shocked if audience members at a symphonic concert got out of their chairs and clapped their hands, whooped, hollered, and danced as was de rigueur at a James Brown concert. But the reaction to James Brown is certainly closer to our true nature. The polite listening response, in which music has become an entirely cerebral experience (even music’s emotions are meant, in the classical tradition, to be felt internally and not to cause a physical outburst) is counter to our evolutionary history. Children often show the reaction that is true to our nature: Even at classical music concerts they sway and shout and generally participate when they feel like it. We have to train them to behave “civilized.”
当一种行为或特征广泛分布在一个物种的成员中时，我们认为它被编码在基因组中（无论它是适应还是拱肩）。布莱金认为，非洲社会音乐创作能力的普遍分布表明，“音乐能力是人类的普遍特征，而不是稀有的天赋。” 更重要的是，克罗斯写道，“音乐能力不能仅仅根据生产能力来定义”；事实上，我们社会的每个成员都有能力聆听并理解音乐。
When a behavior or trait is widely distributed across members of a species, we take it to be encoded in the genome (regardless of whether it was an adaptation or a spandrel). Blacking argues that the universal distribution of music-making ability in African societies suggests that “musical ability [is] a general characteristic of the human species, rather than a rare talent.” More important, Cross writes that “musical ability cannot be defined solely in terms of productive competence”; virtually every member of our own society is capable of listening to and hence of understanding music.
除了这些关于音乐的普遍性、历史和解剖学的事实之外，了解音乐是如何以及为何被选择的也很重要。达尔文提出了性选择假说，该假说最近由米勒和其他人提出。还讨论了其他可能性。一是社会联系和凝聚力。集体音乐制作可能会促进社会凝聚力——人类是社会性动物，音乐在历史上可能有助于促进群体团结和同步的感觉，并且可能是其他社会行为（例如轮流行为）的练习。围着古老的篝火唱歌可能是保持清醒、抵御掠食者以及发展群体内社会协调和社会合作的一种方式。人类需要社会联系才能使社会运转，音乐就是其中之一。
Apart from these facts about music’s ubiquity, history, and anatomy, it is important to understand how and why music was selected. Darwin proposed the sexual-selection hypothesis, which has been advanced more recently by Miller and others. Additional possibilities have been argued as well. One is social bonding and cohesion. Collective music making may encourage social cohesions—humans are social animals, and music may have historically served to promote feelings of group togetherness and synchrony, and may have been an exercise for other social acts such as turn-taking behaviors. Singing around the ancient campfire might have been a way to stay awake, to ward off predators, and to develop social coordination and social cooperation within the group. Humans need social linkages to make society work, and music is one of them.
音乐的社会联系基础的一系列有趣的证据来自我与乌苏拉·贝鲁吉（Ursula Bellugi）对精神障碍患者的研究。威廉姆斯综合症（WS）和自闭症谱系障碍（ASD）等疾病。正如我们在第 6 章中看到的，WS 具有遗传性，会导致神经元和认知发育异常，从而导致智力障碍。患有 WS 的人，尽管总体上有精神障碍，但他们特别擅长音乐，而且特别善于社交。
An intriguing line of evidence for the social-bonding basis of music comes from my work with Ursula Bellugi on individuals with mental disorders such as Williams syndrome (WS) and autism spectrum disorders (ASD). As we saw in Chapter 6, WS is genetic in origin, and causes abnormal neuronal and cognitive development, resulting in intellectual impairment. People with WS, in spite of their overall mental impairment, are particularly good at music, and they’re particularly social.
与之形成鲜明对比的是患有自闭症谱系障碍的人，其中许多人还患有智力障碍。自闭症谱系障碍是否有遗传基础仍然是一个有争议的问题。自闭症谱系障碍的一个标志是无法同情他人、理解情绪或情绪沟通，尤其是他人的情绪。患有自闭症谱系障碍的人肯定会变得愤怒和不安，他们不是机器人。但他们“解读”他人情感的能力明显受损，这通常会导致他们完全无法欣赏艺术和音乐的审美品质。尽管有些患有自闭症谱系障碍的人会演奏音乐，并且其中一些人已经达到了很高的技术水平，但他们并没有报告说自己被音乐所感动。相反，初步的、主要是轶事的证据是，他们被音乐的结构所吸引。自闭症教授坦普尔·格兰丁（Temple Grandin）写道，她发现音乐“很漂亮”，但总的来说，她只是“不明白”或理解为什么人们会对音乐做出这样的反应。
A contrast is people with ASD, many of whom also suffer from intellectual impairment. It remains a controversial issue whether ASD has a genetic basis or not. A marker of ASD is the inability to empathize with others, to understand emotions or emotional communication, particularly emotions in others. People with ASD can certainly become angry and upset, they are not robots. But their ability to “read” the emotions of others is significantly impaired, and this typically extends to their utter inability to appreciate the aesthetic qualities of art and music. Although some people with ASD play music, and some of them have reached a high level of technical proficiency, they do not report being emotionally moved by music. Rather, the preliminary and largely anecdotal evidence is that they are attracted to the structure of music. Temple Grandin, a professor who is autistic, has written that she finds music “pretty” but that in general, she just “doesn’t get it” or understand why people react to it the way that they do.
对于 WS 和 ASD，我们有两种互补的综合症。一方面，我们拥有高度社交、合群和高度音乐性的人口。另一方面，我们的人口高度反社会，不太喜欢音乐。音乐和社会联系之间的假定联系通过诸如此类的互补案例得到加强，神经科学家称之为双重解离。争论的焦点是，可能存在一组影响外向性和音乐性的基因。如果这是真的，我们会发现一种能力的偏差与另一种能力的偏差同时发生，就像我们在 WS 和 ASD 中所做的那样。
With WS and ASD, we have two complementary syndromes. On the one hand we have a population who are highly social, gregarious, and highly musical. On the other, we have a population who are highly antisocial and not very musical. The putative link between music and social bonding is strengthened by complementary cases such as these, what neuroscientists call a double dissociation. The argument is that there may be a cluster of genes that influences both outgoingness and musicality. If this were true, we would expect to find that deviations in one ability co-occur with deviations in the other, as we do in WS and ASD.
正如我们所预料的，患有 WS 和 ASD 的人的大脑也显示出互补性损伤。Allan Reiss 表明，WS 患者的新小脑（小脑最古老的部分）比正常情况大，而 ASD 患者的新小脑比正常情况小。因为我们已经知道小脑在音乐认知中发挥着重要作用，这并不奇怪。一些尚未确定的遗传异常似乎直接或间接地导致了 WS 的神经畸形，我们推测 ASD 中的神经畸形也是如此。这反过来会导致音乐行为的异常发展，在一种情况下会增强，而在另一种情况下会减弱。
The brains of people with WS and ASD also, as we might expect, reveal complementary impairments. Allan Reiss has shown that the neocerebellum, the oldest part of the cerebellum, is larger than normal in WS, and smaller than normal in ASD. Because we already know the important role played by the cerebellum in music cognition, this is not surprising. Some as yet unidentified genetic abnormality appears to cause, either directly or indirectly, the neural dismorphology in WS, and we presume in ASD as well. This, in turn, leads to abnormal development of musical behaviors that in one case are enhanced and the other are diminished.
由于基因的复杂性和相互作用的性质，可以肯定的是，除了小脑之外，还有其他与社交性和音乐性相关的遗传因素。遗传学家朱莉·科伦伯格 (Julie Korenberg) 推测，存在一组与外向性和抑制性相关的基因，而患有 WS 的人缺乏我们其他人所拥有的一些正常抑制基因，导致他们的音乐行为更加不受抑制；十多年来，哥伦比亚广播公司新闻频道的《60 分钟》、奥利弗·萨克斯为威廉姆斯解说的电影以及大量报纸文章中的轶事报道都声称，患有 WS 的人比大多数人更充分地参与（沉浸在）音乐中。我自己的实验室已经为这一点提供了神经证据。我们扫描了 WS 患者听音乐时的大脑，发现他们使用的神经结构比其他人大得多。他们的杏仁核和小脑（大脑的情感中心）的激活明显强于“正常人”。无论我们观察到什么地方，我们都发现了更强的神经激活和更广泛的神经激活。他们的大脑嗡嗡作响。
Because of the complex and interactive nature of genes, it is certain that there are other genetic correlates to sociability and musicality that go beyond the cerebellum. The geneticist Julie Korenberg has speculated that there exists a cluster of genes that are related to outgoingness versus inhibitedness, and that people with WS lack some of the normal inhibition genes that the rest of us have, causing their musical behaviors to be more uninhibited; for over a decade anecdotal reports, on CBS News’s 60 Minutes, in a movie narrated by Oliver Sacks on Williams, and in a host of newspaper articles, have claimed that people with WS are more fully engaged with—immersed in—music than most people. My own laboratory has provided neural evidence for this point. We scanned the brains of individuals with WS while they listened to music, and found they were using a vastly larger set of neural structures than everyone else does. Activation in their amygdala and cerebellum—the emotional centers of the brain—was significantly stronger than in “normals.” Everywhere we looked, we found stronger neural activation, and more widespread neural activation. Their brains were humming.
支持音乐在人类（和原始人类）进化中占据首要地位的第三个论点是，音乐之所以进化是因为它促进了认知发展。音乐可能是为我们的前人类祖先进行语言交流以及成为人类所必需的认知和表征灵活性做好准备的活动。唱歌和器乐活动可能有助于我们人类提高运动技能，为发声或手语言语所需的精细肌肉控制的发展铺平道路。由于音乐是一项复杂的活动，特雷哈布认为它可能有助于发育中的婴儿为未来的心理生活做好准备。它具有语音的许多特征，并且可能形成一种在单独的环境中“练习”言语感知的方式。没有人通过记忆来学习语言。婴儿并不是简单地记住他们听到过的每个单词和句子；而是记住他们听到的每一个单词和句子。相反，他们学习规则并将其应用于感知和生成新的语音。对此的一个证据是经验性的。另一个是合乎逻辑的。经验证据来自语言学家所说的过度延伸：刚刚学习语言规则的孩子经常逻辑地应用它们，但错误地应用它们。在英语中不规则动词变位和不规则复数的情况下，我们可以最清楚地看到这一点。发育中的大脑已准备好建立新的神经连接，并修剪掉无用或不准确的旧神经连接，其使命是尽可能实例化规则。这就是为什么我们听到小孩子说“他去了商店”，而不是“他去了商店”。他们应用了一个逻辑规则：大多数过去时态的英语动词都以-ed结尾：play/played、talk/talked、touch/touched。合理应用规则会导致买、游、吃等过度延伸。事实上，聪明的孩子在成长过程中更有可能犯这些错误，而且犯得更快，因为他们有更复杂的规则生成系统。因为很多很多孩子都会犯这些言语错误，而成年人很少这样做，这证明孩子们并不是简单地模仿他们听到的内容，而是他们的大脑正在发展有关言语的理论和规则，然后应用。
A third argument in favor of music’s primacy in human (and protohuman) evolution is that music evolved because it promoted cognitive development. Music may be the activity that prepared our pre-human ancestors for speech communication and for the very cognitive, representational flexibility necessary to become humans. Singing and instrumental activities might have helped our species to refine motor skills, paving the way for the development of the exquisitely fine muscle control required for vocal or signed speech. Because music is a complex activity, Trehub suggests that it may help prepare the developing infant for its mental life ahead. It shares many of the features of speech and it may form a way of “practicing” speech perception in a separate context. No human has ever learned language by memorization. Babies don’t simply memorize every word and sentence they’ve ever heard; rather, they learn rules and apply them in perceiving and generating new speech. One piece of evidence for this is empirical; the other is logical. The empirical evidence comes from what linguists call overextension: Children just learning the rules of language often apply them logically, but incorrectly. We see this most clearly in the case of irregular verb conjugations and irregular plurals in English. The developing brain is primed to make new neural connections and to prune away old ones that are not useful or accurate, and its mission is to instantiate rules insofar as possible. This is why we hear young children say, “He goed to the store,” instead of “He went to the store.” They are applying a logical rule: Most English verbs in past tense take an -ed ending: play/played, talk/talked, touch/touched. Reasonable application of the rule leads to overextensions such as buyed, swimmed, and eated. In fact, intelligent children are more likely to make these mistakes and to make them sooner during the course of their development, because they have a more sophisticated rule-generating system. Because many, many children make these speech errors and few adults do, this is evidence that children are not simply mimicking what they hear, but rather, their brains are developing theories and rules about speech that they then apply.
第二个证据证明孩子们不仅仅只是记住语言，这是合乎逻辑的：我们所有人都会说以前从未听过的句子。我们可以组成无数个句子来表达我们以前从未表达过或听过的想法和想法——也就是说，语言是生成的。孩子们必须学习生成独特句子的语法规则，才能成为熟练的语言使用者。人类语言中句子数量是无限的一个简单的例子是，对于你给我的任何句子，我总是可以在它的开头添加“我不相信”，并组成一个新句子。“我喜欢啤酒”变成了“我不相信我喜欢啤酒”。“玛丽说她喜欢啤酒”变成“我不相信玛丽说她喜欢啤酒”。甚至“我不相信玛丽说她喜欢啤酒”变成了“我不相信我不喜欢啤酒”相信玛丽说她喜欢啤酒。” 虽然这样的句子有些别扭，但这并不能改变它表达了一个新想法的事实。为了使语言具有生成性，孩子们不能死记硬背。音乐也是具有生成性的。对于我听到的每个音乐短语，我总是可以在开头、结尾或中间添加一个音符以生成新的音乐短语。
The second piece of evidence that children don’t simply memorize language is logical: All of us speak sentences that we’ve never heard before. We can form an infinite number of sentences to express thoughts and ideas that we have neither expressed before nor heard expressed before—that is, language is generative. Children must learn the grammatical rules for generating unique sentences to become competent speakers of their language. A trivial example of how the number of sentences in human language is infinite is that for any sentence you give me, I can always add “I don’t believe” to the beginning of it, and make a new sentence. “I like beer” becomes “I don’t believe I like beer.” “Mary says she likes beer” becomes “I don’t believe Mary says she likes beer.” Even “I don’t believe Mary says she likes beer” becomes “I don’t believe I don’t believe Mary says she likes beer.” Although a sentence like this is awkward, it doesn’t alter the fact that it expresses a new idea. For language to be generative, children must not be learning by rote. Music is also generative. For every musical phrase I hear, I can always add a note to the beginning, end, or middle to generate a new musical phrase.
科斯米德斯和托比认为，音乐对发育中的儿童的作用是帮助他们的大脑为许多复杂的认知和社交活动做好准备，锻炼大脑，以便为语言和社交互动对其提出的要求做好准备。音乐缺乏特定的指称这一事实使其成为以非对抗性方式表达情绪和感受的安全符号系统。音乐处理有助于婴儿为语言做好准备；即使在孩子正在发育的大脑准备好处理语音之前，它也可能为语言韵律铺平道路。对于正在发育的大脑来说，音乐是一种游戏形式，是一种激发更高层次的整合过程的练习，可以培养探索能力，让孩子最终通过牙牙学语探索生成语言的发展，并最终产生更复杂的语言和副语言作品。
Cosmides and Tooby argue that music’s function in the developing child is to help prepare its mind for a number of complex cognitive and social activities, exercising the brain so that it will be ready for the demands placed on it by language and social interaction. The fact that music lacks specific referents makes it a safe symbol system for expressing mood and feelings in a nonconfrontational manner. Music processing helps infants to prepare for language; it may pave the way to linguistic prosody, even before the child’s developing brain is ready to process phonetics. Music for the developing brain is a form of play, an exercise that invokes higher-level integrative processes that nurture exploratory competence, preparing the child to eventually explore generative language development through babbling, and ultimately more complex linguistic and paralinguistic productions.
涉及音乐的母婴互动几乎总是需要唱歌和有节奏的动作，例如摇晃或爱抚。这似乎在文化上是普遍的。正如我在第 7 章中所展示的，在生命的前六个月左右，婴儿的大脑无法清楚地区分感官输入的来源；视觉、听觉和触觉融合成一个统一的感知表征。最终将成为听觉皮层、感觉皮层和视觉皮层的大脑区域在功能上没有分化，来自各种感觉受体的输入可能连接到大脑的许多不同部分，等待在以后的生活中进行修剪。正如西蒙·拜伦-科恩所描述的，在所有这些感官串扰中，婴儿生活在一种完全迷幻的辉煌状态中（没有药物的帮助）。
Mother-infant interactions involving music almost always entail both singing and rhythmic movement, such as rocking or caressing. This appears to be culturally universal. During the first six months or so of life, as I showed in Chapter 7, the infant brain is unable to clearly distinguish the source of sensory inputs; vision, hearing, and touch meld into a unitary perceptual representation. The regions of the brain that will eventually become the auditory cortex, the sensory cortex, and the visual cortex are functionally undifferentiated, and inputs from the various sensory receptors may connect to many different parts of the brain, pending pruning that will occur later in life. As Simon Baron-Cohen has described it, with all this sensory cross talk, the infant lives in a state of complete psychedelic splendor (without the aid of drugs).
克罗斯明确承认，今天的音乐在时间和文化的影响下所变成的样子，不一定是五万年前的样子，我们也不应该期望它会是这样。但考虑到古代音乐的特征确实可以解释为什么我们中有这么多人确实被节奏所感动；几乎所有人都认为，我们远古祖先的音乐节奏感很强。节奏搅动我们的身体。音调和旋律搅动我们的大脑。节奏和旋律的结合连接了我们的小脑（运动控制，原始的小大脑）和大脑皮层（我们大脑中最进化、最人性化的部分）。这就是拉威尔的波莱罗舞曲、查理·帕克的“Koko”或滚石乐队的“Honky Tonk Women”如何在隐喻和身体上激励我们并感动我们，时间和旋律空间的精致结合。这就是为什么摇滚、金属和嘻哈音乐在过去二十年里一直是世界上最受欢迎的音乐流派。哥伦比亚唱片公司首席星探米奇·米勒 (Mitch Miller) 在六十年代初曾说过一句名言：摇滚乐是一种很快就会消亡的时尚。现在，已经是 2007 年了，而且还没有任何放缓的迹象。我们大多数人所认为的古典音乐——比如从 1575 年到 1950 年，从蒙特威尔第到巴赫到斯特拉文斯基、拉赫玛尼诺夫等等——已经分成了两个流派。这一传统中的一些最好的音乐现在由约翰·威廉姆斯和杰里·戈德史密斯等作曲家为电影创作，但遗憾的是，它很少成为定向聆听的对象，就像在音乐厅一样。第二个流派（通常由音乐学院和大学的当代作曲家创作）是二十世纪（现在是二十一世纪）的艺术音乐，其中大部分对普通听众来说具有挑战性和困难，因为它突破了音调的界限，或者在许多情况是无调性的。因此，我们有一些非常有趣但有些难以理解的作品，比如菲利普·格拉斯（Philip Glass）和约翰·凯奇（John Cage）以及最近一些不太知名的作曲家，他们的音乐很少被我们的交响乐团演奏。当科普兰和伯恩斯坦作曲时，管弦乐队演奏他们的作品，公众也欣赏它们。近四十年来，这种情况似乎越来越少了。当代“古典”音乐主要在大学里演奏；遗憾的是，与流行音乐相比，几乎没有人听它；其中大部分解构了和声、旋律和节奏，使它们几乎无法辨认；从最难接触的形式来看，它是一种纯粹的智力练习，除了罕见的前卫芭蕾舞团之外，也没有人跟着它跳舞。我觉得这很不幸，因为这两个流派确实创作了大量伟大的音乐；观众因为电影音乐数量庞大，但关注的并不是音乐本身，而关注当代艺术作曲家音乐的观众却在减少，使得作曲家和演奏其作品的音乐家分享作品的机会越来越少，从而形成恶性循环。在这个循环中，观众越来越无法欣赏最新的古典“艺术”音乐（因为，正如我们在整本书中所看到的，音乐是基于重复的）。
Cross explicitly acknowledges that what music has become, today, with the influence of time and culture, is not necessarily what it was fifty thousand years ago, nor should we expect it to be. But considering ancient music’s character does account for why so many of us are literally moved by rhythm; by almost all accounts the music of our distant ancestors was heavily rhythmic. Rhythm stirs our bodies. Tonality and melody stir our brains. The coming together of rhythm and melody bridges our cerebellum (the motor control, primitive little brain) and our cerebral cortex (the most evolved, most human part of our brain). This is how Ravel’s Bolero, Charlie Parker’s “Koko,” or the Rolling Stones’ “Honky Tonk Women” inspire us and move us, both metaphorically and physically, exquisite unions of time and melodic space. It is why rock, metal, and hip-hop music are the most popular musical genres in the world, and have been for the past twenty years. Mitch Miller, the head talent scout for Columbia Records, famously said in the early sixties that rock-and-roll music was a fad that would soon die. Now, in 2007, there is no sign of it slowing down. Classical music as most of us think of it—say, from 1575 to 1950, from Monteverdi to Bach to Stravinsky, Rachmaninoff, and so on—has diverged into two streams. Some of the best music in that tradition is now being written for films by composers such as John Williams and Jerry Goldsmith, but—lamentably—it is only infrequently the object of directed listening, as in a concert hall. The second stream (often written by contemporary composers in music conservatories and universities) is twentieth-century (now twenty-first-century) art music, much of it challenging and difficult for the average listener because it pushes the boundaries of tonality, or in many cases is atonal. And so we have brilliantly interesting, though somewhat inaccessible work, Philip Glass and John Cage and more recent, lesser-known composers whose music is rarely performed by our symphony orchestras. When Copland and Bernstein were composing, orchestras played their works and the public enjoyed them. This seems to be less and less the case in the past forty years. Contemporary “classical” music is practiced mostly in universities; it is regrettably listened to by almost no one compared to popular music; much of it deconstructs harmony, melody, and rhythm, rendering them all but unrecognizable; in its least accessible form it is a purely intellectual exercise, and save for the rare avant-garde ballet company, no one dances to it either. I find this unfortunate, because there is truly a great deal of great music being composed in both streams; the audiences for film music are enormous but not attending primarily to the music, and those audiences who are attending to the music of contemporary art composers are dwindling, giving those composers and the musicians who play their pieces fewer opportunities to share their works, resulting in a vicious cycle in which audiences become less and less capable of appreciating the newest classical “art” music (because, as we have seen throughout the book, music is based on repetition).
音乐作为一种适应的第四个论据来自其他物种。如果我们能够证明其他物种也出于类似的目的使用音乐，这就提供了强有力的进化论据。然而，尤其重要的是，不要将动物行为拟人化，仅从我们自己的文化角度来解释它们。对我们来说听起来像音乐或歌曲的东西，在动物身上可能发挥着与我们截然不同的功能。当我们看到一只狗在夏日新鲜的草地上打滚，脸上带着狗般的笑容时，我们会想：“斯派克一定很高兴。” 我们根据我们对自己物种的了解来解释在草地上打滚的行为，而没有停下来考虑这对斯派克和他的物种可能意味着不同的东西。人类的孩子高兴的时候会在草地上打滚、翻筋斗、侧翻。当雄性狗发现草地上有特别刺鼻的气味时，它们会在草地上打滚，最好是刚死的动物的气味，它们会用这种气味覆盖自己的皮毛，让其他狗认为它们是熟练的猎人。同样，对我们来说听起来令人愉悦的鸟鸣声不一定是鸟儿歌唱者有意为之，也不一定是鸟儿聆听者如此解释。
A fourth argument for music as an adaptation comes from other species. If we can show that other species use music for similar purposes, this presents a strong evolutionary argument. It is especially important, however, not to anthropomorphize animal behaviors, interpreting them only from our own cultural perspective. What sounds to us like music or a song may be serving, in animals, a very different function for them than it does for us. When we see a dog rolling around in fresh summer grass, with that very doglike grin on his face, we think, “Spike must be really happy.” We are interpreting the rolling-on-the-grass behavior in terms of what we know about our own species, without stopping to consider that it might mean something different to Spike and to his species. Human children roll around in the grass, do somersaults and cartwheels, when they are happy. Male dogs roll around in the grass when they find a particularly pungent smell there, preferably from a recently dead animal, and they cover their fur with it to make other dogs think that they are skilled hunters. Similarly, birdsong that sounds joyful to us is not necessarily intended that way by the bird-singer, or interpreted that way by the bird-listener.
然而，在所有其他物种的叫声中，鸟鸣声占据着令人敬畏和好奇的特殊地位。我们当中谁没有在春天的早晨坐下来听鸟儿唱歌，并发现它的美丽、旋律和结构诱人？亚里士多德和莫扎特就是这样做的人之一。他们认为鸟儿的歌声和人类的乐曲一样富有音乐性。但我们为什么要创作和表演音乐呢？我们的动机与动物有什么不同吗？
Yet of all the calls of other species, birdsong holds a special position of awe and intrigue. Who among us hasn’t sat and listened to a songbird on a spring morning and found the beauty, the melody, the structure of it enticing? Aristotle and Mozart were among those who did; they considered the songs of a bird to be every bit as musical as the compositions of humans. But why do we write and perform music? Are our motivations any different from those of the animals?
鸟类、鲸鱼、长臂猿、青蛙和其他物种将发声用于多种目的。黑猩猩和土拨鼠会发出警报警告它们的同伴注意掠食者的接近，并且这种叫声是专门针对掠食者的。黑猩猩用一种声音来表示一只正在接近的老鹰（提醒它们的灵长类朋友躲在某物下面），用另一种声音来广播蛇的入侵（提醒它们的朋友爬树）。雄鸟用它们的声音来建立领地；知更鸟和乌鸦保留一种特殊的叫声来警告狗和猫等掠食者。
Birds, whales, gibbons, frogs, and other species use vocalizations for a variety of purposes. Chimpanzees and prairie dogs have alert calls to caution their fellows about an approaching predator, and the calls are specific to the predator. Chimps use one vocalization to signal an approaching eagle (alerting their primate pals to hide underneath something) and another to broadcast the incursion of a snake (alerting their friends to climb a tree). Male birds use their vocalizations to establish territory; robins and crows reserve a particular call to warn of predators such as dogs and cats.
其他动物的发声与求偶的关系更为明显。在鸣禽中，通常是该物种的雄性唱歌，对于某些物种来说，唱歌的曲目越多，他就越有可能吸引配偶。是的，对于雌性鸣禽来说，体型很重要。它表明了雄鸟的智力，推而广之，它是潜在的良好鸟类基因的来源。一项通过扬声器向雌鸟播放不同歌曲的研究表明了这一点。在存在大量鸟鸣曲目的情况下，鸟类排卵的速度比存在小鸟鸣曲目的情况下要快。一些雄性鸣禽会唱求爱之歌，直到精疲力竭而死。语言学家指出了人类音乐的生成本质，即我们以几乎无限的方式用组件创作新歌曲的能力。这也不是人类独有的特征。有几种鸟类会从一系列基本声音中产生歌曲，并创造出新的旋律和变奏，而唱出最复杂歌曲的雄性通常是交配最成功的鸟类。因此，音乐在性选择中的作用在其他物种中也有类似的作用。
Other animal vocalizations are more clearly related to courtship. In songbirds, it is generally the male of the species that sings, and for some species, the larger the repertoire, the more likely he is to attract a mate. Yes, for a female songbird, size matters; it indicates male-bird intellect and, by extension, a source of potentially good bird genes. This was shown in a study that played different songs over loudspeakers to female birds. The birds ovulated more quickly in the presence of a large birdsong repertoire than in the presence of a small one. Some male songbirds will sing their courtship song until they drop dead from exhaustion. Linguists point to the generative nature of human music, the ability we have to create new songs out of components, in an almost limitless fashion. This is not a uniquely human trait either. Several bird species generate their songs from a repertoire of basic sounds, creating new melodies and variations on them, and the male who sings the most elaborate songs is typically the one who is most successful at mating. Music’s function in sexual selection thus has an analogue in other species.
音乐的进化起源是确定的，因为它存在于所有人类中（符合生物学家在一个物种中广泛存在的标准）；它已经存在很长时间了（驳斥了它只是音频芝士蛋糕的观点）；它涉及专门的大脑结构，包括专用的记忆系统，当其他记忆系统失败时，这些系统可以保持功能（当所有人类都发展出物理大脑系统时，我们假设它具有进化基础）；这类似于其他物种的音乐创作。节律序列可以最佳地激发哺乳动物大脑中的循环神经网络，包括运动皮层、小脑和额叶区域之间的反馈回路。音调系统、音高转换和和弦支架对某些属性的影响听觉系统本身就是物理世界的产物，是振动物体固有本质的产物。我们的听觉系统的发展方式取决于音阶和泛音系列之间的关系。音乐的新颖性可以吸引注意力，克服无聊，增加记忆力。
Music’s evolutionary origin is established because it is present across all humans (meeting the biologists’ criterion of being widespread in a species); it has been around a long time (refuting the notion that it is merely audio cheesecake); it involves specialized brain structures, including dedicated memory systems that can remain functional when other memory systems fail (when a physical brain system develops across all humans, we assume that it has an evolutionary basis); and it is analogous to music making in other species. Rhythmic sequences optimally excite recurrent neural networks in mammalian brains, including feedback loops among the motor cortex, the cerebellum, and the frontal regions. Tonal systems, pitch transitions, and chords scaffold on certain properties of the auditory system that were themselves products of the physical world, of the inherent nature of vibrating objects. Our auditory system develops in ways that play on the relation between scales and the overtone series. Musical novelty attracts attention and overcomes boredom, increasing memorability.
基因的发现，特别是沃森和克里克对 DNA 结构的发现，彻底改变了达尔文的自然选择理论。也许我们正在见证进化方面的另一场革命，这场革命取决于社会行为、文化。
Darwin’s theory of natural selection was revolutionized by the discovery of the gene, specifically Watson and Crick’s discovery of the structure of DNA. Perhaps we are witnessing another revolution in the aspect of evolution that depends on social behavior, on culture.
毫无疑问，过去二十年来神经科学领域被引用最多的发现之一是灵长类动物大脑中的镜像神经元。乔科莫·里佐拉蒂 (Giocomo Rizzolatti)、莱昂纳多·福加西 (Leonardo Fogassi) 和维托里奥·加莱塞 (Vittorio Gallese) 正在研究猴子进行伸手和抓握等动作的大脑机制。当猴子伸手去拿食物时，他们读取了猴子大脑中单个神经元的输出。有一次，福加西伸手去拿一根香蕉，猴子的神经元（已经与运动相关的神经元）开始放电。“猴子一动不动，怎么会发生这种事呢？” 里佐拉蒂回忆起当时的想法。“起初我们认为这是我们测量中的缺陷，或者可能是设备故障，但一切检查都正常，并且当我们重复移动时，反应又重复了。” 此后十年的研究已经证实，灵长类动物、一些鸟类和人类都有镜像神经元，这些神经元在执行某个动作和观察其他人执行该动作时都会放电。2006年，荷兰格罗宁根大学的瓦莱里娅·加佐拉（Valeria Gazzola）在人类运动皮层的嘴部运动区域发现了镜像神经元，当人们只是听别人吃苹果时。
Undoubtedly one of the most cited discoveries in neuroscience in the past twenty years was of mirror neurons in the primate brain. Giocomo Rizzolatti, Leonardo Fogassi, and Vittorio Gallese were studying the brain mechanisms responsible for movements such as reaching and grasping in monkeys. They read the output from a single neuron in the monkey’s brain as it reached for pieces of food. At one point, Fogassi reached for a banana, and the monkey’s neuron—one that had already been associated with movement—started to fire. “How could this happen, when the monkey did not move?” Rizzolatti recalls thinking. “At first we thought it to be a flaw in our measuring or maybe equipment failure, but everything checked out OK and the reaction was repeated as we repeated the movement.” A decade of work since then has established that primates, some birds, and humans have mirror neurons, neurons that fire both when performing an action and when observing someone else performing that action. In 2006, Valeria Gazzola at the University of Groningen (in the Netherlands) found mirror neurons in the mouth movement area of human motor cortex as people simply listened to other people eating an apple.
镜像神经元的目的大概是训练和准备有机体做出以前没有做过的动作。我们在布罗卡区发现了镜像神经元，布罗卡区是大脑中与说话和学习说话密切相关的部分。镜像神经元或许可以解释一个古老的谜团：婴儿是如何学会模仿父母对他们做的表情的。这也可以解释为什么音乐节奏让我们感动情感上和身体上。我们还没有确凿的证据，但一些神经科学家推测，当我们看到或听到音乐家表演时，我们的镜像神经元可能会放电，因为我们的大脑试图弄清楚这些声音是如何产生的，为能够镜像或听到音乐家的表演做准备。将它们作为信号系统的一部分进行回显。许多音乐家在只听过一次音乐部分后就可以在他们的乐器上播放它。镜像神经元可能与这种能力有关。
The purpose of mirror neurons is presumably to train and prepare the organism to make movements it has not made before. We’ve found mirror neurons in Broca’s area, a part of the brain intimately involved in speaking, and in learning to speak. Mirror neurons may explain an old mystery of how it is that infants learn to imitate the faces that parents make at them. It may also explain why musical rhythm moves us, both emotionally and physically. We don’t yet have solid evidence, but some neuroscientists speculate that our mirror neurons may be firing when we see or hear musicians perform, as our brain tries to figure out how those sounds are being created, in preparation for being able to mirror or echo them back as part of a signaling system. Many musicians can play back a musical part on their instruments after they’ve heard it only once. Mirror neurons are likely involved in this ability.
基因是在个体之间和代际之间传递蛋白质配方的东西。也许镜像神经元现在与乐谱、CD 和 iPod 相结合，将成为跨越个人和世代的音乐的基本信使，从而实现特殊的进化——文化进化——通过这种进化，我们的信仰、痴迷和兴趣得以发展。所有的艺术。
Genes are what pass protein recipes between individuals and across generations. Maybe mirror neurons, now in concert with sheet music, CDs, and iPods, will turn out to be the fundamental messengers of music across individuals and generations, enabling that special kind of evolution—cultural evolution—through which develop our beliefs, obsessions, and all of art.
对于许多独居物种来说，在求偶表演中仪式化某些健康方面的能力是有意义的，因为潜在的配偶可能只会见面几分钟。但在像我们这样高度社会化的社会中，为什么需要通过舞蹈和唱歌这样高度程式化和象征性的方式来展示健康呢？人类生活在社会群体中，有充足的机会在各种情况下、在很长一段时间内观察彼此。为什么需要音乐来展现健康？灵长类动物具有高度社会性，生活在群体中，形成涉及社会策略的复杂的长期关系。原始人类的求爱可能是一个长期的过程。音乐，尤其是令人难忘的音乐，会潜入潜在伴侣的脑海中，让她想起她的追求者，即使他正在外出打猎，当他回来时，她也会对他产生好感。一首好歌曲的多重强化线索——节奏、旋律、轮廓——让音乐留在我们的脑海里。这就是为什么许多古代神话、史诗，甚至《旧约》都被谱成音乐，为通过口头传统代代相传做准备。作为激活特定思维的工具，音乐不如语言。作为唤起感情和情感的工具，音乐比语言更好。两者的结合——正如情歌中最好的例子——是最好的求爱表现。
For many solitary species, the ability to ritualize certain aspects of fitness in a courtship display makes sense, because a potential mate pair may only see each other for a few minutes. But in highly social societies like ours, why would you need to demonstrate fitness through such a highly stylized and symbolic means as dancing and singing? Humans live in social groups and have ample opportunities to observe one another in a variety of situations and over long periods of time. Why would music be needed to show fitness? Primates are highly social, living in groups, forming complex long-term relationships that involve social strategies. Hominid courtship was probably a long-term affair. Music, particularly memorable music, would insinuate itself into the mind of a potential mate, leading her to think about her suitor even when he was out on a long hunt, and predisposing her toward him when he returned. The multiple reinforcing cues of a good song—rhythm, melody, contour—cause music to stick in our heads. That is the reason that many ancient myths, epics, and even the Old Testament were set to music in preparation for being passed down by oral tradition across the generations. As a tool for activation of specific thoughts, music is not as good as language. As a tool for arousing feelings and emotions, music is better than language. The combination of the two—as best exemplified in a love song—is the best courtship display of all.
附录A
Appendix A
这是你的音乐大脑
This Is Your Brain on Music
音乐处理分布在整个大脑中。接下来两页的图显示了大脑的主要音乐计算中心。第一个插图是大脑的侧面视图。大脑的前部位于左侧。第二张图从与第一张图相同的角度显示了大脑的内部。这些图基于 Mark Tramo 于 2001 年在《科学》杂志上发表的插图，但经过重新绘制并包含更新的信息。
Music processing is distributed throughout the brain. The figures on the following two pages show the brain’s major computational centers for music. The first illustration is a view of the brain from the side. The front of the brain is to the left. The second illustration shows the inside of the brain from the same point of view as the first illustration. These figures are based on illustrations by Mark Tramo published in Science in 2001, but are redrawn and include newer information.
附录B
Appendix B
和弦与和声
Chords and Harmony
在 C 大调中，唯一合法的和弦是根据 C 大调音阶的音符构建的和弦。由于音阶中音调的间距不相等，这会导致一些和弦为大和弦，一些和弦为小和弦。为了构建标准的三音和弦（三和弦），我们从 C 大调音阶的任何一个音调开始，跳过一个，然后使用下一个，然后再次跳过一个并使用下一个。那么，C 大调的第一个和弦来自音符 CEG，并且因为 C 和 E 之间形成的第一个音程是大三度，所以我们称这个和弦为大三和弦，特别是 C 大调和弦。我们以类似方式构建的下一个由 DFA 组成。因为D和F之间的音程是小三度，所以这个和弦被称为D小调和弦。请记住，大和弦和小和弦的声音非常不同。尽管大多数非音乐家在听到一个和弦时无法说出它的名称，或者将其标记为大调和弦或小调和弦，但如果他们背靠背听到大调和弦和小调和弦，他们就可以区分出来。他们的大脑当然可以分辨出差异——许多研究表明，非音乐家对大调和小调和弦、大调和小调产生不同的生理反应。
Within the key of C, the only legal chords are chords built off of the notes of the C major scale. This causes some chords to be major and some minor, because of the unequal spacing of tones in the scale. To build the standard three-note chord—a triadic chord—we start on any of the tones of the C major scale, skip one, and then use the next, then skip one again and use the next one after that. The first chord in C major, then, comes from the notes C-E-G, and because the first interval formed, between C and E, is a major third, we call this chord a major chord, and in particular, a C major chord. The next one we build in a similar fashion is composed of D-F-A. Because the interval between D and F is a minor third, this chord is called a D minor chord. Remember, major chords and minor chords have a very different sound. Even though most nonmusicians can’t name a chord on hearing it, or label it as major or minor, if they hear a major and minor chord back to back they can tell the difference. And their brains can certainly tell the difference—a number of studies have shown that nonmusicians produce different physiological responses to major versus minor chords, and major versus minor keys.
在大调音阶中，考虑到以我刚才描述的标准方式构建的三和弦，三个是大调（第一，第四，和第五音阶），三个是小三度（二度、三度和六度），一个称为减和弦（七度），由小三度的两个音程组成。我们之所以说我们处于 C 大调，即使该调中有三个小和弦，是因为根和弦（音乐指向的和弦，感觉像“家”的和弦）是C大调。
In the major scale, considering the triadic chords constructed in the standard way I’ve just described, three are major (on the first, fourth, and fifth scale degrees), three are minor (on the second, third, and sixth degrees) and one is called a diminished chord (on the seventh scale degree) and is made up of two intervals of a minor third. The reason we say that we’re in the key of C major, even though there are three minor chords in the key, is because the root chord—the chord that the music points to, the one that feels like “home”—is C major.
一般来说，作曲家使用和弦来营造气氛。和弦的使用以及它们串在一起的方式称为和声。和谐一词的另一种可能更广为人知的用法是表示两个或多个歌手或乐器演奏家一起演奏并且他们演奏的音符不同，但从概念上讲，这是相同的想法。某些和弦序列比其他和弦序列使用得更多，并且可以成为特定流派的典型。例如，布鲁斯由特定的和弦序列定义：第一音阶的大和弦（写作 I 大调），然后是第四音阶的大和弦（写作 IV 大调），然后再次是 I 大调，然后是 V 大调，可选择转到 IV 大调，然后返回 I 大调。这是标准的布鲁斯进行曲，可以在“Crossroads”（Robert Johnson，后来被 Cream 翻唱）、BB King 的“Sweet Sixteen”和“I Hear You Knockin'”（由 Smiley Lewis、Big Joe 录制）等歌曲中找到。特纳、尖叫杰·霍金斯和戴夫·埃德蒙兹）。布鲁斯进行曲——无论是逐字还是有一些变化——是摇滚音乐的基础，在数千首歌曲中都能找到，包括小理查德的“Tutti Frutti”、查克·贝里的“摇滚音乐”、“堪萨斯城、威尔伯特·马里森 (Wilbert Marrison) 的《摇滚》、齐柏林飞艇 (Led Zeppelin) 的《摇滚》、史蒂夫·米勒乐队 (Steve Miller Band) 的《Jet Airliner》（与《十字路口》惊人地相似）以及披头士乐队的《Get Back》。迈尔斯·戴维斯（Miles Davis）等爵士乐艺术家和斯蒂利·丹（Stely Dan）等前卫摇滚艺术家受这种进展的启发，创作了数十首歌曲，并用自己的创造性方式用更具异国情调的和弦代替标准的三和弦；但它们仍然是布鲁斯进行曲，即使披上了更华丽的和弦。
Generally, composers use chords to set a mood. The use of chords and the way they are strung together is called harmony. Another, perhaps better-known use of the word harmony is to indicate when two or more singers or instrumentalists are playing together and they’re not playing the same notes, but conceptually this is the same idea. Some chord sequences are used more than others, and can become typical of a particular genre. For example, the blues is defined by a particular chord sequence: a major chord on the first scale degree (written I major) followed by a major chord on the fourth scale degree (written IV major) followed by I major again, then V major, optionally to IV major, then back to I major. This is the standard blues progression, found in songs such as “Crossroads” (Robert Johnson, later covered by Cream), “Sweet Sixteen” by B. B. King, and “I Hear You Knockin’” (as recorded by Smiley Lewis, Big Joe Turner, Screamin’ Jay Hawkins, and Dave Edmunds). The blues progression—either verbatim or with some variations—is the basis for rock and roll music, and is found in thousands of songs including “Tutti Frutti” by Little Richard, “Rock and Roll Music” by Chuck Berry, “Kansas City,” by Wilbert Marrison, “Rock and Roll” by Led Zeppelin, “Jet Airliner” by the Steve Miller Band (which is surprisingly similar to “Crossroads”), and “Get Back” by the Beatles. Jazz artists such as Miles Davis and progressive rock artists like Steely Dan have written dozens of songs that are inspired by this progression, with their own creative ways of substituting more exotic chords for the standard three; but they are still blues progressions, even when dressed up in fancier chords.
波普音乐很大程度上依赖于乔治·格什温最初为歌曲“I’ve Got Rhythm”创作的特定进行。在 C 调中，基本和弦是：
Bebop music leaned heavily on a particular progression originally written by George Gershwin for the song “I’ve Got Rhythm.” In the key of C, the basic chords would be:
C大调–A小调–D小调–G7–C大调–A小调–D小调–G7
C大调–C7–F大调–F小调–C大调–G7–C大调
C大调–A小调–D小调–G7–C大调–A小调–D小调–G7
C大调–C7–F–F小调–C大调–G7–C大调
C major–A minor–D minor–G7–C major–A minor–D minor–G7
C major–C7–F major–F minor–C major–G7–C major
C major–A minor–D minor–G7–C major–A minor–D minor–G7
C major–C7–F–F minor–C major–G7–C major
音符名称旁边的 7 表示四和弦（四音和弦），即大和弦加上第四个音符；顶音符是和弦第三音符之上的小三度音符。G7 和弦被称为“G 七”或“G 属七”。一旦我们开始使用四和弦而不是三和弦作为和弦，大量丰富的音调变化就成为可能。摇滚和布鲁斯往往只使用占主导地位的七和弦，但还有两种常用的“七”和弦，每种都传达不同的情感风味。America乐队的“Tin Man”和“Sister Golden Hair”使用大七和弦来赋予它们特有的声音（大三和弦在顶部，而不是我们称之为主导和弦的小三和弦）七）; BB King 的《The Thrill Is Gone》自始至终都使用小七和弦（小三和弦，上面有小三和弦）。
The 7 next to a note name indicates a tetrad—a four-note chord—that is simply a major chord with a fourth note added on top; the top note is a minor third above the third note of the chord. The chord G7 is called either “G seven” or “G dominant seven.” Once we start using tetrads instead of triads for chords, a great deal of rich tonal variation is possible. Rock and blues tend to use only the dominant seven, but there are two other types of “seven” chords in common use, each conveying a different emotional flavor. “Tin Man” and “Sister Golden Hair” by the group America use the major seven chord to give them their characteristic sound (a major triad with a major third on top, rather than the minor third of the chord we’re calling the dominant seven); “The Thrill Is Gone” by B. B. King uses minor seven chords throughout (a minor triad with a minor third on top).
当属七和弦从大调音阶的第五度开始时，它自然地出现，即全音阶。那么，在C调中，可以通过演奏全白音符来构造G7。属七和弦包含以前被禁止的音程，即三全音，并且它是调中唯一包含的和弦。三全音是西方音乐中最不稳定的音程，因此它带有非常强烈的解决感性冲动。因为属七和弦还包含最不稳定的音阶——七度（C 调中的 B）——所以和弦“想要”解析回根音 C。正是由于这个原因，建立在大调音阶第五度上的属七和弦（V7 和弦，或 C 调的 G7）是最典型、最标准、最陈词滥调的和弦，就在乐曲以根音结束之前。换句话说，G7 到 C 大调（或其他调中的等效内容）的组合为我们提供了单个最不稳定的和弦，然后是单个最稳定的和弦；它给我们最大的紧张感我们可以有的决议。在贝多芬的一些交响曲的结尾处，当结尾似乎一直持续下去时，大师正在做的就是一遍又一遍地给我们两个和弦进行，直到作品最终在根音上解决。
The dominant seven chord occurs naturally—that is, diatonically—when it starts on the fifth degree of the major scale. In the key of C, then, G7 can be constructed by playing all white notes. The dominant seven contains that formerly banned interval, the tritone, and it is the only chord in a key that does. The tritone is harmonically the most unstable interval we have in Western music, and so it carries with it a very strong perceptual urge to resolve. Because the dominant seven chord also contains the most unstable scale tone—the seventh degree (B in the key of C)—the chord “wants to” resolve back to C, the root. It is for this reason that the dominant seven chord built on the fifth degree of a major scale—the V7 chord, or G7 in the key of C—is the most typical, standard, and clichéd chord right before a composition ends on its root. In other words, the combination of G7 to C major (or their equivalents in other keys) gives us the single most unstable chord followed by the single most stable chord; it gives us the maximum feeling of tension and resolution that we can have. At the end of some of Beethoven’s symphonies, when the ending seems to go on and on and on, what the maestro is doing is giving us that two-chord progression over and over and over again until the piece finally resolves on the root.
书目注释
Bibliographic Notes
以下是我参考过的许多文章和书籍中的一些。该列表并不完整，但代表了与本书中提出的观点最相关的其他来源。本书是为非专业人士而不是为我的同事编写的，因此我试图简化主题，但又不过分简化。在这些读物以及其中引用的读物中可以找到关于大脑和音乐的更完整和详细的描述。下面引用的一些作品是为专业研究人员撰写的。我使用星号 (*) 来表示更多的技术读物。大多数标记的条目都是主要来源，少数是研究生水平的教科书。
The following are some of the many articles and books that I have consulted. The list is by no means complete, but represents additional sources that are most relevant to the points made in this book. This book was written for the nonspecialist and not for my colleagues, and so I have tried to simplify topics without oversimplifying them. A more complete and detailed account of the brain and music can be found in these readings, and in the readings cited in them. Some of the works cited below are written for the specialist researcher. I have used an asterisk (*) to indicate the more technical readings. Most of the marked entries are primary sources, and a few are graduate-level textbooks.
介绍
Introduction
Churchland，PM 1986。物质与意识。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Churchland, P. M. 1986. Matter and Consciousness. Cambridge: MIT Press.
在关于人类的好奇心解决了许多最伟大的科学谜团的段落中，我大量地借用了这部关于心灵哲学的优秀而鼓舞人心的著作的导言。
In the passage on mankind’s curiosity having solved many of the greatest scientific mysteries, I have borrowed liberally from the introduction to this excellent and inspiring work on the philosophy of mind.
*Cosmides，L. 和 J. Tooby。1989。进化心理学和文化的产生，第一部分。案例研究：社会交换的计算理论。行为学和社会生物学10：51-97。
*Cosmides, L., and J. Tooby. 1989. Evolutionary psychology and the generation of culture, Part I. Case study: A computational theory of social exchange. Ethology and Sociobiology 10: 51–97.
两位顶尖学者对进化心理学领域的精彩介绍。
An excellent introduction to the field of evolutionary psychology by two leading scholars.
*迪纳、RO 和 CL 纳恩。1999. 大脑追赶身体的速度有多快？检测进化滞后的比较方法。生物科学学报266 (1420):687–694。
*Deaner, R. O., and C. L. Nunn. 1999. How quickly do brains catch up with bodies? A comparative method for detecting evolutionary lag. Proceedings of Biological Sciences 266 (1420):687–694.
最近一篇关于进化滞后主题的学术文章，这一概念我们的身体和思想目前有能力像五万年前一样应对世界和生活条件，因为人类基因组中的适应编码需要一定的时间。
A recent scholarly article on the topic of evolutionary lag, the notion that our bodies and minds are at present equipped to deal with the world and living conditions as they were fifty thousand years ago, due to the amount of time it takes for adaptations to become encoded in the human genome.
Levitin，DJ 2001。Paul Simon：格莱美访谈。格莱美九月奖，42-46。
Levitin, D. J. 2001. Paul Simon: The Grammy Interview. Grammy September, 42–46.
保罗·西蒙 (Paul Simon) 关于聆听声音的名言来源。
Source of the Paul Simon quote about listening for sound.
*Miller, GF 2000。人类音乐通过性选择的进化。NL Wallin、B. Merker 和 S. Brown 编辑的《音乐的起源》。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Miller, G. F. 2000. Evolution of human music through sexual selection. In The Origins of Music, edited by N. L. Wallin, B. Merker, and S. Brown. Cambridge: MIT Press.
本文由进化心理学领域的另一位领导者撰写，讨论了第 9 章中讨论的许多观点，这些观点在第 1 章中仅简要提及。
Written by another leader in the field of evolutionary psychology, this article discusses many of the ideas discussed in Chapter 9, which are mentioned only briefly in Chapter 1.
Pareles, J. 和 P. Romanowski，编辑。1983.滚石摇滚百科全书。纽约：峰会图书。
Pareles, J., and P. Romanowski, eds. 1983. The Rolling Stone Encyclopedia of Rock & Roll. New York: Summit Books.
Adam and the Ants 在这一版中的栏目尺寸为八英寸，外加一张照片，U2——已经以三张专辑和热门歌曲《New Year's Day》而闻名——只有四英寸，没有照片。
Adam and the Ants get eight column inches plus a photo in this edition, U2—already well known with three albums and the hit “New Year’s Day”—get only four inches, and no photo.
*Pribram, KH 1980。心智、大脑和意识：能力和行为的组织。载于《意识的心理生物学》，JMD Davidson 编辑，RJ 纽约：全体会议。
*Pribram, K. H. 1980. Mind, brain, and consciousness: the organization of competence and conduct. In The Psychobiology of Consciousness, edited by J. M. D. Davidson, R.J. New York: Plenum.
*———。1982.音乐中的大脑机制：意义意义理论的序言。《音乐、心灵和大脑》，M. Clynes 编辑。纽约：全体会议。
*———. 1982. Brain mechanism in music: prolegomena for a theory of the meaning of meaning. In Music, Mind, and Brain, edited by M. Clynes. New York: Plenum.
普里布拉姆根据他整理的一系列文章和笔记来教授他的课程。这是我们读过的两篇论文。
Pribram taught his course from a collection of articles and notes that he had compiled. These were two of the papers that we read.
Sapolsky，RM 1998。《为什么斑马不会得溃疡》，第 3 版。纽约：亨利·霍尔特公司。
Sapolsky, R. M. 1998. Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers, 3rd ed. New York: Henry Holt and Company.
一本关于压力科学以及现代人类遭受压力的原因的优秀书籍和有趣的读物；我在第 9 章中更全面介绍的“进化滞后”概念在本书中得到了很好的阐述。
An excellent book and a fun read on the science of stress, and the reasons that modern humans suffer from stress; the idea of “evolutionary lag” that I introduce more fully in Chapter 9 is dealt with very well in this book.
*Shepard，RN 1987。迈向心理科学的普遍化法则。科学237 (4820):1317–1323。
*Shepard, R. N. 1987. Toward a Universal Law of Generalization for psychological science. Science 237 (4820):1317–1323.
*———。1992. 颜色的感知组织：对陆地世界规律的适应？摘自JH Barkow、L. Cosmides 和 J. Tooby 编辑的《适应思维：进化心理学与文化的生成》 。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*———. 1992. The perceptual organization of colors: an adaptation to regularities of the terrestrial world? In The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and the Generation of Culture, edited by J. H. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. Tooby. New York: Oxford University Press.
*———。1995. 心理普遍性：迈向二十一世纪的心理科学。载于《心灵科学：2001 年及以后》，由 RL Solso 和 DW Massaro 编辑。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*———. 1995. Mental universals: Toward a twenty-first century science of mind. In The Science of the Mind: 2001 and Beyond, edited by R. L. Solso and D. W. Massaro. New York: Oxford University Press.
谢泼德的三篇论文讨论了心智的进化。
Three papers by Shepard in which he discusses the evolution of mind.
图比，J.，和 L.科斯米德斯。2002. 绘制心智和大脑进化功能组织图。《认知心理学基础》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Tooby, J., and L. Cosmides. 2002. Toward mapping the evolved functional organization of mind and brain. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
这两位进化心理学领军人物的另一篇论文，也许是我在这里列出的两篇论文中更笼统的一篇。
Another paper by these two leaders in evolutionary psychology, perhaps the more general of the two papers I’ve listed here.
第1章
Chapter 1
*Balzano, GJ 1986。什么是音高和音色？音乐感知3 (3)：297–314。
*Balzano, G. J. 1986. What are musical pitch and timbre? Music Perception 3 (3):297–314.
关于音高和音色研究所涉及问题的科学文章。
A scientific article on the issues involved in pitch and timbre research.
伯克利，G.1734/2004。关于人类知识原理的论文。蒙大拿州怀特菲什：凯辛格出版公司。
Berkeley, G. 1734/2004. A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge. Whitefish, Mont.: Kessinger Publishing Company.
著名的问题——如果一棵树倒在森林里，而没有人听到，它会发出声音吗？——是由神学家和哲学家、克洛因主教乔治·伯克利在这部著作中首次提出的。
The famous question—if a tree falls in the forest and no one is there to hear it, does it make a sound?—was first posed by the theologian and philosopher George Berkeley, bishop of Cloyne, in this work.
*Bharucha, JJ 2002。神经网络、时间复合和音调。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Bharucha, J. J. 2002. Neural nets, temporal composites, and tonality. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
用于和弦识别的神经网络。
Neural networks for chord recognition.
*Boulanger, R. 2000。C -Sound 书籍：软件合成、声音设计、信号处理和编程的观点。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Boulanger, R. 2000. The C-Sound Book: Perspectives in Software Synthesis, Sound Design, Signal Processing, and Programming. Cambridge: MIT Press.
介绍最广泛使用的软件声音合成程序/系统。对于那些想要学习计算机编程来制作音乐并创建自己选择的音色的人来说，这是我所知道的最好的书。
An introduction to the most widely used software sound synthesis program/system. The best book I know of for people who want to learn to program computers to make music and create timbres of their own choosing.
Burns, EM 1999。音程、音阶和调音。音乐心理学，D. Deutsch 编辑。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
Burns, E. M. 1999. Intervals, scales, and tuning. In Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. San Diego: Academic Press.
关于音阶的起源、音调之间的关系、音程和音阶的性质。
On the origin of scales, relationships among tones, nature of intervals and scales.
*Chowning, J. 1973。通过频率调制合成复杂的音频频谱。音频工程学会杂志21：526–534。
*Chowning, J. 1973. The synthesis of complex audio spectra by means of frequency modulation. Journal of the Audio Engineering Society 21:526–534.
最终在 Yamaha DX 合成器中体现的 FM 合成首次在本专业杂志中进行了描述。
FM synthesis, as eventually manifested in the Yamaha DX synthesizers, was first described in this professional journal.
克莱森，A. 2002。埃德加·瓦雷兹。伦敦：圣所出版有限公司
Clayson, A. 2002. Edgard Varèse. London: Sanctuary Publishing, Ltd.
“音乐是有组织的声音”这句话的出处。
Source of the quotation “Music is organized sound.”
Dennett, Daniel C. 2005。让我看看科学。纽约时报，8 月 28 日。
Dennett, Daniel C. 2005. Show me the science. The New York Times, August 28.
引文来源“热不是由微小的热物质组成的。”
Source of the quotation “Heat is not made of tiny hot things.”
Doyle, P. 2005。回声与混响：流行音乐录音中的空间制作，1900-1960。康涅狄格州米德尔敦
Doyle, P. 2005. Echo & Reverb: Fabricating Space in Popular Music Recording, 1900–1960. Middletown, Conn.
对唱片业对太空和营造人造氛围的迷恋进行了广泛的学术调查。
An expansive, scholarly survey of the recording industry’s fascination with space and creating artificial ambiences.
Dwyer, T. 1971。用录音机作曲：Musique Concrète。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
Dwyer, T. 1971. Composing with Tape Recorders: Musique Concrète. New York: Oxford University Press.
有关谢弗、多蒙、诺曼多等人的具体音乐的背景信息。
For background information on the musique concrète of Schaeffer, Dhomon, Normandeau, and others.
*Grey, JM 1975。使用基于计算机的技术进行分析、合成和感知缩放来探索音乐音色。博士 论文，音乐，斯坦福大学音乐和声学计算机研究中心，斯坦福大学，加利福尼亚州。
*Grey, J. M. 1975. An exploration of musical timbre using computer-based techniques for analysis, synthesis, and perceptual scaling. Ph.D. Thesis, Music, Center for Computer Research in Music and Acoustics, Stanford University, Stanford, Calif.
关于现代音色研究方法最有影响力的论文。
The most influential paper on modern approaches to the study of timbre.
*Janata, P. 1997。听觉环境的电生理学研究。国际论文摘要：B 部分：科学与工程，俄勒冈大学。
*Janata, P. 1997. Electrophysiological studies of auditory contexts. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, University of Oregon.
包含的实验表明仓鸮的下丘恢复了缺失的基础。
Contains the experiments showing that the inferior colliculus of the barn owl restores the missing fundamental.
*Krumhansl, CL 1990。音乐音高的认知基础。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*Krumhansl, C. L. 1990. Cognitive Foundations of Musical Pitch. New York: Oxford University Press.
*———。1991.音乐心理学：感知和记忆中的音调结构。心理学年度评论四十二：277-303。
*———. 1991. Music psychology: Tonal structures in perception and memory. Annual Review of Psychology 42:277–303.
*———。2000.音乐认知中的节奏和音高。心理学通报126（1）：159–179。
*———. 2000. Rhythm and pitch in music cognition. Psychological Bulletin 126 (1):159–179.
*———。2002.音乐：认知与情感之间的联系。心理科学当前方向11 (2):45–50。
*———. 2002. Music: A link between cognition and emotion. Current Directions in Psychological Science 11 (2):45–50.
Krumhansl 是研究音乐感知和认知领域的顶尖科学家之一；这些文章和专着提供了该领域的基础，特别是音调层次的概念、音高的维度以及音高的心理表征。
Krumhansl is one of the leading scientists working in music perception and cognition; these articles, and the monograph, provide foundations of the field, and in particular, the notion of tonal hierarchies, the dimensionality of pitch, and the mental representation of pitch.
*Kubovy, M. 1981。整体和可分维度以及不可或缺属性的理论。在《感知组织》中，M. Kubovy 和 J. Pomerantz 编辑。新泽西州希尔斯代尔：埃尔鲍姆。
*Kubovy, M. 1981. Integral and separable dimensions and the theory of indispensable attributes. In Perceptual Organization, edited by M. Kubovy and J. Pomerantz. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
音乐中可分离维度概念的来源。
Source for the notion of separable dimensions in music.
Levitin，DJ 2002。音乐属性的记忆。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Levitin, D. J. 2002. Memory for musical attributes. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
声音的八种不同感知属性列表的来源。
Source for the listing of eight different perceptual attributes of a sound.
*麦克亚当斯、S.、JW Beauchamp 和 S. Meneguzzi。1999.用简化的频谱时间参数重新合成乐器声音的辨别。美国声学学会杂志105 (2):882–897。
*McAdams, S., J. W. Beauchamp, and S. Meneguzzi. 1999. Discrimination of musical instrument sounds resynthesized with simplified spectrotemporal parameters. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 105 (2):882–897.
麦克亚当斯，S.，和 E.比甘德。1993.听觉认知简介。声音思考：试听的认知心理学，由 S. McAdams 和 E. Bigand 编辑。牛津：克拉伦登出版社。
McAdams, S., and E. Bigand. 1993. Introduction to auditory cognition. In Thinking in Sound: The Cognitive Psychology of Audition, edited by S. McAdams and E. Bigand. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
*麦克亚当斯、S. 和 J. Cunible。1992. 音色类比的感知。伦敦皇家学会哲学汇刊，B 336：383-389。
*McAdams, S., and J. Cunible. 1992. Perception of timbral analogies. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, B 336:383–389.
*McAdams、S.、S. Winsberg、S. Donnadieu 和 G. De Soete。1995. 合成音乐音色的感知尺度：共同维度、特殊性和潜在主题类别。心理学研究/心理学研究58 (3):177–192。
*McAdams, S., S. Winsberg, S. Donnadieu, and G. De Soete. 1995. Perceptual scaling of synthesized musical timbres: Common dimensions, specificities, and latent subject classes. Psychological Research/Psychologische Forschung 58 (3):177–192.
麦克亚当斯是世界上研究音色的领先研究者，这四篇论文概述了我们目前对音色感知的了解。
McAdams is the leading researcher in the world studying timbre, and these four papers provide an overview of what we currently know about timbre perception.
牛顿，I. 1730/1952。光学：或者，关于光的反射、折射、屈折和颜色的论文。纽约：多佛。
Newton, I. 1730/1952. Opticks: or, A Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections, and Colours of Light. New York: Dover.
牛顿观察到光波本身没有颜色的来源。
Source for Newton’s observation that light waves are not themselves colored.
*Oxenham、AJ、JGW Bernstein 和 H. Penagos。2004. 正确的音调表示对于复杂的音高感知是必要的。美国国家科学院院刊101：1421–1425。
*Oxenham, A. J., J. G. W. Bernstein, and H. Penagos. 2004. Correct tonotopic representation is necessary for complex pitch perception. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 101:1421–1425.
关于听觉系统中音高的音调表征。
On tonotopic representations of pitch in the auditory system.
Palmer, SE 2000。愿景：从光子到现象学。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Palmer, S. E. 2000. Vision: From Photons to Phenomenology. Cambridge: MIT Press.
本科阶段认知科学和视觉科学的精彩介绍。全面披露：帕尔默和我是合作者，我对这本书做出了一些贡献。视觉刺激不同属性的来源。
An excellent introduction to cognitive science and vision science, at the undergraduate level. Full disclosure: Palmer and I are collaborators, and I made some contributions to this book. Source for the different attributes of visual stimuli.
Pierce, JR 1992 年。音乐声音科学，修订版。旧金山：WH 弗里曼。
Pierce, J. R. 1992. The Science of Musical Sound, revised ed. San Francisco: W. H. Freeman.
对于那些想要了解声音、泛音、音阶等物理学的受过教育的外行人来说，这是极好的资料。 全面披露：皮尔斯在世时是我的老师和朋友。
Excellent source for the educated layperson who wants to understand the physics of sound, overtones, scales, etc. Full disclosure: Pierce was my teacher and friend when he was alive.
Rossing, TD 1990。《声音科学》，第 2 版。马萨诸塞州雷丁市：Addison-Wesley Publishing。
Rossing, T. D. 1990. The Science of Sound, 2nd ed. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing.
声音、泛音、音阶等物理学的另一个优秀来源，适合本科生。
Another excellent source for the physics of sound, overtones, scales, and so on, appropriate for undergraduates.
谢弗、皮埃尔. 1967.具体音乐。巴黎：法国大学出版社。
Schaeffer, Pierre. 1967. La musique concrète. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
———。1968.音乐物品的特征。巴黎：勒苏伊。
———. 1968. Traité des objets musicaux. Paris: Le Seuil.
第一部作品介绍了具体音乐的原理，第二部作品介绍了谢弗关于声音理论的杰作。不幸的是，目前还没有英文翻译。
The principles of musique concrète are introduced in the first work, and Schaeffer’s masterpiece on the theory of sound in the second. Unfortunately, no English translation yet exists.
Schmeling, P. 2005。伯克利音乐理论书 1。波士顿：伯克利出版社。
Schmeling, P. 2005. Berklee Music Theory Book 1. Boston: Berklee Press.
我在伯克利学院学习音乐理论，这是他们的第一卷。适合自学，涵盖了所有基础知识。
I learned music theory at Berklee College, and this is the first volume in their set. Suitable for self-teaching, this covers all the basics.
*Schroeder, MR 1962。听起来自然的人工混响。音频工程学会杂志10 (3):219–233。
*Schroeder, M. R. 1962. Natural sounding artificial reverberation. Journal of the Audio Engineering Society 10 (3):219–233.
关于创建人工混响的开创性文章。
The seminal article on the creation of artificial reverberation.
斯科塞斯、马丁. 2005.没有回家的方向。美国：派拉蒙。
Scorsese, Martin. 2005. No Direction Home. USA: Paramount.
鲍勃·迪伦在纽波特民谣音乐节上遭到嘘声的报道来源。
Source of the reports of Bob Dylan being booed at the Newport Folk Festival.
Sethares, WA 1997。调音、音色、频谱、音阶。伦敦：施普林格。
Sethares, W. A. 1997. Tuning, Timbre, Spectrum, Scale. London: Springer.
对音乐和音乐声音物理学的严格介绍。
A rigorous introduction to the physics of music and musical sounds.
*Shamma、S. 和 D. Klein。2000. 缺失音高模板的案例：和声模板如何在早期听觉系统中出现。美国声学学会杂志107 (5):2631–2644。
*Shamma, S., and D. Klein. 2000. The case of the missing pitch templates: How harmonic templates emerge in the early auditory system. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 107 (5):2631–2644.
*Shamma, SA 2004。地形组织对于音高感知至关重要。美国国家科学院院刊101：1114–1115。
*Shamma, S. A. 2004. Topographic organization is essential for pitch perception. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 101:1114–1115.
关于听觉系统中音高的音调表征。
On tonotopic representations of pitch in the auditory system.
*史密斯，JO，III。1992。使用数字波导进行物理建模。计算机音乐杂志16 (4):74–91。
*Smith, J. O., III. 1992. Physical modeling using digital waveguides. Computer Music Journal 16 (4):74–91.
介绍波导合成的文章。
The article that introduced wave guide synthesis.
Surmani, A.、KF Surmani 和 M. Manus。2004.音乐理论精要：所有音乐家的完整自学课程。加利福尼亚州范奈斯：阿尔弗雷德出版公司。
Surmani, A., K. F. Surmani, and M. Manus. 2004. Essentials of Music Theory: A Complete Self-Study Course for All Musicians. Van Nuys, Calif.: Alfred Publishing Company.
另一本优秀的音乐理论自学指南。
Another excellent self-teaching guide to music theory.
Taylor, C. 1992。探索音乐：音调和曲调的科学与技术。布里斯托尔：物理研究所出版社。
Taylor, C. 1992. Exploring Music: The Science and Technology of Tones and Tunes. Bristol: Institute of Physics Publishing.
另一篇关于声音物理学的优秀大学水平教材。
Another excellent college-level text on the physics of sound.
Trehhub, SE 2003。婴儿期的音乐倾向。收录于《音乐认知神经科学》，由 I. Perets 和 RJ Zatorre 编辑。牛津：牛津大学出版社。
Trehhub, S. E. 2003. Musical predispositions in infancy. In The Cognitive Neuroscience of Music, edited by I. Perets and R. J. Zatorre. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
*Västfjäll, D.、P. Larsson 和 M. Kleiner。2002. 情感和听觉虚拟环境：对用虚拟混响时间再现的音乐进行基于情感的判断。网络心理学与行为5 (1):19–32。
*Västfjäll, D., P. Larsson, and M. Kleiner. 2002. Emotional and auditory virtual environments: Affect-based judgments of music reproduced with virtual reverberation times. CyberPsychology & Behavior 5 (1):19–32.
最近一篇关于混响对情绪反应影响的学术文章。
A recent scholarly article on the effect of reverberation on emotional response.
第2章
Chapter 2
*Bregman，AS 1990。听觉场景分析。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Bregman, A. S. 1990. Auditory Scene Analysis. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于一般听觉分组原则的权威著作。
The definitive work on general auditory grouping principles.
Clarke, EF 1999。音乐中的节奏和时间。载于 D. Deutsch 编辑的《音乐心理学》 。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
Clarke, E. F. 1999. Rhythm and timing in music. In The Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. San Diego: Academic Press.
一篇关于音乐中时间感知心理学的本科水平文章，以及埃里克·克拉克引言的来源。
An undergraduate-level article on the psychology of time perception in music, and the source for the Eric Clarke quote.
*埃伦费尔斯，C. von。1890/1988。关于“格式塔品质”。格式塔理论基础，B. Smith 编辑。慕尼黑：哲学出版社。
*Ehrenfels, C. von. 1890/1988. On “Gestalt qualities.” In Foundations of Gestalt Theory, edited by B. Smith. Munich: Philosophia Verlag.
论格式塔心理学的创立以及格式塔心理学家对旋律的兴趣。
On the founding of Gestalt psychology and the Gestalt psychologists’ interest in melody.
Elias、LJ 和 DM Saucier。2006.神经心理学：临床和实验基础。波士顿：皮尔逊。
Elias, L. J., and D. M. Saucier. 2006. Neuropsychology: Clinical and Experimental Foundations. Boston: Pearson.
介绍神经解剖学基本概念和不同大脑区域功能的教科书。
Textbook for introducing fundamental concepts of neuroanatomy and the functions of different brain regions.
*Fishman、YI、DH Reser、JC Arezzo 和 M. Steinschneider。2000. 清醒猴子初级听觉皮层的复杂音调处理。I. 神经集合与粗糙度相关。美国声学学会杂志108：235-246。
*Fishman, Y. I., D. H. Reser, J. C. Arezzo, and M. Steinschneider. 2000. Complex tone processing in primary auditory cortex of the awake monkey. I. Neural ensemble correlates of roughness. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 108:235–246.
和谐和不和谐知觉的生理基础。
The physiological basis of consonance and dissonance perception.
吉尔摩、米卡尔. 2005 年。列侬永垂不朽：在他去世二十五年后，他的音乐和讯息依然流传。滚石杂志，12 月 15 日。
Gilmore, Mikal. 2005. Lennon lives forever: Twenty-five years after his death, his music and message endure. Rolling Stone, December 15.
约翰·列侬名言的来源。
Source of the John Lennon quote.
亥姆霍兹，HLF 1885/1954。关于语气的感觉，第二修订版。纽约：多佛。
Helmholtz, H. L. F. 1885/1954. On the Sensations of Tone, 2nd revised ed. New York: Dover.
无意识的推断。
Unconscious inference.
勒达尔、弗雷德. 1983。音调音乐的生成理论。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Lerdahl, Fred. 1983. A Generative Theory of Tonal Music. Cambridge: MIT Press.
音乐中听觉分组原则最有影响力的陈述。
The most influential statement of auditory grouping principles in music.
*莱维汀、DJ 和公关库克。1996.音乐节奏记忆：听觉记忆是绝对的额外证据。知觉和心理物理学五十八：927–935。
*Levitin, D. J., and P. R. Cook. 1996. Memory for musical tempo: Additional evidence that auditory memory is absolute. Perception and Psychophysics 58:927–935.
就是文中提到的那篇文章，我和库克让人们唱他们最喜欢的摇滚歌曲，他们以非常高的准确度再现了节奏。
This is the article mentioned in the text, in which Cook and I asked people to sing their favorite rock songs, and they reproduced the tempo with very high accuracy.
Luce, RD 1993。声音和听觉：概念介绍。新泽西州希尔斯代尔：埃尔鲍姆。
Luce, R. D. 1993. Sound and Hearing: A Conceptual Introduction. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
关于耳朵和听力的教科书，包括耳朵的生理学、响度、音调感知等。
Textbook on the ear and hearing, including physiology of the ear, loudness, pitch perception, etc.
*梅苏拉姆，M.-M。1985.行为神经学原理。费城：FA Davis 公司。
*Mesulam, M.-M. 1985. Principles of Behavioral Neurology. Philadelphia: F. A. Davis Company.
高级研究生教科书，介绍神经解剖学的基本概念和不同大脑区域的功能。
Advanced, graduate textbook for introducing fundamental concepts of neuroanatomy and the functions of different brain regions.
Moore，BCJ 1982。听力心理学导论，第二版。伦敦：学术出版社。
Moore, B. C. J. 1982. An Introduction to the Psychology of Hearing, 2nd ed. London: Academic Press.
———。2003 年。听力心理学导论，第 5 版。阿姆斯特丹：学术出版社。
———. 2003. An Introduction to the Psychology of Hearing, 5th ed. Amsterdam: Academic Press.
有关耳朵和听力的教科书，包括耳朵的生理学、响度、音调感知等。
Textbooks on the ear and hearing, including physiology of the ear, loudness, pitch perception, etc.
Palmer, SE 2002。组织对象和场景。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Palmer, S. E. 2002. Organizing objects and scenes. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于视觉分组的格式塔原则。
On the Gestalt principles of visual grouping.
史蒂文斯 (SS) 和 F. 沃肖夫斯基 (F. Warshofsky)。1965 年，《声音与听觉》，R. Dubos、H. Margenau、CP Snow 编辑。生命科学图书馆。纽约：时代公司。
Stevens, S. S., and F. Warshofsky. 1965. Sound and Hearing, edited by R. Dubos, H. Margenau, C. P. Snow. Life Science Library. New York: Time Incorporated.
为普通读者很好地介绍了听力和听觉感知的原理。
A good introduction to the principles of hearing and auditory perception for the general reader.
*Tramo、MJ、PA Cariani、B. Delgutte 和 LD Braida。2003.和谐知觉的神经生物学。音乐认知神经科学，由 I. Peretz 和 RJ Zatorre 编辑。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*Tramo, M. J., P. A. Cariani, B. Delgutte, and L. D. Braida. 2003. Neurobiology of harmony perception. In The Cognitive Neuroscience of Music, edited by I. Peretz and R. J. Zatorre. New York: Oxford University Press.
和谐和不和谐知觉的生理基础。
The physiological basis of consonance and dissonance perception.
Yost, WA 1994。听力基础：简介，第 3 版。圣地亚哥：学术出版社
Yost, W. A. 1994. Fundamentals of Hearing: An Introduction, 3rd ed. San Diego: Academic Press, Inc.
关于听力、音调和响度感知的教科书。
Textbook on hearing, pitch, and loudness perception.
PG 津巴多和 RJ Gerrig。2002.感知。《认知心理学基础》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Zimbardo, P. G., and R. J. Gerrig. 2002. Perception. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
格式塔分组原则。
The Gestalt principles of grouping.
第3章
Chapter 3
Bregman，AS 1990。听觉场景分析。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Bregman, A. S. 1990. Auditory Scene Analysis. Cambridge: MIT Press.
按音色和其他听觉分组原则进行流式传输。我将耳膜比喻为一个放在桶上的枕套，这充分借鉴了布雷格曼在本书中提出的另一个类比。
Streaming by timbre and other auditory grouping principles. My analogy about the eardrum as a pillowcase stretched over a bucket borrows liberally from a different analogy Bregman proposes in this book.
*Chomsky, N. 1957。句法结构。荷兰海牙：木桐。
*Chomsky, N. 1957. Syntactic Structures. The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton.
关于人脑语言能力的先天性。
About the innateness of a language capacity in the human brain.
克里克，FHC 1995。惊人的假设：对灵魂的科学探索。纽约：试金石/西蒙和舒斯特。
Crick, F. H. C. 1995. The Astonishing Hypothesis: The Scientific Search for the Soul. New York: Touchstone/Simon & Schuster.
所有人类行为都可以通过大脑和神经元的活动来解释的观点。
The idea that all of human behavior can be explained by the activity of the brain and neurons.
Dennett, DC 1991。意识的解释。波士顿：利特尔、布朗公司。
Dennett, D. C. 1991. Consciousness Explained. Boston: Little, Brown and Company.
关于意识体验的幻觉和大脑更新信息。
On the illusions of conscious experience, and brains updating information.
———。2002.机器能思考吗？载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
———. 2002. Can machines think? In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
———。2002.我在哪里？载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
———. 2002. Where am I? In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
这两篇文章讨论了大脑作为计算机的基本问题和功能主义的哲学思想；“机器能思考吗？” 还总结了图灵智力测试及其优点和缺点。
These two articles address foundational issues of the brain as computer and the philosophical idea of functionalism; “Can Machines Think?” also summarizes the Turing test for intelligence, and its strengths and weaknesses.
*Friston, KJ 2005。神经影像学中的脑功能模型。心理学年度评论五十六：57-87。
*Friston, K. J. 2005. Models of brain function in neuroimaging. Annual Review of Psychology 56:57–87.
SPM 的发明者之一对脑成像数据分析研究方法的技术概述，SPM 是一种广泛使用的 fMRI 数据统计软件包。
A technical overview on research methods for the analysis of brain imaging data by one of the inventors of SPM, a widely used statistical package for fMRI data.
加扎尼加 (Gazzaniga)、MS、RB Ivry 和 G. Mangun。1998.认知神经科学。纽约：诺顿。
Gazzaniga, M. S., R. B. Ivry, and G. Mangun. 1998. Cognitive Neuroscience. New York: Norton.
大脑的功能分区；肺叶的基本划分、主要解剖标志；本科文本。
Functional divisions of the brain; basic divisions into lobes, major anatomical landmarks; undergraduate text.
SD 格茨和 R. 塔德莫。1996 年。利布曼的《神经解剖学变得简单易懂》，第 5 版。马里兰州盖瑟斯堡：阿斯彭。
Gertz, S. D., and R. Tadmor. 1996. Liebman’s Neuroanatomy Made Easy and Understandable, 5th ed. Gaithersburg, Md.: Aspen.
神经解剖学和主要大脑区域的介绍。
An introduction to neuroanatomy and major brain regions.
格雷戈里，RL 1986。奇怪的看法。伦敦：劳特利奇。
Gregory, R. L. 1986. Odd Perceptions. London: Routledge.
关于作为推论的知觉。
On perception as inference.
*Griffiths、TD、S. Uppenkamp、I. Johnsrude、O. Josephs 和 RD Patterson。2001.人类脑干中声音的时间规律性的编码。自然神经科学4 (6):633–637。
*Griffiths, T. D., S. Uppenkamp, I. Johnsrude, O. Josephs, and R. D. Patterson. 2001. Encoding of the temporal regularity of sound in the human brainstem. Nature Neuroscience 4 (6):633–637.
*Griffiths、TD 和 JD Warren。2002. 作为计算中心的颞平面。神经科学趋势25 (7):348–353。
*Griffiths, T. D., and J. D. Warren. 2002. The planum temporale as a computational hub. Trends in Neuroscience 25 (7):348–353.
格里菲斯 (Griffiths) 最近对大脑中的声音处理进行了研究，格里菲斯是当代研究听觉过程的脑科学家中最受尊敬的研究人员之一。
Recent work on sound processing in the brain from Griffiths, one of the most esteemed researchers of the current generation of brain scientists studying auditory processes.
*Hickok, G.、B. Buchsbaum、C. Humphries 和 T. Muftuler。2003. fMRI 揭示的听觉运动相互作用：Spt 区域的言语、音乐和工作记忆。认知神经科学杂志15 (5):673–682。
*Hickok, G., B. Buchsbaum, C. Humphries, and T. Muftuler. 2003. Auditory-motor interaction revealed by fMRI: Speech, music, and working memory in area Spt. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 15 (5):673–682.
顶叶-颞叶边界的侧裂后裂的大脑区域音乐激活的主要来源。
A primary source for music activation in a brain region at the posterior Sylvian fissure at the parietal-temporal boundary.
*Janata, P.、JL Birk、JD Van Horn、M. Leman、B. Tillmann 和 JJ Bharucha。2002.西方音乐基础音调结构的皮质地形。科学298：2167–2170。
*Janata, P., J. L. Birk, J. D. Van Horn, M. Leman, B. Tillmann, and J. J. Bharucha. 2002. The cortical topography of tonal structures underlying Western music. Science 298:2167–2170.
*P.Janata 和 ST Grafton。2003. 大脑中的摆动：与排序和音乐相关的行为的共享神经基质。自然神经科学6 (7):682–687。
*Janata, P., and S. T. Grafton. 2003. Swinging in the brain: Shared neural substrates for behaviors related to sequencing and music. Nature Neuroscience 6 (7):682–687.
*Johnsrude、IS、VB Penhune 和 RJ Zatorre。2000.人类右听觉皮层感知音调方向的功能特异性。大脑研究认知大脑研究123：155–163。
*Johnsrude, I. S., V. B. Penhune, and R. J. Zatorre. 2000. Functional specificity in the right human auditory cortex for perceiving pitch direction. Brain Res Cogn Brain Res 123:155–163.
*Knosche、TR、C. Neuhaus、J. Haueisen、K. Alter、B. Maess、O. Witte 和 AD Friederici。2005.音乐乐句结构的感知。人脑图谱24 (4):259–273。
*Knosche, T. R., C. Neuhaus, J. Haueisen, K. Alter, B. Maess, O. Witte, and A. D. Friederici. 2005. Perception of phrase structure in music. Human Brain Mapping 24 (4):259–273.
*Koelsch, S.、E. Kasper、D. Sammler、K. Schulze、T. Gunter 和 AD Friederici。2004.音乐、语言和意义：语义处理的大脑特征。自然神经科学7 (3):302–307。
*Koelsch, S., E. Kasper, D. Sammler, K. Schulze, T. Gunter, and A. D. Friederici. 2004. Music, language and meaning: brain signatures of semantic processing. Nature Neuroscience 7 (3):302–307.
*Koelsch, S.、E. Schröger 和 TC Gunter。2002.音乐很重要：人脑的注意力不集中的音乐性。心理生理学39 (1):38–48。
*Koelsch, S., E. Schröger, and T. C. Gunter. 2002. Music matters: Preattentive musicality of the human brain. Psychophysiology 39 (1):38–48.
*Kuriki, S.、N. Isahai、T. Hasimoto、F. Takeuchi 和 Y. Hirata。2000.音乐和语言：处理旋律和单词的大脑活动。在第十二届国际生物磁学会议上宣读的论文。
*Kuriki, S., N. Isahai, T. Hasimoto, F. Takeuchi, and Y. Hirata. 2000. Music and language: Brain activities in processing melody and words. Paper read at 12th International Conference on Biomagnetism.
音乐感知和认知的神经解剖学的主要来源。
Primary sources on the neuroanatomy of music perception and cognition.
Levitin, DJ 1996。高保真音乐：想象一下从吉他内部聆听。《纽约时报》，12 月 15 日。
Levitin, D. J. 1996. High-fidelity music: Imagine listening from inside the guitar. The New York Times, December 15.
———。1996。录音室录音的现代艺术。音频，九月，46-52。
———. 1996. The modern art of studio recording. Audio, September, 46–52.
关于现代录音技术及其创造的幻觉。
On modern recording techniques and the illusions they create.
———。2002.心理学研究中的实验设计。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
———. 2002. Experimental design in psychological research. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于实验设计和什么是“好”实验。
On experimental design and what is a “good” experiment.
*Levitin、DJ 和 V. Menon。2003 年。音乐结构在大脑的“语言”区域进行处理：布罗德曼 47 区在时间连贯性中的可能作用。神经影像20 (4):2142–2152。
*Levitin, D. J., and V. Menon. 2003. Musical structure is processed in “language” areas of the brain: A possible role for Brodmann Area 47 in temporal coherence. NeuroImage 20 (4):2142–2152.
第一篇使用功能磁共振成像的研究文章表明，音乐中的时间结构和时间连贯性是在与口语和手语相同的大脑区域中处理的。
The first research article using fMRI to show that temporal structure and temporal coherence in music is processed in the same brain region that does so for spoken and signed languages.
*McClelland、JL、DE Rumelhart 和 GE Hinton。2002.并行分布式处理的吸引力。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*McClelland, J. L., D. E. Rumelhart, and G. E. Hinton. 2002. The appeal of parallel distributed processing. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
大脑就像一台并行处理机器。
The brain as a parallel processing machine.
Palmer, S. 2002。视觉意识。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Palmer, S. 2002. Visual awareness. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
现代认知科学、二元论和唯物主义的哲学基础。
The philosophical foundations of modern cognitive science, dualism, and materialism.
*Parsons, LM 2001。探索音乐表演、感知和理解的功能神经解剖学。见 I. Peretz 和 RJ Zatorre 主编，音乐生物学基础，纽约科学院年鉴，卷。930，第 211-230 页。
*Parsons, L. M. 2001. Exploring the functional neuroanatomy of music performance, perception, and comprehension. In I. Peretz and R. J. Zatorre, Eds., Biological Foundations of Music, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, Vol. 930, pp. 211–230.
*帕特尔，AD 和 E.巴拉班。2004.长声序列感知过程中的人类听觉皮层动力学：听觉稳态响应对载波频率的相位跟踪。大脑皮层14 (1):35–46。
*Patel, A. D., and E. Balaban. 2004. Human auditory cortical dynamics during perception of long acoustic sequences: Phase tracking of carrier frequency by the auditory steady-state response. Cerebral Cortex 14 (1):35–46.
*帕特尔，公元 2003 年。语言、音乐、语法和大脑。自然神经科学6 (7):674–681。
*Patel, A. D. 2003. Language, music, syntax, and the brain. Nature Neuroscience 6 (7):674–681.
*帕特尔，AD 和 E.巴拉班。2000。人类皮质活动的时间模式反映了音调序列结构。自然404：80-84。
*Patel, A. D., and E. Balaban. 2000. Temporal patterns of human cortical activity reflect tone sequence structure. Nature 404:80–84.
*Peretz, I. 2000。大多数人大脑中的音乐认知：音乐识别系统的自主性和分化。载于 B. Rapp 编辑的《认知神经心理学手册》 。英国霍夫：心理学出版社。
*Peretz, I. 2000. Music cognition in the brain of the majority: Autonomy and fractionation of the music recognition system. In The Handbook of Cognitive Neuropsychology, edited by B. Rapp. Hove, U.K.: Psychology Press.
*Peretz, I. 2000。音乐感知和识别。载于 B. Rapp 编辑的《认知神经心理学手册》 。英国霍夫：心理学出版社。
*Peretz, I. 2000. Music perception and recognition. In The Handbook of Cognitive Neuropsychology, edited by B. Rapp. Hove, U.K.: Psychology Press.
*Peretz, I. 和 M. Coltheart。2003.音乐处理的模块化。自然神经科学6 (7):688–691。
*Peretz, I., and M. Coltheart. 2003. Modularity of music processing. Nature Neuroscience 6 (7):688–691.
*Peretz, I. 和 L. Gagnon。1999.旋律识别与情感判断之间的分离。神经病例5：21-30。
*Peretz, I., and L. Gagnon. 1999. Dissociation between recognition and emotional judgements for melodies. Neurocase 5:21–30.
*Peretz, I. 和 RJ Zatorre 编辑。2003.音乐的认知神经科学。纽约：牛津。
*Peretz, I., and R. J. Zatorre, eds. 2003. The Cognitive Neuroscience of Music. New York: Oxford.
音乐感知和认知的神经解剖学的主要来源。
Primary sources on the neuroanatomy of music perception and cognition.
Pinker, S. 1997。心灵如何运作。纽约：WW诺顿。平克在此声称音乐是进化的偶然。
Pinker, S. 1997. How The Mind Works. New York: W. W. Norton. Pinker claims here that music is an evolutionary accident.
*Posner, MI 1980。注意力的定向。实验心理学季刊32：3-25。
*Posner, M. I. 1980. Orienting of attention. Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 32:3–25.
波斯纳提示范式。
The Posner Cueing Paradigm.
波斯纳、MI 和 DJ 莱维汀。1997 年。想象未来。摘自《心灵科学：21 世纪》。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Posner, M. I., and D. J. Levitin. 1997. Imaging the future. In The Science of the Mind: The 21st Century. Cambridge: MIT Press.
更完整地解释了波斯纳和我反对简单的“心理制图”本身的偏见。
A more complete explanation of the bias that Posner and I have against simple “mental cartography” for its own sake.
Ramachandran，VS 2004。人类意识简述：从冒充贵宾犬到紫色数字。纽约：Pi 出版社。
Ramachandran, V. S. 2004. A Brief Tour of Human Consciousness: From Impostor Poodles to Purple Numbers. New York: Pi Press.
意识和我们对它的天真的直觉。
Consciousness and our naive intuitions about it.
*Rock, I. 1983。感知的逻辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Rock, I. 1983. The Logic of Perception. Cambridge: MIT Press.
感知是一个逻辑过程和建设性的。
Perception as a logical process and as constructive.
*施马曼，JD，编辑。1997.小脑和认知。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
*Schmahmann, J. D., ed. 1997. The Cerebellum and Cognition. San Diego: Academic Press.
关于小脑在情绪调节中的作用。
On the cerebellum’s role in emotional regulation.
Searle, JR 2002。思想、大脑和程序。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Searle, J. R. 2002. Minds, brains, and programs. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
大脑就像一台计算机；这是现代心灵哲学中讨论、争论和引用最多的文章之一。
The brain as a computer; this is one of the most discussed, argued, and cited articles in modern philosophy of mind.
*Sergent, J. 1993。绘制音乐家的大脑图谱。人脑图谱1：20–38。
*Sergent, J. 1993. Mapping the musician brain. Human Brain Mapping 1:20–38.
关于音乐和大脑的最早的神经影像报告之一，至今仍被广泛引用和提及。
One of the first neuroimaging reports of music and the brain, still widely cited and referred to.
Shepard，RN 1990。心灵视野：原始视觉错觉、歧义和其他异常，以及对感知和艺术中心灵游戏的评论。纽约：WH弗里曼。
Shepard, R. N. 1990. Mind Sights: Original Visual Illusions, Ambiguities, and Other Anomalies, with a Commentary on the Play of Mind in Perception and Art. New York: W. H. Freeman.
“扭转局面”错觉的根源。
Source of the “Turning the Tables” illusion.
*Steinke、WR 和 LL Cuddy。2001.右半球损伤后控制旋律识别的功能子系统之间的分离。认知神经科学18 (5):411–437。
*Steinke, W. R., and L. L. Cuddy. 2001. Dissociations among functional subsystems governing melody recognition after right hemisphere damage. Cognitive Neuroscience 18 (5):411–437.
*Tillmann, B.、P. Janata 和 JJ Bharucha。2003.音乐启动中额下皮层的激活。认知脑研究十六：145–161。
*Tillmann, B., P. Janata, and J. J. Bharucha. 2003. Activation of the inferior frontal cortex in musical priming. Cognitive Brain Research 16:145–161.
音乐感知和认知的神经解剖学的主要来源。
Primary sources on the neuroanatomy of music perception and cognition.
*Warren，RM 1970。缺失语音的感知恢复。《科学》，1 月 23 日，392–393。
*Warren, R. M. 1970. Perceptual restoration of missing speech sounds. Science, January 23, 392–393.
听觉“填充”或知觉完成示例的来源。
Source of the example of auditory “filling in” or perceptual completion.
Weinberger，新墨西哥州 2004 年。音乐与大脑。《科学美国人》（2004 年 11 月）：89–95。
Weinberger, N. M. 2004. Music and the Brain. Scientific American (November 2004):89–95.
*Zatorre、RJ 和 P. Belin。2001.人类听觉皮层的频谱和时间处理。大脑皮层十一：946–953。
*Zatorre, R. J., and P. Belin. 2001. Spectral and temporal processing in human auditory cortex. Cerebral Cortex 11:946–953.
*Zatorre、RJ、P. Belin 和 VB Penhune。2002.听觉皮层的结构和功能：音乐和言语。认知科学趋势6 (1):37–46。
*Zatorre, R. J., P. Belin, and V. B. Penhune. 2002. Structure and function of auditory cortex: Music and speech. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 6 (1):37–46.
音乐感知和认知的神经解剖学的主要来源。
Primary sources on the neuroanatomy of music perception and cognition.
第4章
Chapter 4
*Bartlett, FC 1932。记忆：实验和社会心理学研究。伦敦：剑桥大学出版社。
*Bartlett, F. C. 1932. Remembering: A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology. London: Cambridge University Press.
关于模式。
On schemas.
*Bavelier, D.、C. Brozinsky、A. Tomann、T. Mitchell、H. Neville 和 G. Liu。2001.早期耳聋和早期接触手语对大脑组织运动处理的影响。神经科学杂志21 (22):8931–8942。
*Bavelier, D., C. Brozinsky, A. Tomann, T. Mitchell, H. Neville, and G. Liu. 2001. Impact of early deafness and early exposure to sign language on the cerebral organization for motion processing. The Journal of Neuroscience 21 (22):8931–8942.
*Bavelier, D.、DP Corina 和 HJ Neville。1998.大脑与语言：手语的视角。神经元21：275–278。
*Bavelier, D., D. P. Corina, and H. J. Neville. 1998. Brain and language: A perspective from sign language. Neuron 21:275–278.
手语的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of sign language.
*Bever, TG 和 Chiarell, RJ 1974。音乐家和非音乐家的大脑主导地位。科学185 (4150):537–539。
*Bever, T. G., and Chiarell, R. J. 1974. Cerebral dominance in musicians and nonmusicians. Science 185 (4150):537–539.
关于音乐半球专业化的开创性论文。
A seminal paper on hemispheric specialization for music.
*Bharucha, JJ 1987。音乐认知和知觉促进——联结主义框架。音乐感知5 (1):1–30。
*Bharucha, J. J. 1987. Music cognition and perceptual facilitation—a connectionist framework. Music Perception 5 (1):1–30.
*———。1991. 音调、和声和神经网络：心理学视角。《音乐与联结主义》，PM Todd 和 DG Loy 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*———. 1991. Pitch, harmony, and neural nets: A psychological perspective. In Music and Connectionism, edited by P. M. Todd and D. G. Loy. Cambridge: MIT Press.
*Bharucha、JJ 和 PM Todd。1989.用神经网络对音调结构的感知进行建模。计算机音乐杂志13 (4):44–53。
*Bharucha, J. J., and P. M. Todd. 1989. Modeling the perception of tonal structure with neural nets. Computer Music Journal 13 (4):44–53.
*Bharucha, JJ 1992。调性和易学性。音乐交流的认知基础，由 MR Jones 和 S. Holleran 编辑。华盛顿特区：美国心理学会。
*Bharucha, J. J. 1992. Tonality and learnability. In Cognitive Bases of Musical Communication, edited by M. R. Jones and S. Holleran. Washington, D.C: American Psychological Association.
关于音乐图式。
On musical schemas.
*Binder、J. 和 CJ 普莱斯。2001.语言的功能神经影像。收录于《认知功能神经影像手册》，由 A. Cabeza 和 A. Kingston 编辑。
*Binder, J., and C. J. Price. 2001. Functional neuroimaging of language. In Handbook of Functional Neuroimaging of Cognition, edited by A. Cabeza and A. Kingston.
*Binder、JR、E. Liebenthal、ET Possing、DA Medler 和 BD Ward。2004.听觉对象识别中感觉和决策过程的神经关联。自然神经科学7 (3):295–301。
*Binder, J. R., E. Liebenthal, E. T. Possing, D. A. Medler, and B. D. Ward. 2004. Neural correlates of sensory and decision processes in auditory object identification. Nature Neuroscience 7 (3):295–301.
*Bookheimer, SY 2002。语言的功能 MRI：理解语义处理的皮层组织的新方法。神经科学年度评论二十五：151-188。
*Bookheimer, S. Y. 2002. Functional MRI of language: New approaches to understanding the cortical organization of semantic processing. Annual Review of Neuroscience 25:151–188.
言语的功能神经解剖学。
The functional neuroanatomy of speech.
Cook, PR 2005。作为客厅伎俩的欺骗性节奏。新泽西州普林斯顿，魁北克省蒙特利尔，11 月 30 日。
Cook, P. R. 2005. The deceptive cadence as a parlor trick. Princeton, N.J., Montreal, Que., November 30.
来自佩里·库克的个人通讯，他在给我的电子邮件中以这种方式描述了欺骗性的节奏。
Personal communication from Perry Cook, who described the deceptive cadence this way in an e-mail to me.
*Cowan、WM、TC Südhof 和 CF Stevens 编辑。2001.突触。巴尔的摩：约翰霍普金斯大学出版社。
*Cowan, W. M., T. C. Südhof, and C. F. Stevens, eds. 2001. Synapses. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
关于突触、突触间隙和突触传递的深入信息。
In-depth information on synapses, the synaptic cleft, and synaptic transmission.
*Dibben, N. 1999。无调性音乐中结构稳定性的感知：显着性、稳定性、水平运动、音高共性和不和谐的影响。音乐感知16 (3):265–24。
*Dibben, N. 1999. The perception of structural stability in atonal music: the influence of salience, stability, horizontal motion, pitch commonality, and dissonance. Music Perception 16 (3):265–24.
关于无调性音乐，例如勋伯格在本章中描述的音乐。
On atonal music, such as that by Schönberg described in this chapter.
*Franceries、X.、B. Doyon、N. Chauveau、B. Rigaud、P. Celsis 和 J.-P。莫鲁奇。2003. 使用电阻网格模型求解体积导体中的泊松方程：在事件相关电位成像中的应用。应用物理学杂志93 (6):3578–3588。
*Franceries, X., B. Doyon, N. Chauveau, B. Rigaud, P. Celsis, and J.-P. Morucci. 2003. Solution of Poisson’s equation in a volume conductor using resistor mesh models: Application to event related potential imaging. Journal of Applied Physics 93 (6):3578–3588.
脑电图定位的逆泊松问题。
The inverse Poisson problem of localization with EEG.
弗罗金，V.，和 R.罗德曼。1993 年。《语言导论》，第 5 版。德克萨斯州沃思堡：哈考特·布雷斯·约万诺维奇学院出版社。
Fromkin, V., and R. Rodman. 1993. An Introduction to Language, 5th ed. Fort Worth, Tex.: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College Publishers.
心理语言学、音素、构词法的基础知识。
The basics of psycholinguistics, phonemes, word formation.
*Gazzaniga，MS 2000。新认知神经科学，第二版。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Gazzaniga, M. S. 2000. The New Cognitive Neurosciences, 2nd ed. Cambridge: MIT Press.
神经科学基础。
Foundations of neuroscience.
马萨诸塞州格恩斯巴赫 (Gernsbacher) 和卡斯查克议员 (MP Kaschak)。2003.语言产生和理解的神经影像学研究。心理学年度评论五十四：91-114。
Gernsbacher, M. A., and M. P. Kaschak. 2003. Neuroimaging studies of language production and comprehension. Annual Review of Psychology 54:91–114.
最近对语言神经解剖学基础研究的回顾。
A recent review of studies of the neuroanatomical basis for language.
*Hickok, G.、B. Buchsbaum、C. Humphries 和 T. Muftuler。2003. fMRI 揭示的听觉运动相互作用：Spt 区域的言语、音乐和工作记忆。认知神经科学杂志15 (5):673–682。
*Hickok, G., B. Buchsbaum, C. Humphries, and T. Muftuler. 2003. Auditory-motor interaction revealed by fMRI: Speech, music, and working memory in area Spt. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 15 (5):673–682.
*Hickok, G. 和 Poeppel, D. 2000。走向语言感知的功能性神经解剖学。认知科学趋势4 (4):131–138。
*Hickok, G., and Poeppel, D. 2000. Towards a functional neuroanatomy of speech perception. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 4 (4):131–138.
言语和音乐的神经解剖学基础。
The neuroanatomical basis for speech and music.
Holland, B. 1981。一个看到别人听到的东西的人。纽约时报，11 月 19 日。
Holland, B. 1981. A man who sees what others hear. The New York Times, November 19.
一篇关于亚瑟·林特根 (Arthur Lintgen) 的文章，他可以读懂唱片节奏。他只能阅读他所知道的音乐，并且只能阅读贝多芬之后的古典音乐。
An article about Arthur Lintgen, the man who can read record grooves. He can only read them for music that he knows, and only for classical music post-Beethoven.
*Huettel、SA、AW Song 和 G. McCarthy。2003.功能磁共振成像。马萨诸塞州桑德兰：Sinauer Associates, Inc.
*Huettel, S. A., A. W. Song, and G. McCarthy. 2003. Functional Magnetic Resonance Imaging. Sunderland, Mass.: Sinauer Associates, Inc.
关于功能磁共振成像背后的理论。
On the theory behind fMRI.
*伊夫里、RB 和 LC 罗伯逊。1997.感知的两个方面。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Ivry, R. B., and L. C. Robertson. 1997. The Two Sides of Perception. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于半球专业化。
On hemispheric specialization.
*Johnsrude、IS、VB Penhune 和 RJ Zatorre。2000.人类右听觉皮层感知音调方向的功能特异性。大脑研究认知大脑研究123：155–163。
*Johnsrude, I. S., V. B. Penhune, and R. J. Zatorre. 2000. Functional specificity in the right human auditory cortex for perceiving pitch direction. Brain Res Cogn Brain Res 123:155–163.
*Johnsrude、IS、RJ Zatorre、BA Milner 和 AC Evans。1997. 左半球专门处理声瞬变。神经报告8：1761–1765。
*Johnsrude, I. S., R. J. Zatorre, B. A. Milner, and A. C. Evans. 1997. Left-hemisphere specialization for the processing of acoustic transients. NeuroReport 8:1761–1765.
言语和音乐的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of speech and music.
*坎德尔 (ER)、JH 施瓦茨 (JH Schwartz) 和 TM 杰塞尔 (TM Jessell)。2000 年。神经科学原理，第 4 版。纽约：麦格劳-希尔。
*Kandel, E. R., J. H. Schwartz, and T. M. Jessell. 2000. Principles of Neural Science, 4th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill.
《神经科学基础》，由诺贝尔奖获得者埃里克·坎德尔合着。这是医学院和研究生神经科学项目中广泛使用的文本。
Foundations of neuroscience, cowritten by Nobel Laureate Eric Kandel. This is a widely used text in medical schools and graduate neuroscience programs.
*Knosche、TR、C. Neuhaus、J. Haueisen、K. Alter、B. Maess、O. Witte 和 AD Friederici。2005.音乐乐句结构的感知。人脑图谱24 (4):259–273。
*Knosche, T. R., C. Neuhaus, J. Haueisen, K. Alter, B. Maess, O. Witte, and A. D. Friederici. 2005. Perception of phrase structure in music. Human Brain Mapping 24 (4):259–273.
*Koelsch, S.、TC Gunter, DY 诉 Cramon、S. Zysset、G. Lohmann 和 AD Friederici。2002.巴赫讲话：皮质“语言网络”服务于音乐处理。神经影像17：956–966。
*Koelsch, S., T. C. Gunter, D. Y. v. Cramon, S. Zysset, G. Lohmann, and A. D. Friederici. 2002. Bach speaks: A cortical “language-network” serves the processing of music. NeuroImage 17:956–966.
*Koelsch, S.、E. Kasper、D. Sammler、K. Schulze、T. Gunter 和 AD Friederici。2004.音乐、语言和意义：语义处理的大脑特征。自然神经科学7 (3):302–307。
*Koelsch, S., E. Kasper, D. Sammler, K. Schulze, T. Gunter, and A. D. Friederici. 2004. Music, language, and meaning: Brain signatures of semantic processing. Nature Neuroscience 7 (3):302–307.
*Koelsch, S.、B. Maess 和 AD Friederici。2000. 音乐语法在 Broca 领域进行处理：一项 MEG 研究。神经影像11 (5):56。
*Koelsch, S., B. Maess, and A. D. Friederici. 2000. Musical syntax is processed in the area of Broca: an MEG study. NeuroImage 11 (5):56.
Koelsch、Friederici 及其同事撰写的有关音乐结构的文章。
Articles on musical structure by Koelsch, Friederici, and their colleagues.
Kosslyn，SM 和 O.Koenig。1992.湿心：新认知神经科学。纽约：新闻自由。
Kosslyn, S. M., and O. Koenig. 1992. Wet Mind: The New Cognitive Neuroscience. New York: Free Press.
向普通观众介绍认知神经科学。
A general audience’s introduction to cognitive neuroscience.
*Krumhansl, CL 1990。音乐音高的认知基础。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*Krumhansl, C. L. 1990. Cognitive Foundations of Musical Pitch. New York: Oxford University Press.
关于音高的维度。
On the dimensionality of pitch.
*Lerdahl, F. 1989。无调性延长结构。当代音乐评论3 (2)。
*Lerdahl, F. 1989. Atonal prolongational structure. Contemporary Music Review 3 (2).
关于无调性音乐，例如勋伯格的音乐。
On atonal music, such as that of Schönberg.
*Levitin、DJ 和 V. Menon。2003 年。音乐结构在大脑的“语言”区域进行处理：布罗德曼 47 区在时间连贯性中的可能作用。神经影像20 (4):2142–2152。
*Levitin, D. J., and V. Menon. 2003. Musical structure is processed in “language” areas of the brain: A possible role for Brodmann Area 47 in temporal coherence. NeuroImage 20 (4):2142–2152.
*———。2005.音乐中时间结构和期望的神经轨迹：来自 3 特斯拉功能神经成像的证据。音乐感知22 (3):563–575。
*———. 2005. The neural locus of temporal structure and expectancies in music: Evidence from functional neuroimaging at 3 Tesla. Music Perception 22 (3):563–575.
音乐结构的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of musical structure.
*Maess, B.、S. Koelsch、TC Gunter 和 AD Friederici。2001. 音乐句法在布罗卡区进行处理：一项 MEG 研究。自然神经科学4 (5):540–545。
*Maess, B., S. Koelsch, T. C. Gunter, and A. D. Friederici. 2001. Musical syntax is processed in Broca’s area: An MEG study. Nature Neuroscience 4 (5):540–545.
音乐结构的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of musical structure.
*Marin，OSM 1982。音乐感知和表演的神经学方面。载于 D. Deutsch 编辑的《音乐心理学》 。纽约：学术出版社。
*Marin, O. S. M. 1982. Neurological aspects of music perception and performance. In The Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. New York: Academic Press.
由于病变而丧失音乐功能。
Loss of musical function due to lesions.
*Martin, RC 2003。语言处理：功能组织和神经解剖学基础。心理学年度评论五十四：55-89。
*Martin, R. C. 2003. Language processing: Functional organization and neuroanatomical basis. Annual Review of Psychology 54:55–89.
言语感知的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of speech perception.
麦克莱兰、JL、DE Rumelhart 和 GE Hinton。2002.并行分布式处理的吸引力。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
McClelland, J. L., D. E. Rumelhart, and G. E. Hinton. 2002. The Appeal of Parallel Distributed Processing. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于模式。
On schemas.
Meyer, LB 2001。音乐与情感：区别与不确定性。《音乐与情感：理论与研究》，PN Juslin 和 JA Sloboda 编辑。牛津和纽约：牛津大学出版社。
Meyer, L. B. 2001. Music and emotion: distinctions and uncertainties. In Music and Emotion: Theory and Research, edited by P. N. Juslin and J. A. Sloboda. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.
Meyer, Leonard B. 1956。音乐中的情感和意义。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
Meyer, Leonard B. 1956. Emotion and Meaning in Music. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
———。1994.音乐、艺术和思想：二十世纪文化的模式和预测。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
———. 1994. Music, the Arts, and Ideas: Patterns and Predictions in Twentieth-Century Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
关于音乐风格、重复、填补空白和期望。
On musical style, repetition, gap-fill, and expectations.
*Milner, B. 1962。试镜中的偏侧效应。在《半球间效应和大脑优势》中，V. Mountcastle 编辑。巴尔的摩：约翰霍普金斯出版社。
*Milner, B. 1962. Laterality effects in audition. In Interhemispheric Effects and Cerebral Dominance, edited by V. Mountcastle. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press.
听力偏侧性。
Laterality in hearing.
*Narmour, E. 1992。旋律复杂性的分析和认知：蕴含实现模型。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
*Narmour, E. 1992. The Analysis and Cognition of Melodic Complexity: The Implication-Realization Model. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
*———。1999。等级期望和音乐风格。载于 D. Deutsch 编辑的《音乐心理学》 。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
*———. 1999. Hierarchical expectation and musical style. In The Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. San Diego: Academic Press.
关于音乐风格、重复、填补空白和期望。
On musical style, repetition, gap-fill, and expectations.
*Niedemeyer, E. 和 FL Da Silva。2005.脑电图：基本原理、临床应用和相关领域，第 5 版。费城：Lippincott、Williams & Wilkins。
*Niedermeyer, E., and F. L. Da Silva. 2005. Electroencephalography: Basic Principles, Clinical Applications, and Related Fields, 5th ed. Philadephia: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins.
脑电图简介（高级，技术性，不适合胆小的人）。
An introduction to EEG (advanced, technical, not for the faint of heart).
*潘克塞普，J.，编辑。2002.生物精神病学教科书。新泽西州霍博肯：威利。
*Panksepp, J., ed. 2002. Textbook of Biological Psychiatry. Hoboken, N.J.: Wiley.
关于 SSRIs、血清素、多巴胺和神经化学。
On SSRIs, seratonin, dopamine, and neurochemistry.
*帕特尔，公元 2003 年。语言、音乐、语法和大脑。自然神经科学6 (7):674–681。
*Patel, A. D. 2003. Language, music, syntax and the brain. Nature Neuroscience 6 (7):674–681.
音乐结构的神经解剖学；本文介绍了 SSIRH。
The neuroanatomy of musical structure; this paper introduces the SSIRH.
*Penhune、VB、RJ Zatorre、JD MacDonald 和 AC Evans。1996.人类初级听觉皮层的半球间解剖差异：磁共振扫描的概率图和体积测量。大脑皮层六：661–672。
*Penhune, V. B., R. J. Zatorre, J. D. MacDonald, and A. C. Evans. 1996. Interhemispheric anatomical differences in human primary auditory cortex: Probabilistic mapping and volume measurement from magnetic resonance scans. Cerebral Cortex 6:661–672.
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*Peretz, I., R. Kolinsky, M. J. Tramo, R. Labrecque, C. Hublet, G. Demeurisse, and S. Belleville. 1994. Functional dissociations following bilateral lesions of auditory cortex. Brain 117:1283–1301.
*Perry、DW、RJ Zatorre、M. Petrides、B. Alivisatos、E. Meyer 和 AC Evans。1999.简单唱歌时大脑活动的定位。神经报告10：3979–3984。
*Perry, D. W., R. J. Zatorre, M. Petrides, B. Alivisatos, E. Meyer, and A. C. Evans. 1999. Localization of cerebral activity during simple singing. NeuroReport 10:3979–3984.
音乐处理的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of music processing.
*Petitto，LA、RJ Zatorre、K. Gauna、EJ Nikelski、D. Dostie 和 AC Evans。2000. 重度聋哑人处理类似言语的大脑活动签署语言：对人类语言神经基础的影响。美国国家科学院院刊97 (25):13961–13966。
*Petitto, L. A., R. J. Zatorre, K. Gauna, E. J. Nikelski, D. Dostie, and A. C. Evans. 2000. Speech-like cerebral activity in profoundly deaf people processing signed languages: Implications for the neural basis of human language. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 97 (25):13961–13966.
手语的神经解剖学。
The neuroanatomy of sign language.
Posner，MI 1973。认知：简介。由 JLE Bourne 和 L. Berkowitz 编辑，第一版。基本心理学概念系列。伊利诺伊州格伦维尤：Scott, Foresman and Company。
Posner, M. I. 1973. Cognition: An Introduction. Edited by J. L. E. Bourne and L. Berkowitz, 1st ed. Basic Psychological Concepts Series. Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman and Company.
———。1986.心灵的计时探索：第三次 Paul M. Fitts 讲座，于 1976 年 9 月在密歇根大学发表。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
———. 1986. Chronometric Explorations of Mind: The Third Paul M. Fitts Lectures, Delivered at the University of Michigan, September 1976. New York: Oxford University Press.
关于心理密码。
On mental codes.
波斯纳、MI 和 ME Raichle。1994.心灵的图像。纽约：科学美国图书馆。
Posner, M. I., and M. E. Raichle. 1994. Images of Mind. New York: Scientific American Library.
面向普通读者的神经影像学介绍。
A general-reader introduction to neuroimaging.
罗森，C. 1975。阿诺德·勋伯格。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
Rosen, C. 1975. Arnold Schoenberg. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
关于作曲家、无调性和十二音音乐。
On the composer, atonal and twelve-tone music.
*Russell、GS、KJ Eriksen、P. Poolman、P. Luu 和 D. Tucker。2005. 用于定位密集阵列脑电图传感器位置的测地摄影测量。临床神经心理学一百一十六：1130–1140。
*Russell, G. S., K. J. Eriksen, P. Poolman, P. Luu, and D. Tucker. 2005. Geodesic photogrammetry for localizing sensor positions in dense-array EEG. Clinical Neuropsychology 116:1130–1140.
脑电图定位中的逆泊松问题。
The inverse Poisson problem in EEG localization.
Samson, S. 和 RJ Zatorre。1991.单侧颞叶损伤后歌曲文本和旋律的识别记忆：双重编码的证据。实验心理学杂志：学习、记忆和认知17 (4):793–804。
Samson, S., and R. J. Zatorre. 1991. Recognition memory for text and melody of songs after unilateral temporal lobe lesion: Evidence for dual encoding. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 17 (4):793–804.
———。1994.右颞叶对音乐音色辨别的贡献。神经心理学三十二：231-240。
———. 1994. Contribution of the right temporal lobe to musical timbre discrimination. Neuropsychologia 32:231–240.
音乐和言语感知的神经解剖学。
Neuroanatomy of music and speech perception.
RC 尚克和 RP 阿贝尔森。1977。脚本、计划、目标和理解。新泽西州希尔斯代尔：Lawrence Erlbaum Associates。
Schank, R. C., and R. P. Abelson. 1977. Scripts, plans, goals, and understanding. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
关于模式的开创性工作。
Seminal work on schemas.
*Shepard，RN 1964。相对音高判断中的循环性。美国声学学会杂志36 (12):2346–2353。
*Shepard, R. N. 1964. Circularity in judgments of relative pitch. Journal of The Acoustical Society of America 36 (12):2346–2353.
*———。1982.音高结构的几何近似。心理学评论89 (4):305–333。
*———. 1982. Geometrical approximations to the structure of musical pitch. Psychological Review 89 (4):305–333.
*———。1982.音高的结构表示。音乐心理学，D. Deutsch 编辑。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
*———. 1982. Structural representations of musical pitch. In Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. San Diego: Academic Press.
音高的维数。
The dimensionality of pitch.
Squire、LR、FE Bloom、SK McConnell、JL Roberts、NC Spitzer 和 MJ Zigmond 编辑。2003。基础神经科学，第二版。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
Squire, L. R., F. E. Bloom, S. K. McConnell, J. L. Roberts, N. C. Spitzer, and M. J. Zigmond, eds. 2003. Fundamental Neuroscience, 2nd ed. San Diego: Academic Press.
基础神经科学文本。
Basic neuroscience text.
*Temple, E.、RA Poldrack、A. Protopapas、SS Nagarajan、T. Salz、P. Tallal、MM Merzenich 和 JDE Gabrieli。2000. 阅读障碍患者对快速声刺激的神经反应的破坏：来自功能性 MRI 的证据。美国国家科学院院刊97 (25):13907–13912。
*Temple, E., R. A. Poldrack, A. Protopapas, S. S. Nagarajan, T. Salz, P. Tallal, M. M. Merzenich, and J. D. E. Gabrieli. 2000. Disruption of the neural response to rapid acoustic stimuli in dyslexia: Evidence from functional MRI. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 97 (25):13907–13912.
言语的功能神经解剖学。
Functional neuroanatomy of speech.
*Tramo、MJ、JJ Bharucha 和 FE Musiek。1990.双侧听觉皮层损伤后的音乐感知和认知。认知神经科学杂志二：195-212。
*Tramo, M. J., J. J. Bharucha, and F. E. Musiek. 1990. Music perception and cognition following bilateral lesions of auditory cortex. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 2:195–212.
*Zatorre, RJ 1985。单侧大脑切除后音调旋律的辨别和识别。神经心理学23 (1):31–41。
*Zatorre, R. J. 1985. Discrimination and recognition of tonal melodies after uni-lateral cerebral excisions. Neuropsychologia 23 (1):31–41.
*———。1998.人类听觉皮层音乐处理的功能专业化。大脑121（第 10 部分）：1817–1818。
*———. 1998. Functional specialization of human auditory cortex for musical processing. Brain 121 (Part 10):1817–1818.
*Zatorre、RJ、P. Belin 和 VB Penhune。2002.听觉皮层的结构和功能：音乐和言语。认知科学趋势6 (1):37–46。
*Zatorre, R. J., P. Belin, and V. B. Penhune. 2002. Structure and function of auditory cortex: Music and speech. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 6 (1):37–46.
*Zatorre、RJ、AC Evans、E. Meyer 和 A. Gjedde。1992.语音处理中语音和音调辨别的侧化。科学256 (5058):846–849。
*Zatorre, R. J., A. C. Evans, E. Meyer, and A. Gjedde. 1992. Lateralization of phonetic and pitch discrimination in speech processing. Science 256 (5058):846–849.
*Zatorre、RJ 和 S. Samson。1991.右颞新皮质在听觉短期记忆中音高保留中的作用。大脑（114）：2403–2417。
*Zatorre, R. J., and S. Samson. 1991. Role of the right temporal neocortex in retention of pitch in auditory short-term memory. Brain (114):2403–2417.
研究言语和音乐的神经解剖学以及病变的影响。
Studies of the neuroanatomy of speech and music, and of the effect of lesions.
第5章
Chapter 5
比约克 (EL) 和 RA 比约克 (RA Bjork) 编辑。1996.记忆，知觉和认知手册，第二版。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
Bjork, E. L., and R. A. Bjork, eds. 1996. Memory, Handbook of Perception and Cognition, 2nd ed. San Diego: Academic Press.
为研究人员提供的有关记忆的一般文本。
General text on memory for the researcher.
库克，公关编辑。1999.音乐、认知和计算机化声音：心理声学导论。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Cook, P. R., ed. 1999. Music, Cognition, and Computerized Sound: An Introduction to Psychoacoustics. Cambridge: MIT Press.
本书包含我作为本科生参加的我提到的课程的讲座，由皮尔斯、乔宁、马修斯、谢泼德等人教授。
This book consists of the lectures that I attended as an undergraduate in the course I mention, taught by Pierce, Chowning, Mathews, Shepard, and others.
*Dannenberg、RB、B. Thom 和 D. Watson。1997.音乐风格识别的机器学习方法。九月份在国际计算机音乐会议上宣读的论文。希腊塞索洛尼基。
*Dannenberg, R. B., B. Thom, and D. Watson. 1997. A machine learning approach to musical style recognition. Paper read at International Computer Music Conference, September. Thessoloniki, Greece.
关于音乐指纹识别的来源文章。
A source article about music fingerprinting.
道林、WJ 和 DL 哈伍德。1986.音乐认知。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
Dowling, W. J., and D. L. Harwood. 1986. Music Cognition. San Diego: Academic Press.
尽管有变换，但仍能识别旋律。
On the recognition of melodies in spite of transformations.
加扎尼加、MS、RB Ivry 和 GR Mangun。1998.认知神经科学：心灵生物学。纽约：WW诺顿。
Gazzaniga, M. S., R. B. Ivry, and G. R. Mangun. 1998. Cognitive Neuroscience: The Biology of the Mind. New York: W. W. Norton.
包含加扎尼加裂脑研究的摘要。
Contains a summary of Gazzaniga’s split-brain studies.
*Goldinger, SD 1996。单词和声音：口语单词识别和识别记忆中的情景痕迹。实验心理学杂志：学习、记忆和认知22（5）：1166-1183。
*Goldinger, S. D. 1996. Words and voices: Episodic traces in spoken word identification and recognition memory. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 22 (5):1166–1183.
*———。1998.回声的回声？词汇访问的情景理论。心理学评论105 (2):251–279。
*———. 1998. Echoes of echoes? An episodic theory of lexical access. Psychological Review 105 (2):251–279.
有关多迹记忆理论的来源文章。
Source articles on multiple-trace memory theory.
Guenther，RK 2002。记忆。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Guenther, R. K. 2002. Memory. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
记录保存与建构主义记忆理论的概述。
An overview of the record-keeping vs. constructivist theories of memory.
*Haitsma, J. 和 T. Kalker。2003. 具有高效搜索策略的高度稳健的音频指纹识别系统。新音乐研究杂志32（2）：211-221。
*Haitsma, J., and T. Kalker. 2003. A highly robust audio fingerprinting system with an efficient search strategy. Journal of New Music Research 32 (2):211–221.
另一篇关于音频指纹识别的来源文章。
Another source article on audio fingerprinting.
*Halpern，AR 1988。歌曲听觉意象的心理扫描。实验心理学杂志：学习、记忆和认知143：434-443。
*Halpern, A. R. 1988. Mental scanning in auditory imagery for songs. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition 143:434–443.
本章讨论的来源是关于在我们的头脑中扫描音乐的能力。
Source for the discussion in this chapter about the ability to scan music in our heads.
*———。1989 年。对熟悉歌曲的绝对音高的记忆。记忆与认知17 (5):572–581。
*———. 1989. Memory for the absolute pitch of familiar songs. Memory and Cognition 17 (5):572–581.
这篇文章是我 1994 年研究的灵感来源。
This article was the inspiration for my 1994 study.
*Heider, ER 1972。颜色命名和记忆中的通用性。实验心理学杂志93 (1):10–20。
*Heider, E. R. 1972. Universals in color naming and memory. Journal of Experimental Psychology 93 (1):10–20.
以埃莉诺·罗什 (Eleanor Rosch) 的婚后名字命名，这是一部关于分类的基础性著作。
Under Eleanor Rosch’s married name, a foundational work on categorization.
*Hintzman，DH 1986。多跟踪内存模型中的“模式抽象”。心理学评论93（4）：411-428。
*Hintzman, D. H. 1986. “Schema abstraction” in a multiple-trace memory model. Psychological Review 93 (4):411–428.
Hintzman 的 MINERVA 模型是在多踪迹内存模型的背景下讨论的。
Hintzman’s MINERVA model is discussed in the context of multiple-trace memory models.
*Hintzman、DL、RA Block 和 NR Inskeep。1972.输入模式记忆。言语学习和言语行为杂志十一：741–749。
*Hintzman, D. L., R. A. Block, and N. R. Inskeep. 1972. Memory for mode of input. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior 11:741–749.
我讨论的字体研究的来源。
Source for the study of fonts that I discuss.
*Ishai, A.、LG Ungerleider 和 JV Haxby。2000. 用于生成视觉图像的分布式神经系统。神经元28：979–990。
*Ishai, A., L. G. Ungerleider, and J. V. Haxby. 2000. Distributed neural systems for the generation of visual images. Neuron 28:979–990.
大脑分类分离工作的来源。
Source for the work on categorical separation in the brain.
*Janata, P. 1997。听觉环境的电生理学研究。国际论文摘要：B 部分：科学与工程，俄勒冈大学。
*Janata, P. 1997. Electrophysiological studies of auditory contexts. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, University of Oregon.
其中包含想象一首音乐的报告，其脑电图特征与实际听到一首音乐几乎相同。
This contains the report of imagining a piece of music bearing a nearly identical EEG signature to actually hearing a piece of music.
*Levitin，DJ 1994。音高的绝对记忆：来自学习旋律产生的证据。感知与心理物理学56 (4):414–423。
*Levitin, D. J. 1994. Absolute memory for musical pitch: Evidence from the production of learned melodies. Perception and Psychophysics 56 (4):414–423.
这是一篇来源文章，报告了我对人们在正确的调或附近唱他们最喜欢的摇滚和流行歌曲的研究。
This is the source article reporting my study of people singing their favorite rock and pop songs at or near the correct key.
*———。1999.绝对音高：自我参照和人类记忆。国际计算预期系统杂志。
*———. 1999. Absolute pitch: Self-reference and human memory. International Journal of Computing Anticipatory Systems.
绝对音高研究概述。
An overview of absolute-pitch research.
*———。1999.音乐属性的记忆。摘自《音乐、认知和计算机化声音：心理声学导论》，由 PR Cook 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*———. 1999. Memory for musical attributes. In Music, Cognition and Computerized Sound: An Introduction to Psychoacoustics, edited by P. R. Cook. Cambridge: MIT Press.
描述我对音叉和音高记忆的研究。
Description of my study with tuning forks and memory for pitch.
———。2001. 保罗·西蒙：格莱美采访。格莱美，9 月，42-46。
———. 2001. Paul Simon: The Grammy interview. Grammy, September, 42–46.
Paul Simon 关于聆听音色的评论的来源。
Source of the Paul Simon comment about listening for timbres.
*莱维汀、DJ 和公关库克。1996.音乐节奏记忆：听觉记忆是绝对的额外证据。知觉和心理物理学五十八：927–935。
*Levitin, D. J., and P. R. Cook. 1996. Memory for musical tempo: Additional evidence that auditory memory is absolute. Perception and Psychophysics 58:927–935.
我对歌曲节奏记忆的研究来源。
Source of my study on memory for the tempo of a song.
*Levitin、DJ 和 SE Rogers。2005. 音调感知：编码、类别和争议。认知科学趋势9 (1):26–33。
*Levitin, D. J., and S. E. Rogers. 2005. Pitch perception: Coding, categories, and controversies. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 9 (1):26–33.
绝对螺距研究回顾。
Review of absolute-pitch research.
*Levitin、DJ 和 RJ Zatorre。2003 年。关于早期训练和绝对音高的本质：对 Brown、Sachs、Cammuso 和 Foldstein 的答复。音乐感知21 (1):105–110。
*Levitin, D. J., and R. J. Zatorre. 2003. On the nature of early training and absolute pitch: A reply to Brown, Sachs, Cammuso and Foldstein. Music Perception 21 (1):105–110.
关于绝对音高研究问题的技术说明。
A technical note about problems with absolute-pitch research.
洛夫特斯，E.1979/1996。目击者证词。剑桥：哈佛大学出版社。
Loftus, E. 1979/1996. Eyewitness Testimony. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
记忆扭曲实验的来源。
Source of the experiments on memory distortions.
卢里亚，AR 1968。助记符的思想。纽约：基础书籍。
Luria, A. R. 1968. The Mind of a Mnemonist. New York: Basic Books.
关于记忆亢进患者的故事来源。
Source of the story about the patient with hypermnesia.
麦克莱兰、JL、DE Rumelhart 和 GE Hinton。2002.并行分布式处理的吸引力。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
McClelland, J. L., D. E. Rumelhart, and G. E. Hinton. 2002. The appeal of parallel distributed processing. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于并行分布式处理 (PDP) 模型（也称为“神经网络”）的开创性文章，即大脑活动的计算机模拟。
Seminal article on parallel distributed processing (PDP) models, otherwise known as “neural networks,” computer simulations of brain activity.
*McNab、RJ、LA Smith、IH Witten、CL Henderson 和 SJ Cunningham。1996.迈向数字音乐库：从声学输入中检索曲调。第一届 ACM 国际数字图书馆会议论文集：11-18。
*McNab, R. J., L. A. Smith, I. H. Witten, C. L. Henderson, and S. J. Cunningham. 1996. Towards the digital music library: tune retrieval from acoustic input. Proceedings of the First ACM International Conference on Digital Libraries:11–18.
音乐指纹识别概述。
Music fingerprinting overview.
*Parkin, AJ 1993。记忆：现象、实验和理论。英国牛津：布莱克威尔。
*Parkin, A. J. 1993. Memory: Phenomena, Experiment and Theory. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
记忆力教科书。
Textbook on memory.
*Peretz, I. 和 RJ Zatorre。2005.音乐处理的大脑组织。心理学年度评论五十六：89-114。
*Peretz, I., and R. J. Zatorre. 2005. Brain organization for music processing. Annual Review of Psychology 56:89–114.
音乐感知的神经解剖学基础回顾。
Review of neuroanatomical foundations of music perception.
*Pope、ST、F. Holm 和 A. Kouznetsov。2004.音乐软件的特征提取和数据库设计。在迈阿密国际计算机音乐会议上宣读的论文。
*Pope, S. T., F. Holm, and A. Kouznetsov. 2004. Feature extraction and database design for music software. Paper read at International Computer Music Conference in Miami.
关于音乐指纹识别。
On music fingerprinting.
*波斯纳、MI 和 SW Keele。1968.关于抽象观念的起源。实验心理学杂志77：353–363。
*Posner, M. I., and S. W. Keele. 1968. On the genesis of abstract ideas. Journal of Experimental Psychology 77:353–363.
*———。1970.保留抽象思想。实验心理学杂志83：304-308。
*———. 1970. Retention of abstract ideas. Journal of Experimental Psychology 83:304–308.
所描述的实验来源表明原型可能存储在内存中。
Source for the experiments described that showed prototypes might be stored in memory.
*Rosch, E. 1977。人类分类。跨文化心理学进展，N. Warren 编辑。伦敦：学术出版社。
*Rosch, E. 1977. Human categorization. In Advances in Crosscultural Psychology, edited by N. Warren. London: Academic Press.
*———。1978.分类原则。《认知与分类》，由 E. Rosch 和 BB Lloyd 编辑。新泽西州希尔斯代尔：埃尔鲍姆。
*———. 1978. Principles of categorization. In Cognition and Categorization, edited by E. Rosch and B. B. Lloyd. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
*Rosch, E. 和 CB Mervis。1975.家族相似性：类别内部结构的研究。认知心理学七：573–605。
*Rosch, E., and C. B. Mervis. 1975. Family resemblances: Studies in the internal structure of categories. Cognitive Psychology 7:573–605.
*Rosch, E.、CB Mervis、WD Gray、DM Johnson 和 P. Boyes-Braem。1976.自然范畴中的基本对象。认知心理学八：382–439。
*Rosch, E., C. B. Mervis, W. D. Gray, D. M. Johnson, and P. Boyes-Braem. 1976. Basic objects in natural categories. Cognitive Psychology 8:382–439.
有关罗什原型理论的来源文章。
Source articles on Rosch’s prototype theory.
*谢伦伯格、EG、P. 艾弗森和 MC 麦金农。1999. 命名那首曲子：从简短的摘录中识别熟悉的录音。心理通报与评论6 (4):641–646。
*Schellenberg, E. G., P. Iverson, and M. C. McKinnon. 1999. Name that tune: Identifying familiar recordings from brief excerpts. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 6 (4):641–646.
该研究的来源描述了人们根据音色提示命名歌曲。
Source for the study described of people naming songs based on timbral cues.
史密斯，EE 和 DL Medin。1981。类别和概念。剑桥：哈佛大学出版社。
Smith, E. E., and D. L. Medin. 1981. Categories and concepts. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
史密斯，E.，和 DL Medin。2002.范例观点。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Smith, E., and D. L. Medin. 2002. The exemplar view. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
范例观点，作为罗施原型理论的替代。
On the exemplar view, as an alternative to Rosch’s prototype theory.
*Squire，LR 1987。记忆与大脑。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*Squire, L. R. 1987. Memory and Brain. New York: Oxford University Press.
记忆力教科书。
Textbook on memory.
*Takeuchi、AH 和 SH Hulse。1993.绝对音高。心理学通报113（2）：345–361。
*Takeuchi, A. H., and S. H. Hulse. 1993. Absolute pitch. Psychological Bulletin 113 (2):345–361.
*Ward，WD 1999。绝对音高。载于 D. Deutsch 编辑的《音乐心理学》 。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
*Ward, W. D. 1999. Absolute Pitch. In The Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. San Diego: Academic Press.
绝对音高概述。
Overviews of absolute pitch.
*White，BW 1960。扭曲旋律的识别。美国心理学杂志73：100–107。
*White, B. W. 1960. Recognition of distorted melodies. American Journal of Psychology 73:100–107.
关于如何在变调和其他变换下识别音乐的实验来源。
Source for the experiments on how music can be recognized under transposition and other transformations.
维特根斯坦，L. 1953。哲学研究。纽约：麦克米伦。
Wittgenstein, L. 1953. Philosophical Investigations. New York: Macmillan.
维特根斯坦关于“什么是游戏？”的著作的来源 和家族相似性。
Source for Wittgenstein’s writings about “What is a game?” and family resemblance.
第6章
Chapter 6
*Desain, P. 和 H. Honing。1999。心跳感应的计算模型：基于规则的方法。新音乐研究杂志28 (1):29–42。
*Desain, P., and H. Honing. 1999. Computational models of beat induction: The rule-based approach. Journal of New Music Research 28 (1):29–42.
本文讨论了作者在我写的踩脚节目中使用的一些算法。
This paper discusses some of the algorithms the authors used in the foot-tapping show I wrote about.
*Aitkin、LM 和 J. Boyd。1978.声学输入到脑桥外侧核。听力研究1 (1):67–77。
*Aitkin, L. M., and J. Boyd. 1978. Acoustic input to lateral pontine nuclei. Hearing Research 1 (1):67–77.
听觉通路的生理学，低水平。
Physiology of the auditory pathway, low-level.
*Barnes, R. 和 MR Jones。2000。期望、关注和时间。认知心理学41 (3):254–311。
*Barnes, R., and M. R. Jones. 2000. Expectancy, attention, and time. Cognitive Psychology 41 (3):254–311.
Mari Reiss Jones 关于音乐时间和节奏的研究的一个例子。
An example of Mari Reiss Jones’s work on time and timing in music.
Crick, F. 1988。疯狂的追求：科学发现的个人观点。纽约：基础书籍。
Crick, F. 1988. What Mad Pursuit: A Personal View of Scientific Discovery. New York: Basic Books.
关于克里克早年科学家生涯的引述来源。
Source for the quote about Crick’s early years as a scientist.
克里克，FHC 1995。惊人的假设：对灵魂的科学探索。纽约：试金石/西蒙和舒斯特。
Crick, F. H. C. 1995. The Astonishing Hypothesis: The Scientific Search for the Soul. New York: Touchstone/Simon & Schuster.
克里克关于还原论的讨论的来源。
Source for Crick’s discussion of reductionism.
*Friston, KJ 1994。神经影像学中的功能和有效连接：综合。人脑图谱2：56–68。
*Friston, K. J. 1994. Functional and effective connectivity in neuroimaging: a synthesis. Human Brain Mapping 2:56–68.
关于功能连接的文章帮助梅农创建了我们关于音乐情感和伏隔核的论文所需的分析。
The article on functional connectivity that helped Menon to create the analyses we needed for our paper on musical emotion and the nucleus accumbens.
*Gallistel, CR 1989。学习的组织。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Gallistel, C. R. 1989. The Organization of Learning. Cambridge: MIT Press.
兰迪·加利斯特尔 (Randy Gallistel) 的作品示例。
An example of Randy Gallistel’s work.
*Goldstein, A. 1980。对音乐和其他刺激的反应感到兴奋。生理心理学8 (1):126–129。
*Goldstein, A. 1980. Thrills in response to music and other stimuli. Physiological Psychology 8 (1):126–129.
研究表明纳洛酮可以阻断音乐情感。
The study that showed that naloxone can block musical emotion.
*Grabow、JD、MJ Ebersold 和 JW Albers。1975.幼鼠小脑和下丘听觉诱发电位的总和。梅奥诊所会议记录50 (2):57–68。
*Grabow, J. D., M. J. Ebersold, and J. W. Albers. 1975. Summated auditory evoked potentials in cerebellum and inferior colliculus in young rat. Mayo Clinic Proceedings 50 (2):57–68.
小脑的生理学和连接。
Physiology and connections of the cerebellum.
*Holinger、DP、U. Bellugi、DL Mills、JR Korenberg、AL Reiss、GF Sherman 和 AM Galaburda。在新闻。威廉姆斯综合征中初级听觉皮层的相对保留。大脑研究。
*Holinger, D. P., U. Bellugi, D. L. Mills, J. R. Korenberg, A. L. Reiss, G. F. Sherman, and A. M. Galaburda. In press. Relative sparing of primary auditory cortex in Williams syndrome. Brain Research.
乌苏拉告诉克里克的那篇文章。
The article that Ursula told Crick about.
*Hopfield, JJ 1982。具有新兴集体计算能力的神经网络和物理系统。美国国家科学院院刊79 (8):2554–2558。
*Hopfield, J. J. 1982. Neural networks and physical systems with emergent collective computational abilities. Proceedings of National Academy of Sciences 79 (8):2554–2558.
Hopfield 网络的第一个陈述，一种神经网络模型。
The first statement of Hopfield nets, a form of neural network model.
*Huang, C. 和 G. Liu。1990.猫小脑蚓部后部听觉区的组织。实验脑研究81 (2):377–383。
*Huang, C., and G. Liu. 1990. Organization of the auditory area in the posterior cerebellar vermis of the cat. Experimental Brain Research 81 (2):377–383.
*黄，C.-M.，G. Liu，和 R. Huang。1982.从耳蜗核到小脑的投影。脑研究244：1-8。
*Huang, C.-M., G. Liu, and R. Huang. 1982. Projections from the cochlear nucleus to the cerebellum. Brain Research 244:1–8.
*艾夫里、RB 和 RE Hazeltine。1995.跨持续时间范围的时间间隔的感知和产生：共同计时机制的证据。实验心理学杂志：人类感知和表现21（1）：3-18。
*Ivry, R. B., and R. E. Hazeltine. 1995. Perception and production of temporal intervals across a range of durations: Evidence for a common timing mechanism. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance 21 (1):3–18.
关于小脑和下听觉区域的生理学、解剖学和连接性的论文。
Papers on the physiology, anatomy, and connectivity of the cerebellum and lower auditory areas.
*Jastreboff, PJ 1981。小脑与声反射的相互作用。实验神经生物学学报41 (3):279–298。
*Jastreboff, P. J. 1981. Cerebellar interaction with the acoustic reflex. Acta Neurobiologiae Experimentalis 41 (3):279–298.
有关声音“惊吓”反射的信息来源。
Source for information on the acoustic “startle” reflex.
*Jones, MR 1987。音乐中的动态模式结构：最新理论和研究。知觉与心理物理学四十一：621–634。
*Jones, M. R. 1987. Dynamic pattern structure in music: recent theory and research. Perception & Psychophysics 41:621–634.
*琼斯、MR 和 M. Boltz。1989.动态参与和对时间的反应。心理学评论九十六：459–491。
*Jones, M. R., and M. Boltz. 1989. Dynamic attending and responses to time. Psychological Review 96:459–491.
琼斯在计时和音乐方面的工作示例。
Examples of Jones’s work on timing and music.
*Keele、SW 和 R. Ivry。1990.小脑是否为不同的任务提供通用的计算——时间假设。纽约科学院年鉴608：179-211。
*Keele, S. W., and R. Ivry. 1990. Does the cerebellum provide a common computation for diverse tasks—A timing hypothesis. Annals of The New York Academy of Sciences 608:179–211.
艾夫里在时间和小脑方面的研究的例子。
Example of Ivry’s work on timing and the cerebellum.
*Large、EW 和 MR Jones。1995. 小说旋律识别的时间过程。知觉与心理物理学57 (2):136–149。
*Large, E. W., and M. R. Jones. 1995. The time course of recognition of novel melodies. Perception and Psychophysics 57 (2):136–149.
*———。1999. 参加的动态：人们如何跟踪随时间变化的事件。心理评论106（1）：119–159。
*———. 1999. The dynamics of attending: How people track time-varying events. Psychological Review 106 (1):119–159.
琼斯在计时和音乐方面的工作的更多例子。
More examples of Jones’s work on timing and music.
*Lee, L. 2003。功能连接研讨会报告，杜塞尔多夫 2002。NeuroImage 19 :457–465。
*Lee, L. 2003. A report of the functional connectivity workshop, Düsseldorf 2002. NeuroImage 19:457–465.
梅农阅读的一篇论文用于创建我们伏隔核研究所需的分析。
One of the papers Menon read to create the analyses we needed for our nucleus accumbens study.
*Levitin、DJ 和 U. Bellugi。1998.威廉姆斯综合症患者的音乐能力。音乐感知15 (4):357–389。
*Levitin, D. J., and U. Bellugi. 1998. Musical abilities in individuals with Williams syndrome. Music Perception 15 (4):357–389.
*Levitin、DJ、K. Cole、M. Chiles、Z. Lai、A. Lincoln 和 U. Bellugi。2004.描述威廉姆斯综合症患者的音乐表型。儿童神经心理学10 (4):223–247。
*Levitin, D. J., K. Cole, M. Chiles, Z. Lai, A. Lincoln, and U. Bellugi. 2004. Characterizing the musical phenotype in individuals with Williams syndrome. Child Neuropsychology 10 (4):223–247.
有关威廉姆斯综合症的信息以及关于其音乐能力的两项研究。
Information on Williams syndrome and two studies of their musical abilities.
*Levitin、DJ 和 V. Menon。2003 年。音乐结构在大脑的“语言”区域进行处理：布罗德曼 47 区在时间连贯性中的可能作用。神经影像20 (4):2142–2152。
*Levitin, D. J., and V. Menon. 2003. Musical structure is processed in “language” areas of the brain: A possible role for Brodmann Area 47 in temporal coherence. NeuroImage 20 (4):2142–2152.
*———。2005.音乐中时间结构和期望的神经轨迹：来自 3 特斯拉功能神经成像的证据。音乐感知22 (3):563–575。
*———. 2005. The neural locus of temporal structure and expectancies in music: Evidence from functional neuroimaging at 3 Tesla. Music Perception 22 (3):563–575.
*Levitin、DJ、V. Menon、JE Schmitt、S. Eliez、CD White、GH Glover、J. Kadis、JR Korenberg、U. Bellugi 和 AL Reiss。2003.威廉姆斯综合征听觉感知的神经相关性：一项功能磁共振成像研究。神经影像18 (1):74–82。
*Levitin, D. J., V. Menon, J. E. Schmitt, S. Eliez, C. D. White, G. H. Glover, J. Kadis, J. R. Korenberg, U. Bellugi, and A. L. Reiss. 2003. Neural correlates of auditory perception in Williams syndrome: An fMRI study. NeuroImage 18 (1):74–82.
研究表明听音乐会激活小脑。
Studies that showed cerebellar activations to music listening.
*Loeser、JD、RJ Lemire 和 EC Alvord。1972.人类小脑蚓部叶的发育。解剖记录173 (1):109–113。
*Loeser, J. D., R. J. Lemire, and E. C. Alvord. 1972. Development of folia in human cerebellar vermis. Anatomical Record 173 (1):109–113.
小脑生理学背景。
Background on cerebellar physiology.
*Menon, V. 和 DJ Levitin。2005.听音乐的回报：中脑边缘系统的反应和生理连接。神经影像28 (1):175–184。
*Menon, V., and D. J. Levitin. 2005. The rewards of music listening: Response and physiological connectivity of the mesolimbic system. NeuroImage 28 (1):175–184.
在这篇论文中，我们展示了伏隔核和大脑奖励系统在音乐聆听中的参与。
The paper in which we showed the involvement of the nucleus accumbens and the brain’s reward system in music listening.
*Merzenich、MM、WM Jenkins、P. Johnston、C. Schreiner、SL Miller 和 P. Tallal。1996. 语言学习障碍儿童的时间处理缺陷通过训练得到改善。科学271：77-81。
*Merzenich, M. M., W. M. Jenkins, P. Johnston, C. Schreiner, S. L. Miller, and P. Tallal. 1996. Temporal processing deficits of language-learning impaired children ameliorated by training. Science 271:77–81.
论文表明，阅读障碍可能是由儿童听觉系统的时间缺陷引起的。
Paper showing that dyslexia may be caused by a timing deficit in children’s auditory systems.
*米德尔顿，FA 和 PL Strick。1994.小脑和基底神经节参与高级认知功能的解剖学证据。科学266 (5184):458–461。
*Middleton, F. A., and P. L. Strick. 1994. Anatomical evidence for cerebellar and basal ganglia involvement in higher cognitive function. Science 266 (5184):458–461.
*Penhune、VB、RJ Zatorre 和 AC Evans。1998.小脑对运动计时的贡献：听觉和视觉节律再现的 PET 研究。认知神经科学杂志10 (6):752–765。
*Penhune, V. B., R. J. Zatorre, and A. C. Evans. 1998. Cerebellar contributions to motor timing: A PET study of auditory and visual rhythm reproduction. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 10 (6):752–765.
*Schmahmann，JD 1991。一个新兴概念——小脑对高级功能的贡献。神经病学档案48 (11):1178–1187。
*Schmahmann, J. D. 1991. An emerging concept—the cerebellar contribution to higher function. Archives of Neurology 48 (11):1178–1187.
*施马曼，杰里米 D.，编辑。1997 年。《小脑与认知》，《国际神经生物学评论》，第 41 卷。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
*Schmahmann, Jeremy D., ed. 1997. The Cerebellum and Cognition, International Review of Neurobiology, v. 41. San Diego: Academic Press.
*Schmahmann、SD 和 JC Sherman。1988.小脑认知情感综合征。大脑与认知一百二十一：561-579。
*Schmahmann, S. D., and J. C. Sherman. 1988. The cerebellar cognitive affective syndrome. Brain and Cognition 121:561–579.
有关小脑、功能和解剖结构的背景信息。
Background information on the cerebellum, function, and anatomy.
*Tallal, P.、SL Miller、G. Bedi、G. Byma、X. Wang、SS Nagarajan、C. Schreiner、WM Jenkins 和 MM Merzenich。1996. 语言学习障碍儿童的语言理解能力通过声学修改语音得到改善。科学271：81-84。
*Tallal, P., S. L. Miller, G. Bedi, G. Byma, X. Wang, S. S. Nagarajan, C. Schreiner, W. M. Jenkins, and M. M. Merzenich. 1996. Language comprehension in language-learning impaired children improved with acoustically modified speech. Science 271:81–84.
论文表明，阅读障碍可能是由儿童听觉系统的时间缺陷引起的。
Paper showing that dyslexia may be caused by a timing deficit in children’s auditory systems.
*Ullman, S. 1996。高级视觉：对象识别和视觉认知。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Ullman, S. 1996. High-level Vision: Object Recognition and Visual Cognition. Cambridge: MIT Press.
关于视觉系统的体系结构。
On the architecture of the visual system.
*Weinberger, NM 1999。音乐和听觉系统。载于 D. Deutsch 编辑的《音乐心理学》 。圣地亚哥：学术出版社。
*Weinberger, N. M. 1999. Music and the auditory system. In The Psychology of Music, edited by D. Deutsch. San Diego: Academic Press.
关于音乐/听觉系统的生理学和连接性。
On the physiology and connectivity of the music/auditory system.
第7章
Chapter 7
*Abbie, AA 1934。前脑在脑桥和小脑上的投射。伦敦皇家学会会议记录（生物科学） 115：504-522。
*Abbie, A. A. 1934. The projection of the forebrain on the pons and cerebellum. Proceedings of the Royal Society of London (Biological Sciences) 115:504–522.
关于小脑参与艺术的引述来源。
Source of the quote about the cerebellum being involved in art.
*Chi、Michelene TH、Robert Glaser 和 Marshall J. Farr 编辑。1988.专业知识的本质。新泽西州希尔斯代尔：Lawrence Erlbaum Associates。
*Chi, Michelene T. H., Robert Glaser, and Marshall J. Farr, eds. 1988. The Nature of Expertise. Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
对专业知识的心理学研究，包括国际象棋棋手。
Psychological studies of expertise, including chess players.
*Elbert, T.、C. Pantev、C. Wienbruch、B. Rockstroh 和 E. Taub。1995. 增加了弦乐演奏者左手手指的皮质表征。科学270 (5234):305–307。
*Elbert, T., C. Pantev, C. Wienbruch, B. Rockstroh, and E. Taub. 1995. Increased cortical representation of the fingers of the left hand in string players. Science 270 (5234):305–307.
与拉小提琴相关的皮质变化的来源。
Source for the cortical changes associated with playing violin.
*Ericsson, KA 和 J. Smith 编辑。1991.走向专业知识的一般理论：前景和局限性。纽约：剑桥大学出版社。
*Ericsson, K. A., and J. Smith, eds. 1991. Toward a General Theory of Expertise: Prospects and Limits. New York: Cambridge University Press.
对专业知识的心理学研究，包括国际象棋棋手。
Psychological studies of expertise, including chess players.
*Gobet, F.、PCR Lane、S. Croker、PCH Cheng、G. Jones、I. Oliver、JM Pine。2001.人类学习中的组块机制。认知科学趋势五：236–243。
*Gobet, F., P. C. R. Lane, S. Croker, P. C. H. Cheng, G. Jones, I. Oliver, J. M. Pine. 2001. Chunking mechanisms in human learning. Trends in Cognitive Sciences 5:236–243.
关于内存分块。
On chunking for memory.
*Hayes, JR 1985。通用技能教学中的三个问题。《思维和学习技能：研究和开放性问题》，由 SF Chipman、JW Segal 和 R. Glaser 编辑。新泽西州希尔斯代尔：埃尔鲍姆。
*Hayes, J. R. 1985. Three problems in teaching general skills. In Thinking and Learning Skills: Research and Open Questions, edited by S. F. Chipman, J. W. Segal, and R. Glaser. Hillsdale, N.J.: Erlbaum.
该研究的来源认为莫扎特的早期作品并未受到高度重视，并反驳了莫扎特不需要像其他人一样需要一万个小时才能成为专家的说法。
Source for the study that argued that Mozart’s early works were not highly regarded, and refutation of the claim that Mozart didn’t need ten thousand hours like everyone else to become an expert.
豪、MJA、JW 戴维森和 JA 斯洛博达。1998. 天赋：现实还是神话？行为与脑科学21 (3):399–442。
Howe, M. J. A., J. W. Davidson, and J. A. Sloboda. 1998. Innate talents: Reality or myth? Behavioral & Brain Sciences 21 (3):399–442.
我最喜欢的文章之一，尽管我并不同意其中的所有内容；“人才是神话”观点的概述。
One of my favorite articles, although I don’t agree with everything in it; an overview of the “talent is a myth” viewpoint.
Levitin，DJ 1982 年。与加利福尼亚州伍德赛德 Neil Young 的未发表对话。
Levitin, D. J. 1982. Unpublished conversation with Neil Young, Woodside, CA.
———。1996。采访：与乔尼·米切尔的对话。格莱美，春季，26-32。
———. 1996. Interview: A Conversation with Joni Mitchell. Grammy, Spring, 26–32.
———。1996. 史蒂夫旺德：生命关键的对话。格莱美，夏季，14-25。
———. 1996. Stevie Wonder: Conversation in the Key of Life. Grammy, Summer, 14–25.
———。1998 年。这些年来仍然富有创造力：与保罗·西蒙的对话。格莱美，二月，16-19，46。
———. 1998. Still Creative After All These Years: A Conversation with Paul Simon. Grammy, February, 16–19, 46.
———。2000 年。与乔尼·米切尔的对话。载于《乔尼·米切尔同伴：四个十年的评论》，由 S. Luftig 编辑。纽约：席默图书。
———. 2000. A conversation with Joni Mitchell. In The Joni Mitchell Companion: Four Decades of Commentary, edited by S. Luftig. New York: Schirmer Books.
———。2001. 保罗·西蒙：格莱美访谈。格莱美，9 月，42-46。
———. 2001. Paul Simon: The Grammy Interview. Grammy, September, 42–46.
———。2004 年。与 Joni Mitchell 的未发表对话，12 月，加利福尼亚州洛杉矶。
———. 2004. Unpublished conversation with Joni Mitchell, December, Los Angeles, CA.
这些音乐家关于音乐专业知识的轶事和引述的来源。
Sources for the anecdotes and quotations from these musicians about musical expertise.
麦克阿瑟，P.（1999）。休斯顿爵士乐网站。http://www.jazzhouston.com/forum/messages.jsp?key=352&page=7&pKey=1&fpage=1&total=588。
MacArthur, P. (1999). JazzHouston Web site. http://www.jazzhouston.com/forum/messages.jsp?key=352&page=7&pKey=1&fpage=1&total=588.
关于鲁宾斯坦错误的引述来源。
Source of the quote about Rubinstein’s mistakes.
*Sloboda, JA 1991。音乐专业知识。KA Ericcson 和 J. Smith 编辑的《走向专业知识通论》 。纽约：剑桥大学出版社。
*Sloboda, J. A. 1991. Musical expertise. In Toward a General Theory of Expertise, edited by K. A. Ericcson and J. Smith. New York: Cambridge University Press.
音乐专业文献中的问题和发现概述。
Overview of issues and findings in musical expertise literature.
特勒根、奥克、大卫·莱肯、托马斯·布沙尔、基默利·威尔科克斯、南希·西格尔和斯蒂芬·里奇。1988. 分开抚养和一起抚养的双胞胎的性格相似性。人格与社会心理学杂志54 (6):1031–1039。
Tellegen, Auke, David Lykken, Thomas Bouchard, Kimerly Wilcox, Nancy Segal, and Stephen Rich. 1988. Personality similarity in twins reared apart and together. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 54 (6):1031–1039.
明尼苏达双城队的研究。
The Minnesota Twins study.
*Vines、BW、C. Krumhansl、MM Wanderley 和 D. Levitin。在新闻。音乐表演感知中的跨模式交互。认知。
*Vines, B. W., C. Krumhansl, M. M. Wanderley, and D. Levitin. In press. Cross-modal interactions in the perception of musical performance. Cognition.
关于音乐家传达情感的手势的研究来源。
Source of the study about musician gestures conveying emotion.
第8章
Chapter 8
*Berlyne, DE 1971。美学和心理生物学。纽约：阿普尔顿世纪克罗夫茨。
*Berlyne, D. E. 1971. Aesthetics and Psychobiology. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
关于音乐喜好的“倒U”假设。
On the “inverted-U” hypothesis of musical liking.
*Gaser, C. 和 G. Schlaug。2003.音乐家和非音乐家之间的灰质差异。纽约科学院年鉴999：514-517。
*Gaser, C., and G. Schlaug. 2003. Gray matter differences between musicians and nonmusicians. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 999:514–517.
音乐家和非音乐家的大脑之间的差异。
Differences between the brains of musicians and nonmusicians.
*Husain, G.、WF Thompson 和 EG Schellenberg。2002.音乐节奏和模式对唤醒、情绪和空间能力的影响。音乐感知20 (2):151–171。
*Husain, G., W. F. Thompson, and E. G. Schellenberg. 2002. Effects of musical tempo and mode on arousal, mood, and spatial abilities. Music Perception 20 (2):151–171.
“莫扎特效应”的解释。
The “Mozart Effect” explained.
*Hutchinson, S.、LH Lee、N. Gaab 和 G. Schlaug。2003.音乐家小脑卷。大脑皮层十三：943–949。
*Hutchinson, S., L. H. Lee, N. Gaab, and G. Schlaug. 2003. Cerebellar volume of musicians. Cerebral Cortex 13:943–949.
音乐家和非音乐家的大脑之间的差异。
Differences between the brains of musicians and nonmusicians.
*Lamont, AM 2001。婴儿对熟悉和不熟悉的音乐的偏好：一项社会文化研究。论文于 2001 年 8 月 9 日在安省金斯顿举行的音乐感知与认知协会宣读。
*Lamont, A. M. 2001. Infants’ preferences for familiar and unfamiliar music: A socio-cultural study. Paper read at Society for Music Perception and Cognition, August 9, 2001, at Kingston, Ont.
论婴儿产前的音乐体验。
On infants’ prenatal musical experience.
*Lee、DJ、Y. Chen 和 G. Schlaug。2003.胼胝体：音乐家和性别影响。神经报告14：205–209。
*Lee, D. J., Y. Chen, and G. Schlaug. 2003. Corpus callosum: musician and gender effects. NeuroReport 14:205–209.
音乐家和非音乐家的大脑之间的差异。
Differences between the brains of musicians and nonmusicians.
*Rauscher、FH、GL Shaw 和 KN Ky。1993 年。音乐和空间任务表现。自然365：611。
*Rauscher, F. H., G. L. Shaw, and K. N. Ky. 1993. Music and spatial task performance. Nature 365:611.
“莫扎特效应”的原始报告。
The original report of the “Mozart Effect.”
*Saffran, JR 2003。婴儿期和成年期的绝对音高：音调结构的作用。发展科学6 (1):35–47。
*Saffran, J. R. 2003. Absolute pitch in infancy and adulthood: the role of tonal structure. Developmental Science 6 (1):35–47.
关于婴儿使用绝对音高线索。
On the use of absolute pitch cues by infants.
*Schellenberg, EG 2003。接触音乐有有益的副作用吗？音乐认知神经科学，由 I. Peretz 和 RJ Zatorre 编辑。纽约：牛津大学出版社。
*Schellenberg, E. G. 2003. Does exposure to music have beneficial side effects? In The Cognitive Neuroscience of Music, edited by I. Peretz and R. J. Zatorre. New York: Oxford University Press.
*汤普森、WF、EG 谢伦伯格和 G. 侯赛因。2001.唤醒、情绪和莫扎特效应。心理科学12 (3):248–251。
*Thompson, W. F., E. G. Schellenberg, and G. Husain. 2001. Arousal, mood, and the Mozart Effect. Psychological Science 12 (3):248–251.
“莫扎特效应”的解释。
The “Mozart Effect” explained.
*培训师，LJ、L. Wu 和 CD Tsang。2004.音乐的长期记忆：婴儿记住节奏和音色。发展科学7 (3):289–296。
*Trainor, L. J., L. Wu, and C. D. Tsang. 2004. Long-term memory for music: Infants remember tempo and timbre. Developmental Science 7 (3):289–296.
关于婴儿对绝对音高提示的使用。
On the use of absolute-pitch cues by infants.
*Trehub, SE 2003。音乐性的发展起源。自然神经科学6 (7):669–673。
*Trehub, S. E. 2003. The developmental origins of musicality. Nature Neuroscience 6 (7):669–673.
*———。2003.婴儿期的音乐倾向。音乐认知神经科学，由 I. Peretz 和 RJ Zatorre 编辑。牛津：牛津大学出版社。
*———. 2003. Musical predispositions in infancy. In The Cognitive Neuroscience of Music, edited by I. Peretz and R. J. Zatorre. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
关于早期婴儿的音乐体验。
On early infant musical experience.
第9章
Chapter 9
巴罗，JD 1995。巧妙的宇宙。英国牛津：克拉伦登出版社。
Barrow, J. D. 1995. The Artful Universe. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press.
“音乐对于物种的生存没有任何作用。”
“Music has no role in survival of the species.”
Blacking, J. 1995。音乐、文化和体验。芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社。
Blacking, J. 1995. Music, Culture, and Experience. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
“音乐的具体本质、动作和声音的不可分割性，是跨文化和跨时间音乐的特征。”
“The embodied nature of music, the indivisibility of movement and sound, characterizes music across cultures and across time.”
Buss、DM、MG Haselton、TK Shackelford、AL Bleske 和 JC Wakefield。2002. 改编、扩展和拱肩。载于《认知心理学基础：核心读物》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
Buss, D. M., M. G. Haselton, T. K. Shackelford, A. L. Bleske, and J. C. Wakefield. 2002. Adaptations, exaptations, and spandrels. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology: Core Readings, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
为了简化本章的介绍，我故意避免区分两种类型的进化副产品，即拱肩和扩展适应，并且我对这两种类型的进化副产品都使用了术语“拱肩” 。因为古尔德本人在他的著作中并没有一致地使用这些术语，而且因为掩盖这种区别并没有影响要点，所以我在这里提出一个简化的解释，我认为读者不会遭受任何理解上的损失。Buss 等人根据下面引用的 Stephen Jay Gould 的著作讨论了这一区别和其他区别。
I’ve intentionally avoided making a distinction between two types of evolutionary by-products, spandrels and exaptations, in order to simplify the presentation in this chapter, and I’ve used the term spandrels for both types of evolutionary by-products. Because Gould himself did not use the terms consistently through his writings, and because the main point is not compromised by glossing over this distinction, I present a simplified explanation here, and I don’t think that readers will suffer any loss of understanding. Buss, et al., discuss this distinction and others, based on the work of Stephen Jay Gould cited below.
*Cosmides, L. 1989。社会交换的逻辑：自然选择塑造了人类的推理方式吗？认知三十一：187-276。
*Cosmides, L. 1989. The logic of social exchange: Has natural selection shaped how humans reason? Cognition 31:187–276.
*Cosmides，L. 和 J. Tooby。1989。进化心理学和文化的产生，第二部分。案例研究：社会交换的计算理论。行为学和社会生物学十：51-97。
*Cosmides, L., and J. Tooby. 1989. Evolutionary psychology and the generation of culture, Part II. Case Study: A computational theory of social exchange. Ethology and Sociobiology 10:51–97.
进化心理学对认知作为适应的观点。
Perspectives of evolutionary psychology on cognition as adaptation.
Cross, I. 2001。音乐、认知、文化和进化。纽约科学院年鉴930：28-42。
Cross, I. 2001. Music, cognition, culture, and evolution. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 930:28–42.
———。2001 年。音乐、心灵和进化。音乐心理学29（1）：95–102。
———. 2001. Music, mind and evolution. Psychology of Music 29 (1):95–102.
———。2003。音乐和生物文化进化。收录于《音乐文化研究：批判性导言》，由 M. Clayton、T. Herbert 和 R. Middleton 编辑。纽约：劳特利奇。
———. 2003. Music and biocultural evolution. In The Cultural Study of Music: A Critical Introduction, edited by M. Clayton, T. Herbert and R. Middleton. New York: Routledge.
———。2003.音乐与进化：后果和原因。比较音乐评论22 (3):79–89。
———. 2003. Music and evolution: Consequences and causes. Comparative Music Review 22 (3):79–89.
———。2004年。音乐与意义、歧义与演变。《音乐传播》，由 D. Miell、R. MacDonald 和 D. Hargraves 编辑。
———. 2004. Music and meaning, ambiguity and evolution. In Musical Communications, edited by D. Miell, R. MacDonald and D. Hargraves.
本章阐述了克罗斯论点的来源。
The sources for Cross’s arguments as articulated in this chapter.
达尔文，C. 1871/2004。人类的起源和与性别有关的选择。纽约：企鹅经典。
Darwin, C. 1871/2004. The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex. New York: Penguin Classics.
达尔文关于音乐、性选择和适应的思想的来源。“我的结论是，音符和节奏最初是由人类的男性或女性祖先为了吸引异性而获得的。因此，音乐音调与动物能够感受到的一些最强烈的激情紧密相关，因此被本能地使用......”
The source for the ideas Darwin had about music, sexual selection, and adaptation. “I conclude that musical notes and rhythm were first acquired by the male or female progenitors of mankind for the sake of charming the opposite sex. Thus musical tones became firmly associated with some of the strongest passions an animal is capable of feeling, and are consequently used instinctively ….”
*迪纳、RO 和 CL 纳恩。1999. 大脑追赶身体的速度有多快？检测进化滞后的比较方法。伦敦皇家学会会议记录 B 266 (1420):687–694。
*Deaner, R. O., and C. L. Nunn. 1999. How quickly do brains catch up with bodies? A comparative method for detecting evolutionary lag. Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B 266 (1420):687–694.
关于进化滞后。
On evolutionary lag.
Gleason, JB 2004。《语言的发展》，第 6 版。波士顿：艾林和培根。
Gleason, J. B. 2004. The Development of Language, 6th ed. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
本科文本论语言能力的发展.
Undergraduate text on the development of language ability.
*Gould, SJ 1991。扩展适应：进化心理学的重要工具。社会问题杂志四十七：43-65。
*Gould, S. J. 1991. Exaptation: A crucial tool for evolutionary psychology. Journal of Social Issues 47:43–65.
古尔德对不同种类的进化副产品的解释。
Gould’s explication of different kinds of evolutionary by-products.
Huron, D. 2001。音乐是一种进化适应吗？在音乐的生物学基础中。
Huron, D. 2001. Is music an evolutionary adaptation? In Biological Foundations of Music.
休伦对平克的回应（1997）；将自闭症与威廉姆斯综合症进行比较，以讨论音乐性和社交性之间的联系的想法首次出现在这里。
Huron’s response to Pinker (1997); the idea of comparing autism to Williams syndrome for an argument about the link between musicality and sociability first appeared here.
*Miller, GF 1999。文化展示的性选择。在《文化的演变》中，由 R. Dunbar、C. Knight 和 C. Power 编辑。爱丁堡：爱丁堡大学出版社。
*Miller, G. F. 1999. Sexual selection for cultural displays. In The Evolution of Culture, edited by R. Dunbar, C. Knight and C. Power. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
*———。2000。人类音乐通过性选择的进化。NL Wallin、B. Merker 和 S. Brown 编辑的《音乐的起源》。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*———. 2000. Evolution of human music through sexual selection. In The Origins of Music, edited by N. L. Wallin, B. Merker and S. Brown. Cambridge: MIT Press.
———。2001.审美适应性：性选择如何塑造艺术精湛作为健身指标和审美偏好作为择偶标准。心理学与艺术通报2 (1):20–25。
———. 2001. Aesthetic fitness: How sexual selection shaped artistic virtuosity as a fitness indicator and aesthetic preferences as mate choice criteria. Bulletin of Psychology and the Arts 2 (1):20–25.
*米勒、GF 和 MG 哈瑟尔顿。在新闻。与财富相比，女性在整个周期的生育能力增加了创造性智力的短期吸引力。人性。
*Miller, G. F., and M. G. Haselton. In Press. Women’s fertility across the cycle increases the short-term attractiveness of creative intelligence compared to wealth. Human Nature.
米勒关于音乐作为性健身展示的观点的来源文章。
Source articles for Miller’s view on music as sexual fitness display.
Pinker, S. 1997。心灵如何运作。纽约：WW诺顿。
Pinker, S. 1997. How the Mind Works. New York: W. W. Norton.
平克“听觉芝士蛋糕”类比的来源。
Source of Pinker’s “auditory cheesecake” analogy.
Sapolsky，RM 《为什么斑马不会得溃疡》，第三版。1998 年。纽约：亨利·霍尔特公司。
Sapolsky, R. M. Why Zebras Don’t Get Ulcers, 3rd ed. 1998. New York: Henry Holt and Company.
关于进化滞后。
On evolutionary lag.
Sperber, D. 1996。解释文化。英国牛津：布莱克威尔。
Sperber, D. 1996. Explaining Culture. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
音乐是一种进化的寄生虫。
Music as an evolutionary parasite.
*Tooby, J. 和 L. Cosmides。2002. 绘制心智和大脑进化功能组织图。《认知心理学基础》，DJ Levitin 编辑。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Tooby, J., and L. Cosmides. 2002. Toward mapping the evolved functional organization of mind and brain. In Foundations of Cognitive Psychology, edited by D. J. Levitin. Cambridge: MIT Press.
这些进化心理学家的另一部关于认知即适应的著作。
Another work by these evolutionary psychologists on cognition as adaptation.
特克，I.莫斯特骨笛。Znanstvenoraziskovalni Center Sazu 1997 [引用于 2005 年 12 月 1 日。可从http://www.uvi.si/eng/slovenia/background-information/neanderthal-fute/获取。]
Turk, I. Mousterian Bone Flute. Znanstvenoraziskovalni Center Sazu 1997 [cited December 1, 2005. Available from http://www.uvi.si/eng/slovenia/background-information/neanderthal-flute/.]
关于斯洛文尼亚骨笛发现的原始报告。
The original report on the discovery of the Slovenian bone flute.
*Wallin, NL 1991。生物音乐学：关于音乐的起源和目的的神经生理学、神经心理学和进化观点。纽约州史岱文森：彭德拉贡出版社。
*Wallin, N. L. 1991. Biomusicology: Neurophysiological, Neuropsychological, and Evolutionary Perspectives on the Origins and Purposes of Music. Stuyvesant, N.Y.: Pendragon Press.
*Wallin, NL、B. Merker 和 S. Brown 编辑。2001.音乐的起源。剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社。
*Wallin, N. L., B. Merker, and S. Brown, eds. 2001. The Origins of Music. Cambridge: MIT Press.
进一步阅读音乐的进化起源。
Further reading on the evolutionary origins of music.
致谢
Acknowledgments
我要感谢所有帮助我了解音乐和大脑的人。感谢工程师 Leslie Ann Jones、Ken Kessie、Maureen Droney、Wayne Lewis、Jeffrey Norman、Bob Misbach、Mark Needham、Paul Mandl、Ricky Sanchez、Fred Catero、Dave Frazer、Oliver di 教我如何制作唱片。 Cicco、Stacey Baird、Marc Senasac 以及制片人 Narada Michael Walden、Sandy Pearlman 和 Randy Jackson；感谢您给我机会与 Howie Klein、Seymour Stein、Michelle Zarin、David Rubinson、Brian Rohan、Susan Skaggs、Dave Wellhausen、Norm Kerner 和 Joel Jaffe 合作。我非常感谢 Stevie Wonder、Paul Simon、John Fogerty、Lindsey Buckingham、Carlos Santana、kd lang、George Martin、Geoff Emerick、Mitchell Froom、Phil Ramone、Roger Nichols、George Massenburg、Cher 的音乐灵感和花在谈话上的时间。 、琳达·朗斯塔特、彼得·阿舍、朱莉娅·福特汉姆、罗德尼·克罗威尔、罗珊·卡什、盖伊·克拉克和唐纳德·费根。苏珊·凯里 (Susan Carey)、罗杰·谢泼德 (Roger Shepard)、迈克·波斯纳 (Mike Posner)、道格·欣茨曼 (Doug Hintzman) 和海伦·内维尔 (Helen Neville) 教给我有关认知心理学和神经科学的知识。我感谢我的合作者乌苏拉·贝鲁吉 (Ursula Bellugi) 和维诺德·梅农 (Vinod Menon)，他们为我提供了作为科学家的令人兴奋且有益的第二职业，并感谢我的亲密同事史蒂夫·麦克亚当斯 (Steve McAdams)、埃文·巴拉班 (Evan Balaban)、佩里·库克 (Perry Cook)、比尔·汤普森 (Bill Thompson) 和卢·戈德堡 (Lew Goldberg)。我的学生和博士后研究员是我的骄傲和灵感的另一个来源，并帮助对本书的草稿提出了评论：Bradley Vines、Catherine Guastavino、Susan Rogers、Anjali Bhatara、Theo Koulis、Eve-Marie Quintin、Ioana Dalca、Anna蒂罗沃拉斯和安德鲁·沙夫。Jeff Mogil、Evan Balaban、Vinod Menon 和 Len Blum 对手稿的部分内容提供了宝贵的评论。不过，任何错误都是我自己造成的。我亲爱的朋友迈克尔·布鲁克和杰夫·金博尔在本书的写作过程中以多种方式帮助了我，包括他们的对话、问题、支持和音乐见解。我的部门主席基思·富兰克林 (Keith Franklin) 和舒立克音乐学院院长唐·麦克莱恩 (Don McLean) 为我提供了一个令人羡慕的富有成效和支持性的工作环境。
I would like to thank all the people who helped me to learn what I know about music and the brain. For teaching me how to make records, I am indebted to the engineers Leslie Ann Jones, Ken Kessie, Maureen Droney, Wayne Lewis, Jeffrey Norman, Bob Misbach, Mark Needham, Paul Mandl, Ricky Sanchez, Fred Catero, Dave Frazer, Oliver di Cicco, Stacey Baird, Marc Senasac, and the producers Narada Michael Walden, Sandy Pearlman, and Randy Jackson; and for giving me the chance to, Howie Klein, Seymour Stein, Michelle Zarin, David Rubinson, Brian Rohan, Susan Skaggs, Dave Wellhausen, Norm Kerner, and Joel Jaffe. For their musical inspiration and time spent in conversation I am grateful to Stevie Wonder, Paul Simon, John Fogerty, Lindsey Buckingham, Carlos Santana, kd lang, George Martin, Geoff Emerick, Mitchell Froom, Phil Ramone, Roger Nichols, George Massenburg, Cher, Linda Ronstadt, Peter Asher, Julia Fordham, Rodney Crowell, Rosanne Cash, Guy Clark, and Donald Fagen. For teaching me about cognitive psychology and neuroscience, Susan Carey, Roger Shepard, Mike Posner, Doug Hintzman, and Helen Neville. I am grateful to my collaborators, Ursula Bellugi and Vinod Menon, who have given me an exciting and rewarding second career as a scientist, and to my close colleagues Steve McAdams, Evan Balaban, Perry Cook, Bill Thompson, and Lew Goldberg. My students and postdoctoral fellows have been an additional source of pride and inspiration, and helped with their comments on drafts of this book: Bradley Vines, Catherine Guastavino, Susan Rogers, Anjali Bhatara, Theo Koulis, Eve-Marie Quintin, Ioana Dalca, Anna Tirovolas, and Andrew Schaaf. Jeff Mogil, Evan Balaban, Vinod Menon, and Len Blum provided valuable comments on portions of the manuscript. Still, any errors are my own. My dear friends Michael Brook and Jeff Kimball have helped me throughout the writing of this book in many ways, with their conversation, questions, support, and musical insights. My department chair, Keith Franklin, and the dean of the Schulich School of Music, Don McLean, have provided me with an enviably productive and supportive intellectual environment within which to work.
我还要感谢达顿的编辑杰夫·加拉斯 (Jeff Galas) 在将这些想法变成一本书的每一步中给予的指导和支持，感谢他提出的数百条建议和极好的建议，还要感谢达顿的斯蒂芬·莫罗 (Stephen Morrow) 在编辑方面做出的有益贡献手稿；没有杰夫和斯蒂芬，这本书就不会存在。谢谢你们俩。
I would also like to thank my editor at Dutton, Jeff Galas, for his guidance and support through every step of turning these ideas into a book, for his hundreds of suggestions and excellent advice, and Stephen Morrow at Dutton for his helpful contributions in editing the manuscript; without Jeff and Stephen, this book would not have existed. Thank you both.
第 3 章的副标题取自 R. Steinberg 编辑、Springer-Verlag 出版的优秀书籍。
The subtitle for Chapter 3 is taken from the excellent book edited by R. Steinberg and published by Springer-Verlag.
感谢我最喜欢的音乐作品：贝多芬的第六交响曲；迈克尔·内史密斯的《乔安妮》；切特·阿特金斯和莱尼·布劳的《甜蜜的乔治亚·布朗》；以及披头士乐队的《The End》。
And thank you to my favorite pieces of music: Beethoven’s Sixth Symphony; “Joanne” by Michael Nesmith; “Sweet Georgia Brown” by Chet Atkins and Lenny Breau; and “The End” by the Beatles.
指数
Index
此索引中的页面引用对应于创建此电子书的印刷版本，单击它们将带您到电子书中等效打印页面开始的位置。要从索引中查找特定单词或短语，请使用电子书阅读器的搜索功能。
The page references in this index correspond to the print edition from which this ebook was created, and clicking on them will take you to the the location in the ebook where the equivalent print page would begin. To find a specific word or phrase from the index, please use the search feature of your ebook reader.
注：斜体页码指的是插图或图表。
Note: Page numbers in italics refer to illustrations or charts.
A1 (primary auditory cortex), 91, 228
440、35 _
A 440, 35
AABA 表格，238
AABA form, 238
艾比·安德鲁·阿瑟，210
Abbie, Andrew Arthur, 210
绝对识别，适用于麦克风类型或录音带，3
absolute identification, for microphone types or recording tape, 3
绝对音高，149–54
absolute pitch, 149–54
和婴儿，228
and infants, 228
和旋律，32
and melody, 32
和音盲，188
and tone deafness, 188
值变化，27
value changes in, 27
abstract representations, 138, 159
美国声学学会，19
Acoustical Society of America, 19
亚当和蚂蚁，5
Adam and the Ants, 5
适应, 7–8 , 101 , 147 , 256 , 258
adaptation, 7–8, 101, 147, 256, 258
成瘾，189
addiction, 189
加法合成，47
additive synthesis, 47
青少年，231–33，253 _
广告, 9
advertising, 9
史密斯飞船，60
Aerosmith, 60
affect, 182, 191. See also emotion
非洲鼓，72
African drumming, 72
阿富什, 60
afuche, 60
“沿着瞭望塔” 51
“All Along the Watchtower,” 51
“我所有的前任都住在德克萨斯州” 52
“All My Ex’s Live in Texas,” 52
奥尔曼兄弟，113
Allman Brothers, 113
“我的全部” 238
“All of Me,” 238
阿尔茨海默病，231
Alzheimer’s disease, 231
和弦中的歧义，214–15
ambiguity, in chords, 214–15
American Sign Language (ASL), 130. See also sign language
和小脑，175
and cerebellum, 175
和情感, 87 , 167 , 189 , 231 , 260
and emotion, 87, 167, 189, 231, 260
和表现力，211
and expressivity in performance, 211
和精神障碍，260
and mental disorders, 260
对刺激的反应，91
responding to stimuli, 91
“英国的无政府状态” 52
“Anarchy in the U.K.,” 52
安德森，勒罗伊，231
Anderson, Leroy, 231
动物
animals
和分类，147
and categorization, 147
和情感，167、183、263–64 _ _
和运动，174
and movement, 174
和音乐，31、43、74、92、97、264–65 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
and music, 31, 43, 74, 92, 97, 264–65
神经解剖学，184
neuroanatomy in, 184
前扣带回，230
anterior cingulate, 230
古代音乐，5–6
antiquity of music, 5–6
焦虑，184
anxiety, 184
外观（身体），202–3
appearance (physical), 202–3
表象现实问题，作为分类的激励理论，146-47
appearance-reality problems, as motivating theories of categorization, 146–47
音乐欣赏，111
appreciation of music, 111
阿拉伯音乐，39
Arab music, 39
MT 区域（视觉皮层），185
area MT (visual cortex), 185
亚里士多德, 99 , 140 , 141 , 143 , 145 , 264
Aristotle, 99, 140, 141, 143, 145, 264
阿伦·哈罗德，31 岁
Arlen, Harold, 31
与音乐的联系，38–39
associations with music, 38–39
“随着时间的流逝，” 238
“As Time Goes By,” 238
惊人的假设（克里克），179、181、188
The Astonishing Hypothesis (Crick), 179, 181, 188
“在黑暗镇蛋糕步道上，” 58
“At a Darktown Cakewalk,” 58
attack (portion of a musical tone), 49, 53–54. See also steady-state
注意, 78 , 81–82 , 198 , 210 , 230–31
attention, 78, 81–82, 198, 210, 230–31
audience expertise, 6–7, 210, 220–21
“auditory cheesecake,” 248, 256
听觉皮层，86、88-89、91、184、191、192、195、228、270 。 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 另见A1
auditory cortex, 86, 88–89, 91, 184, 191, 192, 195, 228, 270. See also A1
听觉系统
auditory system
解剖学，102–3
anatomy, 102–3
听觉密码，121–22
auditory-codes, 121–22
和音乐的神经处理，103–4、130–31、191
and neural processing of music, 103–4, 130–31, 191
和知觉完成，101
and perceptual completion, 101
physiology of hearing, 24–25, 28–29
和声音同时出现，80–81
and simultaneous onsets of sounds, 80–81
震惊反应，185
startle response, 185
augmented fourth (tritone), 13, 33, 74, 229
Austin Lounge Lizards，149自闭症/自闭症谱系障碍 (ASD)，259–60
Austin Lounge Lizards, 149 autism/autism spectrum disorders (ASD), 259–60
前卫音乐，14
avant-garde music, 14
BA44 (Brodmann Area 44), 91, 191
BA47 (Brodmann Area 47), 91, 191
“Ba Ba Black Sheep,” 62–63, 64
宝贝们。看看 婴儿期和童年期
babies. See infancy and childhood
约翰·塞巴斯蒂安·巴赫，14、52、81、148、257 _ _ _
Bach, Johann Sebastian, 14, 52, 81, 148, 257
“回到你的怀抱” 244
“Back in Your Arms,” 244
后街男孩，224
Backstreet Boys, 224
巴林特综合症，188
Balint’s syndrome, 188
谷仓猫头鹰，43
barn owl, 43
恐龙巴尼，236
Barney the Dinosaur, 236
西蒙·拜伦·科恩，262
Baron-Cohen, Simon, 262
巴洛克音乐，35
baroque music, 35
约翰·巴罗，249
Barrow, John, 249
小节（小节线、分隔小节），64
bars (bar lines, separating musical measures), 64
基底膜，28–29
basilar membrane, 28–29
“永恒之战”，143
“The Battle of Evermore,” 143
海滩男孩，232
Beach Boys, 232
击败, 59 , 61–65 , 170 , 173–75。另见 节奏
beat, 59, 61–65, 170, 173–75. See also rhythm
“击败它” 142
“Beat It,” 142
埃德·沙利文秀，204
on The Ed Sullivan Show, 204
和百代唱片，128
and EMI, 128
粉丝, 243
fans of, 243
艺术追随者, 5
artistic followers of, 5
对作者的影响，204-5
influence on author, 204–5
音乐意义，51
musical significance of, 51
timbral qualities in albums, 2, 107, 156
使用期望，112–13，117–18
use of expectations, 112–13, 117–18
使用钥匙，73
use of keys, 73
合成器的使用，49
use of synthesizers, 49
“Be-Bop-A-Lula”，157
“Be-Bop-A-Lula,” 157
路德维希·范·贝多芬, 2 , 68 , 118–19 , 169 , 209 , 212 , 217
Beethoven, Ludwig van, 2, 68, 118–19, 169, 209, 212, 217
亚历山大·格雷厄姆·贝尔，69 岁
Bell, Alexander Graham, 69
乌苏拉·贝鲁吉，178–79、180、184、186、258–59 _ _ _ _ _
Bellugi, Ursula, 178–79, 180, 184, 186, 258–59
贝内特，马克斯，213
Bennett, Max, 213
伯克利，乔治（主教），24
Berkeley, George (Bishop), 24
伯利·米尔顿，58
Berle, Milton, 58
Bernstein, Leonard, 13, 58, 209, 263
查克·贝里，66 岁
Berry, Chuck, 66
“毕比迪·博比迪·嘘”，231
“Bibbidy Bobbidy Boo,” 231
广告牌，193
Billboard, 193
二进制代码，120
binary code, 120
绑定问题，187–88
binding problem, 187–88
鸟类和鸟鸣，264–65
birds and birdsongs, 264–65
约翰·布莱克，257
Blacking, John, 257
金光闪闪，253
bling, 253
血，安妮，189
Blood, Anne, 189
脑血流和功能磁共振成像，128–29
blood flow in brain, and fMRI, 128–29
《风中飘扬》40
“Blowin’ in the Wind,” 40
“蓝色多瑙河华尔兹” 43
“Blue Danube Waltz,” 43
“蓝月亮” 239
“Blue Moon,” 239
蓝调音乐, 38 , 39 , 112 , 113 , 210 , 274
Blues music, 38, 39, 112, 113, 210, 274
骨笛，256
bone flute, 256
bottom-up processing, 103–4, 105
肯·布斯，224
Boothe, Ken, 224
托马斯·布沙尔，200
Bouchard, Thomas, 200
弓乐器, 53
bowed instruments, 53
脑。另请参阅具体的解剖结构
brain. See also specific anatomical structures
计算系统, 11 , 84 , 109–10 , 133 , 146 , 147
computational systems in, 11, 84, 109–10, 133, 146, 147
damage to, 9, 84–85, 87, 184–85
8-9的演变
evolution of, 8–9
和心灵，83–84、92–94、96–97、179 _ _ _ _
and mind, 83–84, 92–94, 96–97, 179
音乐活动，85–86
musical activity in, 85–86
组织，124-25
organization of, 124–25
大脑的并行处理，88–89
parallel processing of brains, 88–89
创造力的“头脑风暴”阶段，5
“brainstorming” stage in creativity, 5
Bregman, Albert S., 77, 78, 101
阿尔弗雷德·布伦德尔，209
Brendel, Alfred, 209
桥梁（歌曲部分），238
bridges (song section), 238
布罗迪，阿德里安，203
Brody, Adrien, 203
“布朗-亚-奥尔”，143
“Bron-Yr-Aur,” 143
布朗，詹姆斯，258
Brown, James, 258
戴夫·布鲁贝克，69 岁
Brubeck, Dave, 69
安东·布鲁克纳，72 岁
Bruckner, Anton, 72
“Bum-Diddle-De-Um-Bum，就是这样！” 58
“Bum-Diddle-De-Um-Bum, That’s It!,” 58
爱德华·伯恩斯，151–52
Burns, Edward, 151–52
大卫·伯恩，244
Byrne, David, 244
卡巴萨, 60
cabasa, 60
节奏，欺骗性，111–12
cadence, deceptive, 111–12
呼叫和响应模式，171
call-and-response patterns, 171
吉姆·坎皮隆戈，134
Campilongo, Jim, 134
音乐的规范版本，152
canonical versions of music, 152
苏珊·凯里，95 岁
Carey, Susan, 95
关怀和技能获取，197–98
caring and skills acquisition, 197–98
卡洛斯·沃尔特/温迪，49 岁
Carlos, Walter/Wendy, 49
Carpenters (musical duo), 113, 142, 145
汽车（音乐团体），50
Cars (musical group), 50
现金，约翰尼，245
Cash, Johnny, 245
米歇尔·卡斯特伦戈，54 岁
Castellengo, Michelle, 54
分类，140–49、159–62。_ 另请参阅内存
categorization, 140–49, 159–62. See also memory
临时，161
ad hoc, 161
建构主义理论, 135 , 137 , 138 , 140 , 149 , 157 , 159
constructivist theory, 135, 137, 138, 140, 149, 157, 159
和背景，159–61
and context, 159–61
和进化，146–47
and evolution, 146–47
exemplar theory, 159, 161–62, 164
和家族相似性，142
and family resemblance, 142
和流派，239–40
and genres, 239–40
类别中的原型, 144–45 , 147–49 , 159–60 , 161–62 , 229
prototypes in categories, 144–45, 147–49, 159–60, 161–62, 229
记录保存理论, 135 , 139 , 140 , 149 , 157 , 159 , 164
record-keeping theory, 135, 139, 140, 149, 157, 159, 164
弗雷德·卡特罗，3
Catero, Fred, 3
天主教堂，13
Catholic Church, 13
“凯茜的小丑” 157
“Cathy’s Clown,” 157
名人, 211
celebrity, 211
大提琴，30
cellos, 30
斯坦福大学音乐和声学计算机研究中心 (CCRMA)，49 , 50
Center for Computer Research in Music and Acoustics (CCRMA), Stanford University, 49, 50
和自闭症，259–60
and autism, 259–60
auditory system, 184, 186, 187
effect of music on, 226–27, 263
和情感, 87 , 174–75 , 178 , 182–84 , 187 , 191 , 260
and emotion, 87, 174–75, 178, 182–84, 187, 191, 260
和表现力，210
and expressivity in performance, 210
and listening to music, 86, 91, 191–92
和记忆，61
and memory, 61
和精神障碍，259–60
and mental disorders, 259–60
和米，68
and meter, 68
和运动，187
and movement, 187
and timing, 174–75, 178, 182, 186
和威廉姆斯综合症，187，259–60
and Williams syndrome, 187, 259–60
大脑皮层，263
cerebral cortex, 263
大脑，174
cerebrum, 174
“连锁闪电” 112
“Chain Lightning,” 112
charisma of performers, 211, 220
查尔斯·雷，171
Charles, Ray, 171
便宜的把戏，5
Cheap Trick, 5
“芝士蛋糕”，作为音乐教师进化的隐喻，248–49 , 256
“cheesecake,” as metaphor for evolution of music faculty, 248–49, 256
孩子们。看看 婴儿期和童年期
children. See infancy and childhood
“中国女孩” 39
“China Girl,” 39
中国音乐，38
Chinese music, 38
和弦琴，134
Chordettes, 134
和弦
chords
和节奏，111–12
and cadence, 111–12
和弦进行, 18 , 73 , 125 , 218 , 273
chord progression, 18, 73, 125, 218, 273
以及协和与不协和，73–75
and consonance and dissonance, 73–75
和期望，125
and expectations for, 125
和和谐，273–76
and harmony, 273–76
记忆, 218
memory for, 218
214的根
root of, 214
117的架构
schemas for, 117
合唱（歌曲部分），238–39
chorus (song section), 238–39
半音阶，36
chromatic scale, 36
分块，218–20
chunking, 218–20
保罗·丘奇兰，4
Churchland, Paul, 4
扣带回，230
cingulate gyrus, 230
五度圈，75
circle of fifths, 75
埃里克·克莱普顿，51、52、211、212 _ _
Clapton, Eric, 51, 52, 211, 212
单簧管，46
clarinets, 46
埃里克·克拉克，67 岁
Clarke, Eric, 67
classical music, 17, 172, 257–58, 263
克林顿，比尔，207
Clinton, Bill, 207
耳蜗核，86
cochlear nuclei, 86
认知发展，260–61
cognitive development, 260–61
认知神经科学，95–97、123–24、187–88 。 _ 另见神经科学
cognitive neuroscience, 95–97, 123–24, 187–88. See also neuroscience
cognitive psychology, 95, 106, 120
冷泉港实验室，175–78，189
Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 175–78, 189
颜色, 22 , 24 , 25 , 115 , 144–45 , 185
color, 22, 24, 25, 115, 144–45, 185
约翰·科尔特兰，112、145、212 _
约翰·科伦坡，224
Columbo, John, 224
连合切开术，137
commisurotomy, 137
作曲家
composers
and expectations in music, 66, 111, 112
和钥匙，72
and keys, 72
和米，169–70
and meter, 169–70
使用音符长度，92
use of note length, 92
压缩，动态范围，70
compression, dynamic range, 70
大脑中的计算系统11 , 84 , 109 , 133 , 146 , 147 , 172 , 191
computational systems, in the brain, 11, 84, 109, 133, 146, 147, 172, 191
计算机, 84 , 88 , 120–21 , 134–35 , 173–74
computers, 84, 88, 120–21, 134–35, 173–74
as metaphor for brain: see brain, computer metaphor
音乐会, 71
concerts, 71
条件性转头程序，224
conditioned head-turning procedure, 224
consciousness, 71, 84, 179, 188
协和、音调、74–75、227–28、229 _
consonance, tonal, 74–75, 227–28, 229
constructive process, 105, 188
记忆建构理论, 135–40 , 149 , 157 , 159 , 164
constructivist theory of memory, 135–40, 149, 157, 159, 164
库德，瑞，213
Cooder, Ry, 213
佩里·库克，61、112、149、154、174 _ _ _ _ _
Cook, Perry, 61, 112, 149, 154, 174
亚伦·科普兰，263
Copland, Aaron, 263
斯图尔特·科普兰，161
Copeland, Stewart, 161
corpus collosum, 137, 226, 271
乡村音乐，40
country music, 40
联轴器，JJ，51
Coupling, J. J., 51
courtship, uses of music in, 252, 267
创造力，254
creativity, 254
Creedence Clearwater Revival, 2, 113, 232
弗朗西斯·克里克
Crick, Francis
作者简介，181–82
author’s introduction to, 181–82
on career in sciences, 179–80, 212
认知神经科学，187–88
on cognitive neuroscience, 187–88
DNA 发现，266
DNA discovery, 266
关于神经连接，175、188–89、192 _
on neural connections, 175, 188–89, 192
大卫·克罗斯比，213
Crosby, David, 213
切钟实验，53
cut bell experiments, 53
西拉诺·德·贝尔热拉克，202
Cyrano de Bergerac, 202
新几内亚达尼部落，144–45
Dani tribe of New Guinea, 144–45
“月之暗面” 149
“Dark Side of the Moon,” 149
达尔文理论, 8 , 247 , 249–56 , 258 , 266
Darwinian theory, 8, 247, 249–56, 258, 266
戴夫·马修斯乐队，243
Dave Matthews Band, 243
简·戴维森，194–95
Davidson, Jane, 194–95
戴维斯、迈尔斯，18–19、112、118、211 _ _ _
Davis, Miles, 18–19, 112, 118, 211
耳聋，130
deafness, 130
分贝，69–71
decibels, 69–71
陈述性知识，38
declarative knowledge, 38
定义音乐，13–14
defining music, 13–14
德佩切模式，14
Depeche Mode, 14
抑郁症，184
depression, 184
彼得·德塞恩，173–74
Desain, Peter, 173–74
勒内·笛卡尔，83 岁
Descartes, René, 83
人类的起源（达尔文），251
The Descent of Man (Darwin), 251
弗兰克·德沃尔，231
De Vol, Frank, 231
弗朗西斯·多蒙，14 岁
Dhomont, Francis, 14
音乐中的恶魔, 13
Diabolus in musica, 13
迪弗兰科，阿尼，243
DiFranco, Ani, 243
数字延迟（吉他效果），108
digital delay (guitar effect), 108
不协和音、音调、74–75、227–28、229
dissonance, tonal, 74–75, 227–28, 229
娱乐活动, 81
divertimenti, 81
迪克西兰，117
Dixieland, 117
“Do Re Mi” 30
“Do Re Mi,” 30
门（音乐团体），40
Doors (musical group), 40
多巴胺, 11 , 123 , 189 , 190 , 191 , 198
dopamine, 11, 123, 189, 190, 191, 198
背外侧前额皮质，91
dorsalateral prefrontal cortex, 91
耳蜗背核，74
dorsal cochlear nucleus, 74
背侧颞叶，164–65
dorsal temporal lobes, 164–65
低音提琴, 28
double-basses, 28
“在海边” 143
“Down by the Seaside,” 143
唐氏综合症，186
Down syndrome, 186
鼓机，172
drum machines, 172
二元论，83
dualism, 83
迪伦·鲍勃，13 岁
Dylan, Bob, 13
dynamic range compression, 69, 70
Eagles (musical group), 60, 73, 106–7
耳膜，102–3
eardrum, 102–3
耳塞, 71
earplugs, 71
耳虫（卡住歌综合症），155
ear worms (stuck song syndrome), 155
回声，17、108、157 。 _ _ _ 另请参见混响
echo, 17, 108, 157. See also reverberation
回声记忆，155
echoic memory, 155
杰拉德·爱德曼，61 岁
Edelman, Gerald, 61
education, musical, 193–94, 198, 212
EEG（脑电图），125–26，154
EEG (electroencephalograms), 125–26, 154
埃伦费尔斯，克里斯蒂安·冯，76 岁
Ehrenfels, Christian von, 76
流行音乐中的“八十年代声音”，50
“eighties sound” in popular music, 50
“小夜曲”，170
“Eine Kleine Nachtmusik,” 170
爱因斯坦，艾伯特，22 岁
Einstein, Albert, 22
托马斯·埃尔伯特，195
Elbert, Thomas, 195
electroencephalograms (EEG), 125–26, 154
艾默生·基思，49
Emerson, Keith, 49
艾默生、莱克和帕尔默，49
Emerson, Lake and Palmer, 49
情感
emotion
和杏仁核，87、91、189、231 _ _ _
and amygdala, 87, 91, 189, 231
和小脑, 85 , 87 , 91 , 174–75 , 178 , 182–84 , 187 , 191
and cerebellum, 85, 87, 91, 174–75, 178, 182–84, 187, 191
古典音乐，172
in classical music, 172
第182章
as distinguished from moods and traits, 182
音乐的影响, 189 , 191 , 240–41 , 267
effect of music on, 189, 191, 240–41, 267
演变，182–83
evolution of, 182–83
和对音乐的期望，111
and expectations in music, 111
和专业知识，208–10
and expertise, 208–10
和凹槽，192
and groove, 192
和响度，71–72
and loudness, 71–72
和韵律提取，172–73
and metrical extraction, 172–73
neural basis for, 87, 91, 108, 189
收录于《摇摆恋人之歌》，193
in Songs for Swinging Lovers, 193
和切分音，65
and syncopation, 65
和节奏，60–61
and tempo, 60–61
和音色，54
and timbre, 54
和威廉姆斯综合症（WS），187
and Williams syndrome (WS), 187
环境对发展的影响，200、203、207
environmental influences on development, 200, 203, 207
癫痫，137
epilepsy, 137
等律音阶，52
equal tempered scale, 52
安德斯·爱立信，196
Ericsson, Anders, 196
埃弗利兄弟，157
Everly Brothers, 157
“Every Breath You Take,” 54, 59
每个人都在摇滚（尼尔·杨），146
Everybody’s Rockin’ (Neil Young), 146
进化
evolution
适应, 7–8 , 101 , 146 , 184 , 256 , 258
adaptation, 7–8, 101, 146, 184, 256, 258
和分类，146–47
and categorization, 146–47
和认知发展，260–63
and cognitive development, 260–63
Darwinian theory, 8, 247, 249–56
情绪，182–85
of emotions, 182–85
语言, 247–48 , 249 , 256 , 260–61
of language, 247–48, 249, 256, 260–61
音乐偏好，248–57，260
of musical preferences, 248–57, 260
在其他物种中，264–65
in other species, 264–65
和性选择, 250–56 , 258 , 265 , 267
and sexual selection, 250–56, 258, 265, 267
和社会凝聚力，258–60
and social cohesion, 258–60
进化滞后，256
evolutionary lag, 256
进化心理学，8
evolutionary psychology, 8
exemplar theory, 159, 161–62, 164
期望
expectations
学习的音乐系统，115
of learned musical systems, 115
对于米，169–70
for meter, 169–70
和音乐偏好，235–37
and musical preferences, 235–37
对于音高，72
for pitch, 72
和处理音乐，104
and processing music, 104
学习, 125
studying, 125
违反, 66 , 92–93 , 113–19 , 170 , 172–73 , 191 , 235
violations of, 66, 92–93, 113–19, 170, 172–73, 191, 235
实验设计，96–97
experimental design, 96–97
专业知识, 音乐, 211
expertise, musical, 211
和大脑结构的变化，195
and changes in brain structures, 195
和表现力，208–11
and expressivity, 208–11
和音乐记忆，215–20
and musical memory, 215–20
and nature/nurture debate, 194, 199–207
和实践，195–98
and practice, 195–98
研究，194–95
study of, 194–95
和人才，194–96
and talent, 194–96
and technical prowess, 208, 211, 220
失败与成功，207
failure and success, 207
分类理论中的家族相似性，142
family resemblance, in categorization theory, 142
升 C 小调幻想即兴曲，同前。66（肖邦）、106
Fantasy-Impromptu in C-sharp Minor, op. 66 (Chopin), 106
罗伯特·范茨，224
Fantz, Robert, 224
feature integration and extraction, 103, 115, 133–34
吉姆·弗格森（詹姆斯·戈登三世），6–7
Ferguson, Jim (James Gordon III), 6–7
胎儿和音乐感知，223–24
fetus, and music perception, 223–24
Fifth Symphony of Beethoven, 52, 169
Fifth Symphony of Mahler, 234, 240
一级（音阶主音），39
first degree (tonic of scale), 39
五人组（音乐团体），224
Five (musical group), 224
五四 (5/4) 时间，68–69
five-four (5/4) time, 68–69
五音（五声音阶）音阶，30
five note (pentatonic) scale, 30
公寓, 33–34
flats, 33–34
米克·弗利特伍德，160
Fleetwood, Mick, 160
Fleetwood Mac, 2, 160, 170, 207
flux (as a component of timbre), 49, 54
FM 合成，50
FM synthesis, 50
莱昂纳多·福加西，266
Fogassi, Leonardo, 266
“雾天” 148
“A Foggy Day,” 148
民间音乐，63
folk music, 63
音乐形式，108
form in music, 108
四四 (4/4) 时间，64
four-four (4/4) time, 64
马勒第四交响曲，234
Fourth Symphony of Mahler, 234
频率
frequency
A440, 35
A440, 35
基频，42–43
fundamental frequencies, 42–43
和分组，81–82
and grouping, 81–82
光波，24
of light waves, 24
低频，24–25
low frequencies, 24–25
和注释，30-31
and notes, 30–31
的看法，28-29
perception of, 28–29
和听力生理学，28-29
and physiology of hearing, 28–29
听力范围，24–25
range of hearing, 24–25
“雅克神父”，63
“Frère Jacques,” 63
弗洛伊德、西格蒙德，5
Freud, Sigmund, 5
卡尔弗里斯顿，190
Friston, Karl, 190
额叶
frontal lobes
和小脑，189
and cerebellum, 189
230的发展
development of, 230
和表现力，210
and expressivity in performance, 210
and listening to music, 86, 190–92
和音乐结构，127
and musical structure, 127
和处理音乐, 91 , 104–5 , 130 , 184 , 190–92 , 210
and processing music, 91, 104–5, 130, 184, 190–92, 210
修剪, 233
pruning of, 233
功能和有效的连接分析，190
functional and effective connectivity analysis, 190
功能主义，94
functionalism, 94
功能性 MRI (fMRI), 129 , 163 , 189
functional MRI (fMRI), 129, 163, 189
基频，42–46
fundamental frequencies, 42–46
葬礼进行曲，63
Funeral March, 63
fuzzy boundaries for categories, 161, 240
菲尼亚斯·盖奇，85 岁
Gage, Phineas, 85
阿尔伯特·加拉布尔达，186
Galaburda, Albert, 186
维托里奥·加莱塞，266
Gallese, Vittorio, 266
兰迪·加利斯特，177
Gallistel, Randy, 177
游戏
games
定义，141-42
definition of, 141–42
作为理解音乐复杂性的隐喻，235-37
as a metaphor for understanding musical complexity, 235–37
迈克尔·加扎尼加，137
Gazzaniga, Michael, 137
“哎呀，克鲁普克警官，” 58
“Gee, Officer Krupke,” 58
基因/遗传学, 186 , 195 , 199–207 , 219 , 250–56
genes/genetics, 186, 195, 199–207, 219, 250–56
流派, 117 , 142–43 , 145–46 , 149 , 239
genres, 117, 142–43, 145–46, 149, 239
格式塔心理学家, 76 , 97–98 , 135 , 138 , 162
Gestalt psychologists, 76, 97–98, 135, 138, 162
斯坦·盖茨，54 岁
Getz, Stan, 54
机器中的幽灵（警察），114
Ghost in the Machine (The Police), 114
大卫·吉尔莫，108
Gilmour, David, 108
gist memory, 135, 138, 159, 161
玻璃, 破碎, 25
glass, breaking, 25
菲利普·格拉斯，263
Glass, Philip, 263
滑奏, 39
glissandos, 39
梵高，文森特·范，207
Gogh, Vincent van, 207
“去加利福尼亚” 143
“Goin’ to California,” 143
阿夫拉姆·戈尔茨坦，189
Goldstein, Avram, 189
斯蒂芬·杰伊·古尔德，248
Gould, Stephen Jay, 248
格兰丁，坦普尔，259
Grandin, Temple, 259
休·格兰特，203
Grant, Hugh, 203
感恩而死，243
Grateful Dead, 243
“基辅大门”，39
“Great Gate of Kiev,” 39
《绿河》2
“Green River,” 2
理查德·格雷戈里，101
Gregory, Richard, 101
瓜内里小提琴，48
Guarneri violin, 48
吉他, 13 , 107–8 , 142–43 , 204–6 , 211–15
guitars, 13, 107–8, 142–43, 204–6, 211–15
习惯化，186
habituation, 186
查尔斯·黑尔，58 岁
Hale, Charles, 58
二分音符，63
half notes, 63
霍尔和奥茨，50
Hall & Oates, 50
安德里亚·哈尔彭，151–52，157
亨德尔，乔治·弗里德里克，11
Handel, George Frideric, 11
汤姆·汉克斯，203
Hanks, Tom, 203
“生日快乐” 27、76、151、152 _ _ _
“Happy Birthday,” 27, 76, 151, 152
和谐, 18 , 42–43 , 72 , 215 , 268
harmony, 18, 42–43, 72, 215, 268
乔治·哈里森，244
Harrison, George, 244
约翰·哈特福德，167
Hartford, John, 167
玛蒂·哈瑟尔顿，254
Haselton, Martie, 254
约瑟夫·海顿，92–93、112、148、228、234 _ _ _ _ _
Haydn, Joseph, 92–93, 112, 148, 228, 234
海耶斯，约翰，199
Hayes, John, 199
转头程序，有条件的，224
head-turning procedure, conditioned, 224
hearing, 25, 29. See also auditory system
《心碎旅馆》157
“Heartbreak Hotel,” 157
重金属音乐, 69 , 113 , 142–43 , 169
heavy metal music, 69, 113, 142–43, 169
大卫·赫尔夫戈特，212
Helfgott, David, 212
赫尔曼·冯·亥姆霍兹，77、79、101、105 _
Helmholtz, Hermann von, 77, 79, 101, 105
hemispheric specialization in the brain, 124–125, 226
血红蛋白和功能磁共振成像，128–29
hemoglobin, and fMRI, 128–29
亨德里克斯、吉米，51、55、170、252 _ _ _
Hendrix, Jimi, 51, 55, 170, 252
“太阳来了” 49
“Here Comes the Sun,” 49
“这是那个雨天，” 54
“Here’s That Rainy Day,” 54
赫尔曼·伯纳德，39 岁
Hermann, Bernard, 39
赫兹（测量），20
Hertz (measurement), 20
海因里希·赫兹，20
Hertz, Heinrich, 20
hierarchical encoding of music, 39–40, 158, 220
高保真度，70
high fidelity, 70
高镲钹，171
high-hat cymbal, 171
道格拉斯·欣茨曼, 138 , 142 , 154 , 164
Hintzman, Douglas, 138, 142, 154, 164
嘻哈，241
hip-hop, 241
海马体，271
hippocampus, 271
和表现力，210
and expressivity in performance, 210
and listening to music, 86, 91, 165
and processing of music, 130, 210
霍莉，巴迪，64–66
Holly, Buddy, 64–66
亨克詹·珩磨，173–74
Honing, Henkjan, 173–74
“ Honky Tonk女性” ，40、169、191、263 _
“Honky Tonk Women,” 40, 169, 191, 263
约翰·霍普菲尔德，177
Hopfield, John, 177
弗拉基米尔·霍洛维茨，208
Horowitz, Vladimir, 208
“夏日的欢乐时光” 31
“Hot Fun in the Summertime,” 31
“猎犬”，113
“Hound Dog,” 113
迈克尔·豪，194
Howe, Michael, 194
休伦，大卫，225
Huron, David, 225
记忆亢进，139
hypermnesia, 139
超现实，108
hyperrealities, 108
“催眠”，170
“Hypnotized,” 170
空闲，埃里克，156
Idle, Eric, 156
illusions, 98–101, 105, 106, 108
“我着火了” 171
“I’m on Fire,” 171
印象派/印象派艺术，215
impressionism/impressionistic art, 215
印度音乐，39
Indian music, 39
婴儿期和童年期
infancy and childhood
注意力能力，230–31
attentional abilities, 230–31
听觉系统，228
auditory systems in, 228
和轮廓，228–29
and contour, 228–29
和半球专业化，125
and hemispheric specialization, 125
和语言习得，261–62
and language acquisition, 261–62
and musical memory, 35, 223–24, 227
和音乐课，193–94，198
and music lessons, 193–94, 198
和音乐偏好，223–225、227、230、245–46 _ _ _
and preferences in music, 223–225, 227, 230, 245–46
模式开发，116–17
schema development, 116–17
联觉阶段，127–28
synesthetic phase of, 127–28
和才华，195
and talent, 195
发声, 218
vocalizations in, 218
下丘，43
inferior colliculus, 43
inferior frontal cortex, 86, 184, 219
不和谐的泛音，45
inharmonic overtones, 45
仪器和分类，149
instrumentation and categorization, 149
乐器、音乐
instruments, musical
和攻击，53–54
and attack, 53–54
玩耍的认知要求，57
cognitive requirements for playing, 57
情绪表达，54
emotional expression, 54
和分组，78–79
and grouping, 78–79
泛音, 46
overtones, 46
音色指纹，47
timbral fingerprints, 47
智力，音乐的影响，225–27
intelligence, effect of music on, 225–27
间隔, 31–34 , 33 , 74–75 , 149 , 229
intervals, 31–34, 33, 74–75, 149, 229
逆泊松问题，126
inverse Poisson problem, 126
倒 U 形假设，240
inverted-U hypothesis, 240
爱奥尼亚调式（大音阶）、36–37、38、39、75、229–30、273–74 _ _ _
Ionian mode (major scales), 36–37, 38, 39, 75, 229–30, 273–74
isomorphic representation of world, 97–98, 120
“我想要你（她太重了）” 112
“I Want You (She’s So Heavy),” 112
雷·杰肯多夫，77 岁
Jackendoff, Ray, 77
杰克逊·玛哈利亚，72 岁
Jackson, Mahalia, 72
Jackson, Michael, 60, 142, 172
杰克逊，兰迪，114
Jackson, Randy, 114
米克·贾格尔，242
Jagger, Mick, 242
詹姆斯、里克，170
James, Rick, 170
安东尼奥·卡洛斯·若宾，73 岁
Jobim, Antonio Carlos, 73
“约翰尼·B·古德” 40
“Johnny B. Goode,” 40
“乔琳”，40
“Jolene,” 40
琼斯、莱斯利·安、
Jones, Leslie Ann,
琼斯，玛丽·雷斯，177
Jones, Mari Reiss, 177
彼得·尤西克，224
Jusczyk, Peter, 224
卡马基里亚德（法根），112
Kamakiriad (Fagen), 112
史蒂夫·基尔，147–48、149、177 _
Keele, Steve, 147–48, 149, 177
坎普·马丁，4
Kemp, Martin, 4
有点蓝色（戴维斯），19
Kind of Blue (Davis), 19
奇想，113
Kinks, 113
克莱因，拉里，213
Klein, Larry, 213
库尔特·考夫卡，76 岁
Koffka, Kurt, 76
沃尔夫冈·科勒，76 岁
Köhler, Wolfgang, 76
“科科”，263
“Koko,” 263
朱莉·科伦伯格，260
Korenberg, Julie, 260
杰西·科辛斯基，207
Kosinsky, Jerzy, 207
科特克，狮子座，213
Kottke, Leo, 213
卡罗尔·克鲁姆汉斯尔，40 岁
Krumhansl, Carol, 40
“麦当娜夫人” 107
“Lady Madonna,” 107
格雷格·莱克，49 岁
Lake, Greg, 49
亚历山德拉·拉蒙特，223–24，227
Lamont, Alexandra, 223–24, 227
语言
language
和小脑，189
and cerebellum, 189
conversation and tempo, 172, 228
演变, 247–48 , 249 , 256 , 260–61
evolution of, 247–48, 249, 256, 260–61
语言习得, 109 , 228–29 , 233 , 261–62
language acquisition, 109, 228–29, 233, 261–62
大脑语言中枢, 86 , 87 , 124–25 , 127–30
language centers of the brain, 86, 87, 124–25, 127–30
和口头传统，267
and oral tradition, 267
语言本能（平克），249
The Language Instinct (Pinker), 249
小脑外侧，91
lateral cerebellum, 91
拉丁音乐，241
Latin music, 241
学习理论，197
learning theory, 197
齐柏林飞船, 35 , 142–43 , 206 , 252
Led Zeppelin, 35, 142–43, 206, 252
李·莱斯特，58 岁
Lee, Lester, 58
左利手，124
left-handedness, 124
左半球, 8 , 124 , 130 , 136–37 , 169 , 226
left hemisphere, 8, 124, 130, 136–37, 169, 226
杰瑞·雷伯，63 岁
Leiber, Jerry, 63
莱布尼茨、戈特弗里德，22
Leibniz, Gottfried, 22
主旨，28
leitmotiv, 28
歌曲长度, 117
length of songs, 117
约翰·列侬，66、145、157、241–42 _ _
Lennon, John, 66, 145, 157, 241–42
弗雷德·勒达尔，77 岁
Lerdahl, Fred, 77
“点燃我的火” 40
“Light My Fire,” 40
“铃兰” 244
“Lilies of the Valley,” 244
listening to music, 85–86, 154–55
“红色小克尔维特” 52
“Little Red Corvette,” 52
小理查德，51 岁
Little Richard, 51
脑白质切除术，85
lobotomy, 85
彼得罗·安东尼奥·洛卡特利，81
Locatelli, Pietro Antonio, 81
约翰·洛克，99
Locke, John, 99
伊丽莎白·洛夫特斯，136
Loftus, Elizabeth, 136
对数标度
logarithmic scale
响度，70
for loudness, 70
对于间距，32
for pitch, 32
感知逻辑，105
logic of perception, 105
伦敦交响乐团，149
London Symphony Orchestra, 149
《独行侠》主题曲，58
“Lone Ranger,” theme from, 58
“高个子莎莉” 51
“Long Tall Sally,” 51
“看看我的后门” 113
“Lookin’ Out My Back Door,” 113
洛塔特-雅各布，伯纳德，106
Lortat-Jacob, Bernard, 106
响度
loudness
和分组，81
and grouping, 81
神经基础，71
neural basis, 71
和泛音，46
and overtones, 46
卢里亚，阿肯色州，139
Luria, A. R., 139
大卫·莱肯，200
Lykken, David, 200
磁带，3
magnetic recording tape, 3
磁共振成像，功能性。参见 功能性 MRI
magnetic resonance imaging, functional. See functional MRI
古斯塔夫·马勒，234–35，240
大和弦，40
major chords, 40
大调音阶（爱奥尼亚调式）、36–37、38、39、75、229–30、273–74 _ _
major scale (Ionian mode), 36–37, 38, 39, 75, 229–30, 273–74
“妈妈们不要让你的孩子长大成为牛仔” 40
“Mamas Don’t Let Your Babies Grow Up to Be Cowboys,” 40
曼，艾米，203
Mann, Aimee, 203
“许多河流需要跨越，” 224
“Many Rivers to Cross,” 224
绘制大脑图，96
mapping the brain, 96
“玛丽亚” 13
“Maria,” 13
马利，鲍勃，113
Marley, Bob, 113
“Mary Had a Little Lamb,” 15, 58
择偶偏好和进化，253–55
mate preferences, and evolution, 253–55
数学，233
mathematics, 233
“麦克斯韦的银锤”，49
“Maxwell’s Silver Hammer,” 49
乔·麦卡锡，58 岁
McCarthy, Joe, 58
麦克莱兰，杰伊，163–64
McClelland, Jay, 163–64
麦格雷戈、弗雷迪，224
McGregor, Freddie, 224
唐·麦克莱恩，11 岁
McLean, Don, 11
约翰·麦克维，160
McVie, John, 160
措施，64
measures, 64
旋律
melody
expectations of, 92–93, 118–19
和和谐，18
and harmony, 18
和间隔，32
and intervals, 32
主旨，28
leitmotiv, 28
和间距，27
and pitch, 27
和节奏，263
and rhythm, 263
and transposition, 27, 76–77, 137
记忆，138-39，165 。 _ 另请参阅 分类
memory, 138–39, 165. See also categorization
访问，165–66
accessing, 165–66
准确度, 135–37
accuracy of, 135–37
由音乐激活，192
activated by music, 192
和关怀，197–98
and caring, 197–98
和分块，218–19
and chunking, 218–19
提示，165–66
cues, 165–66
合并，197
consolidation, 197
和范例理论，162
and exemplar theory, 162
和额叶，85
and frontal lobes, 85
hierarchical encoding of music, 158, 220
识别存储器，219
identification memory, 219
and listening to music, 154–55, 166–67, 192
multiple-trace memory models, 162–63, 164, 165–66
肌肉记忆，151–52
muscle memory, 151–52
for music, 151–58, 165, 215–20
and musical ability, 206, 215–16
和神经网络，90
and neural network, 90
死记硬背，219–20
rote memorization, 219–20
和秤，36
and scales, 36
和模式，116–18
and schemas, 116–18
实力, 197
strength of, 197
tape recorder metaphor, 157, 159
对于节奏，61
for tempo, 61
理论, 135 , 138 , 139 , 140 , 149 , 157 , 159 , 164
theories on, 135, 138, 139, 140, 149, 157, 159, 164
和曲调识别，135
and tune recognition, 135
声音，138–40
of voices, 138–40
维诺德·梅农，128、175、184、189–90 _ _
Menon, Vinod, 128, 175, 184, 189–90
弗雷迪·水星，143
Mercury, Freddie, 143
《欢乐旋律》漫画，39
“Merrie Melody” cartoons, 39
迈克尔·梅泽尼奇，177
Merzenich, Michael, 177
中脑边缘系统，191
mesolimbic system, 191
弥赛亚, 11
Messiah, 11
米, 172
meter, 172
古典音乐，172
in classical music, 172
普通米，68–69
common meters, 68–69
和响度，72
and loudness, 72
麦瑟尼，帕特，108
Metheny, Pat, 108
韵律提取，172–73
metrical extraction, 172–73
迈耶·伦纳德，147
Meyer, Leonard, 147
米老鼠俱乐部，59
The Mickey Mouse Club, 59
微调，39
microtuning, 39
中脑，189
midbrain, 189
仲夏夜之梦（莎士比亚），147
A Midsummer Night’s Dream (Shakespeare), 147
Miller, Geoffrey, 8, 252, 254, 258
乔治·米勒，105
Miller, George, 105
米勒，米奇，263
Miller, Mitch, 263
mind and brain, 83–84, 93–94, 96
密涅瓦模型，164
MINERVA model, 164
明尼苏达双胞胎登记处，200
Minnesota twins registry, 200
小和弦，40
minor chords, 40
小调音阶，37
minor scale, 37
镜像神经元，266–67
mirror neurons, 266–67
缺失基本面，恢复，43
missing fundamental, restoration of, 43
“使命：不可能”，69
“Mission: Impossible,” 69
音乐中犯的错误，208
mistakes made in music, 208
Mitchell, Joni, 146, 202–15, 246
米切尔，米奇，170
Mitchell, Mitch, 170
调制，72
modulation, 72
摩纳哥，吉米，58 岁
Monaco, Jimmie, 58
“钱”，69
“Money,” 69
巨蟒剧团，156
Monty Python, 156
心情，与情感不同，182
mood, as distinguished from emotion, 182
“大自然母亲的儿子” 2
“Mother Nature’s Son,” 2
母亲语，228–29
motherese, 228–29
motivation, 182, 191, 195, 199
motor cortex, 57, 84, 86, 91, 270
运动和运动技能
movement and motor skills
260的发展
development of, 260
和表现力，210
and expressivity in performance, 210
and musical development, 195, 206
和顶叶，85
and parietal lobe, 85
莫扎特，沃尔夫冈·阿玛迪斯，57、84、86、91、270 _ _ _
Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 57, 84, 86, 91, 270
莫扎特效应，225–26
Mozart Effect, 225–26
“先生。桑德曼” 134
“Mr. Sandman,” 134
MT，大脑区域（视觉皮层），185
MT, brain area (visual cortex), 185
多发性硬化症，233–34
multiple sclerosis, 233–34
多迹内存模型, 142 , 162–63 , 164 , 165–66
multiple-trace memory models, 142, 162–63, 164, 165–66
肌肉记忆，151–52
muscle memory, 151–52
音乐
music
定义，13–14
defining, 13–14
specialized terms for, 10, 19, 20
音乐语法，127
musical syntax, 127
music education, 193–94, 198–99, 212
musicians, neuroanatomy of, 195, 226–27
音乐产业, 7
music industry, 7
音乐学家，19
musicologists, 19
音乐理论，40
music theory, 40
音乐疗法，227
music therapy, 227
Mussorgsky, Modest Petrovich, 39, 212
髓鞘形成，233
myelination, 233
“我最喜欢的东西” 67
“My Favorite Things,” 67
“我有趣的情人节” 238
“My Funny Valentine,” 238
NAc（伏核）, 91 , 123 , 189–90 , 191 , 192 , 271
NAc (nucleus accumbens), 91, 123, 189–90, 191, 192, 271
纳络酮，189
nalaxone, 189
纳莫尔，尤金，117
Narmour, Eugene, 117
自然乐器，47
natural instruments, 47
先天/后天辩论，199–203
nature/nurture debate, 199–203
李约瑟，马克，2
Needham, Mark, 2
乌尔里希·奈瑟，105
Neisser, Ulrich, 105
尼尔森·瑞奇，157
Nelson, Ricky, 157
神经系统、通路、回路, 9 , 29 , 32 , 41 , 68 , 85–86 , 87–92 , 103–4 , 107 , 109 , 124 , 126–27 , 134 , 154–55 , 188 , 190 , 194 , 220 , 226 , 228 , 261
neural systems, pathways, circuits, 9, 29, 32, 41, 68, 85–86, 87–92, 103–4, 107, 109, 124, 126–27, 134, 154–55, 188, 190, 194, 220, 226, 228, 261
大脑神经网络, 87–91 , 103 , 122–23 , 163–64 , 210
neural network of the brain, 87–91, 103, 122–23, 163–64, 210
和表现力，209–10
and expressivity in performance, 209–10
函数, 96–97
function of, 96–97
镜像神经元，266–67
mirror neurons, 266–67
和音乐期望，125–28
and musical expectations, 125–28
剪枝, 109 , 163 , 232 , 233 , 262
pruning of, 109, 163, 232, 233, 262
冗余，185
redundancy, 185
神经解剖学，87–85、174、184–85、226、262、264–65 。 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 另请参阅具体的解剖结构
neuroanatomy, 87–85, 174, 184–85, 226, 262, 264–65. See also specific anatomical structures
神经元, 11 , 41–43 , 71 , 84 , 87–94 , 96 , 98 , 120 , 122–23 , 125–26 , 127–29 , 130 , 154–55 , 163 , 165 , 174 , 179 , 184– 85、188、209–11、221、227–28、234、259、265、266–67 _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
neurons, 11, 41–43, 71, 84, 87–94, 96, 98, 120, 122–23, 125–26, 127–29, 130, 154–55, 163, 165, 174, 179, 184–85, 188, 209–11, 221, 227–28, 234, 259, 265, 266–67
和射速，42–45、122–23、125–26、188、228 _ _ _ _ _ _
and firing rates, 42–45, 122–23, 125–26, 188, 228
不应期, 122
refractory period of, 122
neuroscience, 95–97, 120, 122, 144
神经递质, 96 , 122–23 , 126 , 189 , 198 , 231
neurotransmitters, 96, 122–23, 126, 189, 198, 231
罗恩·内维森，180–81
Nevison, Ron, 180–81
纽波特民俗节，13
Newport Folk Festival, 13
牛顿，艾萨克，2
Newton, Isaac, 2
新浪潮音乐，50
New Wave music, 50
贝多芬第九交响曲，119
Ninth Symphony of Beethoven, 119
诺曼·杰弗里，3 岁
Norman, Jeffrey, 3
罗伯特·诺曼多，14 岁
Normandeau, Robert, 14
符号，64
notation, 64
笔记。另请参阅 语气
notes. See also tone
定义, 15
defining, 15
和音乐的多样性，88
and variety in music, 88
伏隔核 (NAc), 91 , 123 , 189–90 , 191 , 192 , 271
nucleus accumbens (NAc), 91, 123, 189–90, 191, 192, 271
强迫症（OCD），155
obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), 155
occipital cortex/occipital lobe, 85, 86, 189
八度, 31–32 , 33 , 34 , 74 , 118
octaves, 31–32, 33, 34, 74, 118
《欢乐颂》119
“Ode to Joy,” 119
“俄亥俄州” 171
“Ohio,” 171
“老人”，244
“Old Man,” 244
“909 之后的一个”，217
“One After 909,” 217
“One Note 桑巴” 73
“One Note Samba,” 73
“其中一个夜晚”，106-7
“One of These Nights,” 106–7
“一条出路”，113
“One Way Out,” 113
“开放调音”和吉他，212-13
“open tuning,” and guitars, 212–13
orbitofrontal regions of the brain, 136–37, 184, 230
管弦乐队, 78
orchestras, 78
器官，47–48
organs, 47–48
泛音, 42–49 , 53 , 74 , 80 , 230
overtones, 42–49, 53, 74, 80, 230
卡尔·帕尔默，49 岁
Palmer, Carl, 49
大脑中的并行处理, 88–89 , 103 , 163–64
parallel processing in brains, 88–89, 103, 163–64
顶叶，85
parietal lobes, 85
查理·帕克，264
Parker, Charlie, 264
帕金森病，174
Parkinson’s disease, 174
理查德·帕恩卡特，215、216、219 _
Parncutt, Richard, 215, 216, 219
眶部，129
pars orbitalis, 129
部分, 44
partials, 44
多莉·帕顿，40 岁
Parton, Dolly, 40
被动接触音乐，37
passive exposure to music, 37
阿尼·帕特尔，128
Patel, Ani, 128
贝多芬的“悲怆”奏鸣曲，14、118、119、217
“Pathétique” Sonata of Beethoven, 14, 118, 119, 217
等离子显示器型号。请参阅 大脑中的并行处理。
PDP models. See parallel processing in brains.
孔雀, 252
peacocks, 252
知觉，感觉。参见 感官知觉
perception, sensory. See sensory perception
perceptual completion, 100–1, 105, 106
percussion instruments, 45, 53
纯四度和五度音程, 32 , 33 , 74–75 , 229
perfect fourth and fifth interval, 32, 33, 74–75, 229
音乐表演, 6–7 , 57 , 61 , 86 , 209–10
performance of music, 6–7, 57, 61, 86, 209–10
周围神经系统，122
peripheral nervous system, 122
波斯音乐，39
Persian music, 39
彼得与狼（普罗科菲耶夫），28
Peter and the Wolf (Prokofiev), 28
彼得森，奥斯卡，206
Peterson, Oscar, 206
网络钓鱼，243
Phish, 243
音素，130
phonemes, 130
phonogenic quality of musicians, 211, 215
留声机唱片，121–22
phonograph records, 121–22
乐句（音乐），194
phrasing (in music), 194
physiology of hearing, 28–29, 241
伯爵, 让, 5
Piaget, Jean, 5
拉赫玛尼诺夫的《第三钢琴协奏曲》，91
“Piano Concerto #3” by Rachmaninoff, 91
钢琴, 23 , 25 , 28 , 33–34 , 44 , 72
pianos, 23, 25, 28, 33–34, 44, 72
巴勃罗毕加索，18 岁
Picasso, Pablo, 18
展览中的图片，39
Pictures at an Exhibition, 39
提货单, 66
pickup notes, 66
约翰· R ·皮尔斯，50、51、79、149 _
Pierce, John R., 50, 51, 79, 149
平克·弗洛伊德，44、69、103、149 _ _
史蒂文·平克，106，241–49
耳廓，102
pinnae, 102
管风琴, 48
pipe organs, 48
沥青
pitch
A440, 35
A440, 35
绝对螺距, 27 , 29 , 32 , 149–54 , 155 , 188
absolute pitch, 27, 29, 32, 149–54, 155, 188
defining, 13, 14, 15, 19–21, 22
尺寸，114–15
dimensions of, 114–15
不和谐音, 13
dissonance in, 13
和情感，26-28
and emotion, 26–28
和期望，172
and expectations, 172
和频率, 15 , 20 , 21–27 , 23 , 34–35
and frequency, 15, 20, 21–27, 23, 34–35
和分组，81–82
and grouping, 81–82
和吉他，212–15
and guitars, 212–15
和和谐，18
and harmony, 18
和旋律，27
and melody, 27
和音乐记忆，157–58
and musical memory, 157–58
和音乐偏好，241
and musical preferences, 241
泛音，43–45
overtones, 43–45
perception of, 28–29, 31, 43–44
周期性，26
periodicity, 26
比例变化，35-36
proportional changes in, 35–36
作为心理物理小说，150
as psychophysical fiction, 150
relative pitch, 27, 28, 32, 35, 63
和节奏，72–75
and rhythm, 72–75
和音阶，29–30
and scales, 29–30
和曲调识别，135
and tune recognition, 135
和振动，41–42
and vibration, 41–42
和西方音乐，52
and Western music, 52
罗伯特·普兰特，252
Plant, Robert, 252
planum temporale, 178, 195, 220
“请邮递员先生” 113
“Please Mr. Postman,” 113
快乐和奖励系统，248
pleasure and reward systems, 248
泊松问题，逆，126
Poisson problem, inverse, 126
警察（音乐团体）、54、59、113–14、160–61 _
Police (musical group), 54, 59, 113–14, 160–61
复调音乐，13
polyphony, 13
庞佐幻觉，99
Ponzo illusion, 99
流行音乐, 64 , 112 , 117 , 152 , 243
popular music, 64, 112, 117, 152, 243
迈克尔·波斯纳
Posner, Michael
关于儿童的注意力系统，230-31
on attention systems of children, 230–31
关于 Janata 的研究，43
on Janata’s research, 43
关于思想和大脑，94–96
on mind and brain, 94–96
波斯纳提示范式，94
Posner Cueing Paradigm, 94
鲍尔斯，奥斯汀，170
Powers, Austin, 170
practicing music, 196, 197, 198
可预测性和复杂性，235–37
predictability, and complexity, 235–37
喜好、音乐
preferences, musical
青少年，231–33
in adolescents, 231–33
儿童，109、223–25、227、230、244–45 _ _ _ _ _ _ _
in children, 109, 223–25, 227, 230, 244–45
和复杂性，240
and complexity, 240
和文化偏见，227–30
and cultural bias, 227–30
和对音乐的期望，235–37
and expectations in music, 235–37
neural basis for, 227–30, 234, 237–38
和间距，241
and pitch, 241
产前，223–24
prenatal, 223–24
和以前的经验，242
and prior experiences, 242
安全的作用，242–45
role of safety, 242–45
和模式，234–35
and schemas, 234–35
在子宫里，223–24
in the womb, 223–24
前额皮质，270
prefrontal cortex, 270
埃尔维斯·普雷斯利，51、63、113、157 _ _ _
Presley, Elvis, 51, 63, 113, 157
卡尔·普里布拉姆，4
Pribram, Karl, 4
“骄傲与喜悦” 113
“Pride and Joy,” 113
初级听觉皮层。见 A1
primary auditory cortex. See A1
王子，52 岁
Prince, 52
作者的创作生涯，3
producing career of author, 3
谢尔盖·谢尔盖耶维奇·普罗科菲耶夫，28
Prokofiev, Sergey Sergeyevich, 28
韵律提示，27
prosodic cue, 27
类别中的原型, 144–45 , 147–49 , 159–60 , 161–62 , 229
prototypes in categories, 144–45, 147–49, 159–60, 161–62, 229
百忧解，123
Prozac, 123
惊魂记, 39 岁
Psycho, 39
心理问题，音乐的影响，227
psychological issues, effect of music on, 227
音乐的脉搏，169-70，172 “紫雾”，170
pulse of music, 169–70, 172 “Purple Haze,” 170
皇后乐队（音乐团体），67 岁
Queen, (musical group), 67
Quintina 撒丁岛无伴奏合唱声乐，106
Quintina in Sardinian a capella vocal music, 106
拉赫玛尼诺夫、谢尔盖·瓦西里耶维奇，91、92、118、263
Rachmaninoff, Sergey Vasilyevich, 91, 92, 118, 263
愤怒，183–84
rage, 183–84
拉马钱德兰，VS，98
Ramachandran, V. S., 98
雷蒙斯，85 岁
Ramones, 85
莫里斯·拉威尔，52、55、127、263 _ _ _
Ravel, Maurice, 52, 55, 127, 263
受体（神经），123
receptors (neural), 123
对音乐的认可，133–34，137–38
recognition of music, 133–34, 137–38
录音带，3
recording tape, 3
音乐录音, 3 , 70 , 71 , 107 , 108 , 121–22 , 156–57
recordings of music, 3, 70, 71, 107, 108, 121–22, 156–57
记忆记录理论, 135 , 139–40 , 149 , 157 , 159 , 164
record-keeping theory of memory, 135, 139–40, 149, 157, 159, 164
唱片，留声机，121–22
records, phonograph, 121–22
雷丁，奥蒂斯，148
Redding, Otis, 148
冗余，185
redundancy, 185
“道路避难所” 213
“Refuge of the Roads,” 213
雷鬼音乐，113–14，224
莱因哈特，姜戈，205
Reinhardt, Django, 205
莱因霍尔德，法官，203
Reinhold, Judge, 203
记忆的关系理论，135
relational theory of memory, 135
音乐元素之间的关系，18
relationships between musical elements, 18
快速眼动，243
R.E.M., 243
记住音乐，154-55，209。另请参阅内存
remembering music, 154–55, 209. See also memory
重复，167
repetition, 167
布鲁诺·雷普，177
Repp, Bruno, 177
reptilian brain, 174. See also cerebellum
“尊重” 148
“Respect,” 148
恢复缺失的基本面，43
restoration of the missing fundamental, 43
reverberation, 16, 107, 108, 157
音乐表演评论，19
reviews of musical performances, 19
左轮手枪（披头士乐队），112
Revolver (Beatles), 112
韵律。另请参阅 节奏
rhythm. See also tempo
和进化，263
and evolution, 263
和响度，71
and loudness, 71
和米，17
and meter, 17
和韵律提取，173
and metrical extraction, 173
和镜像神经元，266–67
and mirror neurons, 266–67
和音乐能力，206
and musical ability, 206
and musical preferences, 241, 242
和音高，72–75
and pitch, 72–75
117的图式
schemas of, 117
和音乐的多样性，88
and variety in music, 88
惯用右手，124
right-handedness, 124
右半球, 8 , 124–25 , 130 , 173 , 226
right hemisphere, 8, 124–25, 130, 173, 226
右颞叶，173
right temporal lobes, 173
贾科莫·里佐拉蒂，266
Rizzolatti, Giacomo, 266
罗克，欧文，101
Rock, Irvin, 101
“摇滚音乐” 66
“Rock and Roll Music,” 66
摇滚音乐
rock music
后拍, 66
backbeat, 66
规范版本，152
canonical versions, 152
和弦, 40
chords, 40
粉丝, 243
fans of, 243
和响度，71
and loudness, 71
和旋律，17
and melody, 17
和米，169–70
and meter, 169–70
和音乐偏好，241
and musical preferences, 241
代表性样本，51–52
representative sample of, 51–52
标准，112
standards in, 112
滚石摇滚百科全书, 5
Rolling Stone Encyclopedia of Rock, 5
滚石乐队, 1 , 54 , 113 , 149 , 170 , 263
Rolling Stones, 1, 54, 113, 149, 170, 263
桑尼·罗林斯，57 岁
Rollins, Sonny, 57
“推翻贝多芬” 51
“Roll Over Beethoven,” 51
root (of a chord or scale), 36, 37, 214–15
埃莉诺·罗什，141、143–45、147–49、159、161 _ _ _ _ _
Rosch, Eleanor, 141, 143–45, 147–49, 159, 161
布莱恩·罗斯，159
Ross, Brian, 159
乔阿基诺·安东尼奥·罗西尼，58 岁
Rossini, Gioacchino Antonio, 58
回合，歌唱，230–31
rounds, singing, 230–31
大卫·鲁梅尔哈特，163–64
Rumelhardt, David, 163–64
“春天的沙沙声”，160
“The Rustle of Spring,” 160
规则，156
Rutles, 156
奥利弗·萨克斯，127、243、260 _
珍妮·萨弗兰，228
Saffran, Jenny, 228
“索尔斯伯里山” 69
“Solsbury Hill,” 69
“满意” 54
“Satisfaction,” 54
博兹·斯卡格斯，181
Scaggs, Boz, 181
秤
scales
上诉, 173
appeal of, 173
和分类，149
and categorization, 149
半音阶，36
chromatic scale, 36
定义，29–31
defining, 29–31
区分, 37–38
distinguishing between, 37–38
等律音阶，52
equal tempered scale, 52
的期望，114-15
expectations of, 114–15
五音（五声音阶）音阶，38
five-note (pentatonic) scale, 38
音调层次结构，39
hierarchy of tones in, 39
大调音阶（爱奥尼亚调式）、36–37、38、39、74–75、229–30、273–74 _ _
major scale (Ionian mode), 36–37, 38, 39, 74–75, 229–30, 273–74
小调音阶，37–38
minor scale, 37–38
和模式，116–17
and schemas, 116–17
和声调，39–40
and tones, 39–40
模式, 115–19 , 172 , 217 , 218 , 234–35 , 237
schemas, 115–19, 172, 217, 218, 234–35, 237
精神分裂症，184
schizophrenia, 184
戈特弗里德·施劳格，195，226–27
Schlaug, Gottfried, 195, 226–27
杰里米·施马曼, 175 , 178 , 183 , 187
Schmahmann, Jeremy, 175, 178, 183, 187
阿诺德·弗朗茨·沃尔特·勋伯格，72、114、237
Schönberg, Arnold Franz Walter, 72, 114, 237
施瓦辛格，阿诺德，204
Schwarzenegger, Arnold, 204
科学家和艺术家，4-5
scientists and artists, 4–5
亚历山大·尼古拉耶维奇·斯克里亚宾，55 岁
Scriabin, Aleksandr Nikolayevich, 55
塞戈维亚，安德烈斯，204
Segovia, Andrés, 204
选择性血清素再摄取抑制剂 (SSRI)，123
selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), 123
感官知觉
sensory perception
as a constructive process, 105, 188
和幻觉，97–101、105、106、108 _ _ _ _
and illusions, 97–101, 105, 106, 108
作为推论，101
as inference, 101
世界的同构表示，97–98
isomorphic representation of world, 97–98
神经基础，101-9
neural basis for, 101–9
和惊吓反应，185
and startle reactions, 185
视觉错觉，97–98
visual illusions, 97–98
七四 (7/4) 时间，69
seven-four (7/4) time, 69
性选择, 250–56 , 258 , 265–66 , 267
sexual selection, 250–56, 258, 265–66, 267
假愤怒，183–84
sham rage, 183–84
丹·夏皮罗，58 岁
Shapiro, Dan, 58
共享句法整合资源假设（SSIRH），128
shared syntactic integration resource hypothesis (SSIRH), 128
锐器，33–34
sharps, 33–34
“刮胡子和理发，两位” 58
“shave-and-a-haircut, two bits,” 58
“刮胡子和理发——洗发水” 58
“Shave and a Haircut—Shampoo,” 58
谢泼德，罗杰
Shepard, Roger
关于分类，146
on categorization, 146
作为讲师，149
as instructor, 149
记忆中，138
on memory, 138
球场上，151
on pitch, 151
拉罗·席夫林，69 岁
Shiffrin, Lalo, 69
短期（“回声”）记忆，155
short-term (“echoic”) memory, 155
“喊叫” 170
“Shout,” 170
怪物史莱克，202
Shrek, 202
西蒙·赫伯特，105
Simon, Herbert, 105
同时发出声音，80
simultaneous onsets of sounds, 80
弗兰克·西纳特拉, 145 , 148 , 193 , 212 , 239
Sinatra, Frank, 145, 148, 193, 212, 239
辛迪格，基督徒，106
Sindig, Christian, 106
贝多芬第六交响曲，2
Sixth Symphony of Beethoven, 2
柴可夫斯基第六交响曲，69
Sixth Symphony of Tchaikovsky, 69
技能、重点、7
skill, emphasis on, 7
斯金纳，BF，5
Skinner, B. F., 5
“大锤”，171
“Sledgehammer,” 171
约翰·斯洛博达，194–95，196–97
爱德华·史密斯，159、162、164 _
史密斯，朱利叶斯·O.，III，49
Smith, Julius O., III, 49
社会变量，202–3，258–59
social variables, 202–3, 258–59
为摇摆恋人而作的歌曲（西纳特拉），193
Songs for Swinging Lovers (Sinatra), 193
南非索托村民，6–7
Sotho villagers of South Africa, 6–7
音乐之声， 30
The Sound of Music, 30
声压级 (SPL)，70–71
sound pressure level (SPL), 70–71
音景，156–57
soundscape, 156–57
布兰妮·斯皮尔斯，257
Spears, Britney, 257
特效，108
special effects, 108
斯宾塞，赫伯特，250
Spencer, Herbert, 250
丹·斯珀伯，249
Sperber, Dan, 249
脊髓，122
spinal cord, 122
“物质世界中的精神”，114
“Spirits in the Material World,” 114
自然之灵（音乐团体），224
Spirits of Nature (musical group), 224
SSRIs（选择性血清素再摄取抑制剂），123
SSRIs (selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors), 123
“Stairway to Heaven,” 143, 206
“明星品质” 211
“star quality,” 211
“星条旗永远存在” 67
“The Stars and Stripes Forever,” 67
震惊反应，185–86
startle responses, 185–86
“活着”，170
“Stayin’ Alive,” 170
稳态，53
steady state, 53
流、听觉、78、101、106 _
streams, auditory, 78, 101, 106
斯汀, 54 , 114 , 118 , 160–61 , 211
Sting, 54, 114, 118, 160–61, 211
迈克·斯托勒，63 岁
Stoller, Mike, 63
斯通、斯莱和家人，31
Stone, Sly & The Family, 31
“停止爱你” 224
“Stop Loving You,” 224
斯特拉迪瓦里小提琴，48
Stradivarius violin, 48
约翰·塞巴斯蒂安·施特劳斯，43 岁
Strauss, Johann Sebastian, 43
按音色流式传输，101
streaming by timbre, 101
流分离，106
stream segregation, 106
弦乐器，30
stringed instruments, 30
音乐结构，126–31
structure in music, 126–31
和幻觉，108
and illusion, 108
和记忆，217–18
and memory, 217–18
和音乐能力，206–7
and musical ability, 206–7
和音乐偏好，237–40
and musical preferences, 237–40
and neural processing of music, 190, 191
成功与失败，206–7
success and failure, 206–7
沙利文，艾德（艾德沙利文秀），204
Sullivan, Ed (The Ed Sullivan Show), 204
安迪·萨默斯，161
Summers, Andy, 161
“超级怪胎”，170
“Super Freak,” 170
颞上回，91
superior temporal gyrus, 91
颞上沟，91
superior temporal sulcus, 91
“惊喜交响曲” 92-93
“Surprise Symphony,” 92–93
悬疑，92–93
suspense, 92–93
“甜蜜的鸟”，214
“Sweet Bird,” 214
开启巴赫， 49
Switched-On Bach, 49
“第 1 号交响曲。G大调第94号”（海顿），92–93
“Symphony no. 94 in G Major” (Haydn), 92–93
“切分音时钟” 231
“The Syncopated Clock,” 231
切分音，65
syncopation, 65
联觉，127–28
synesthesia, 127–28
语法，音乐，127
syntax, musical, 127
合成器，48–50
synthesizers, 48–50
“拿五”，69
“Take Five,” 69
彼得·伊利奇·柴可夫斯基, 1 , 38 , 54 , 69 , 209
Tchaikovsky, Pyotr Ilich, 1, 38, 54, 69, 209
“泰迪熊的野餐” 231
“The Teddy Bear’s Picnic,” 231
“青少年脑叶白质切除术”，85
“Teenage Lobotomy,” 85
速度。另见 节奏
tempo. See also rhythm
和分类，149
and categorization, 149
和谈话，172
and conversation, 172
和期望，173
and expectations, 173
和婴儿，228
and infants, 228
和音乐记忆，154、155、157–58 _
and musical memory, 154, 155, 157–58
神经基础，61
neural basis for, 61
variation in, 61, 172, 191, 228
颞叶
temporal lobes
和表现力，210
and expressivity in performance, 210
和韵律提取，173
and metrical extraction, 173
和音乐语义，127
and music semantics, 127
and processing of music, 130, 210
对刺激的反应，91
responding to stimuli, 91
时间定位，80
temporal positioning, 80
诱惑，170
Temptations, 170
tension and schematic violations, 119, 235
ten-thousand-hours theory, 197, 198
“那一天就会到来” 65–66
“That’ll Be the Day,” 65–66
themes, variations on, 148, 234
Thompson, William Forde, 5, 226
three-quarter (3/4) time, 67, 68
井字游戏, 235
tic-tac-toe, 235
音色
timbre
与颜色的类比，55
analogy to color, 55
和听觉电码阅读器，122
and auditory-code readers, 122
尺寸，52–55
dimensions of, 52–55
电吉他，13
of electric guitars, 13
和期望，172
and expectations, 172
表达通过，27-28
expression through, 27–28
和分组，81
and grouping, 81
的重要性，52
importance of, 52
和音乐偏好，241
and musical preferences, 241
神经基础，91
neural basis for, 91
和泛音，45
and overtones, 45
音景，156–57
soundscape, 156–57
计时, 108 , 174–75 , 178 , 182 , 186 , 192 , 206
timing, 108, 174–75, 178, 182, 186, 192, 206
色调层次，38–40
tonal hierarchy, 38–40
声调、15、39–40、46、53、149。_ _ _ _ _ _ _ 另请参阅完整步骤
tone, 15, 39–40, 46, 53, 149. See also whole steps
音聋，188
tone deafness, 188
补品（一级），39
tonic (first degree), 39
tonotopic map/tonotopy, 29, 44
自上而下的处理，104–5
top-down processing, 104–5
培训、音乐剧、194、208–9、211–12
training, musical, 194, 208–9, 211–12
缺乏音乐家，212
musicians who lack, 212
训练师，劳雷尔，228
Trainor, Laurel, 228
换位, 76–77 , 137 , 149 , 164 , 228
transposition, 76–77, 137, 149, 164, 228
Trehub, Sandra E., 228, 228, 260
整蛊（音乐艺术家），237
Tricky (musical artist), 237
tritone (augmented fourth), 13, 74, 229
长号，30
trombones, 30
“尝试做一些事情来引起你的注意” 167
“Tryin’ to Do Something to Get Your Attention,” 167
吉他的替代方法，212–13
alternative methods for guitar, 212–13
“扭转局面”幻觉，99
“Turning the Tables” illusion, 99
“Twinkle, Twinkle Little Star,” 15, 62
双胞胎研究，200–3
twins studies, 200–3
“扭转和喊叫” 159
“Twist and Shout,” 159
两个反自然的人（斯蒂利·丹），172
Two Against Nature (Steely Dan), 172
鼓膜。见 耳膜
tympanic membrane. See eardrum
U2, 5
U2, 5
UB40, 224
UB40, 224
音乐无处不在，5-6
ubiquity of music, 5–6
unconscious inference, 79, 101, 105
莱斯利·昂格莱德，163
Ungerleider, Leslie, 163
一致间隔，74
unison interval, 74
范·海伦 (群展), 113
Van Halen (group), 113
埃德加·瓦雷兹，14 岁
Varèse, Edgard, 14
沃恩，史蒂夫·雷，113
Vaughan, Stevie Ray, 113
腹侧纹状体，189
ventral striatum, 189
vibration, 39–44. See also frequency
“文森特（星夜，星夜）” 11
“Vincent (Starry, Starry Night),” 11
文森特·吉恩，157
Vincent, Gene, 157
音乐表演的视觉图像，210
visual image, of a musical performance, 210
安东尼奥·维瓦尔第224
Vivaldi, Antonio 224
vocabulary of music, 10, 19, 20. See also language
声音, 23 , 31 , 45 , 138–40 , 241–42
voices, 23, 31, 45, 138–40, 241–42
脆弱性，242–45
vulnerability, 242–45
理查德·瓦格纳，243
Wagner, Richard, 243
“醒来小苏西” 157
“Wake Up Little Susie,” 157
“走这条路” 60
“Walk This Way,” 60
马塞洛万德利，210
Wanderley, Marcelo, 210
沃德，迪克森，150–52
Ward, Dixon, 150–52
克莱夫·韦林，127
Waring, Clive, 127
华纳兄弟，39 岁
Warner Bros., 39
沃伦，理查德，101
Warren, Richard, 101
沃森医生，203
Watson, Doc, 203
詹姆斯·沃森，175
Watson, James, 175
艾伦·瓦茨，144
Watts, Alan, 144
波导合成，49
wave guide synthesis, 49
波长，115
wavelengths, 115
“我们会震撼你” 67
“We Will Rock You,” 67
韦尔克，劳伦斯，117
Welk, Lawrence, 117
“我们都很孤独” 181
“We’re All Alone,” 181
马克斯·韦特海默，76 岁
Wertheimer, Max, 76
西方音乐
Western music
键入，72
keys in, 72
米，61–62
meter of, 61–62
音符时长，63–64
note durations, 63–64
偏好, 227
preferences for, 227
116的架构
schemas of, 116
和社会后果，232
and social consequences, 232
什么疯狂的追求（克里克），179–80
What Mad Pursuit (Crick), 179–80
沃尔多在哪里？, 81
Where’s Waldo?, 81
本杰明·怀特，137–38，149
白色，诺曼，10
White, Norman, 10
谁，这个，71
Who, The, 71
整个音符，63
whole notes, 63
威廉姆斯综合症 (WS), 186–87 , 216 , 259–60
Williams syndrome (WS), 186–87, 216, 259–60
威廉退尔序曲, 58
William Tell Overture, 58
管乐器, 53
wind instruments, 53
不安全感的智慧（瓦特），144
The Wisdom of Insecurity (Watts), 144
路德维希·维特根斯坦，141–42，143
Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 141–42, 143
史蒂维·旺德，55、170、171、209、211、212 _ _ _ _ _ _
Wonder, Stevie, 55, 170, 171, 209, 211, 212
木管乐器, 34
woodwind instruments, 34
“你想在星星上荡秋千吗” 231
“Would You Like to Swing on a Star,” 231
威廉·冯特，80 岁
Wundt, Wilhelm, 80
雅马哈 DX9 和 DX7, 50
Yamaha DX9 and DX7, 50
是（音乐团体），149
Yes (musical group), 149
岳得尔歌者, 81
yodelers, 81
Young, Neil, 146, 211, 243, 244
“你真的抓住了我” 113
“You Really Got Me,” 113
弗兰克·扎帕，170
Zappa, Frank, 170
扎林，米歇尔，180
Zarin, Michelle, 180
Zatorre, Robert, 164, 173, 189
左洛复，123
Zoloft, 123
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首次在美国由企鹅集团（美国）有限公司成员 Dutton 出版。 2006 年
首次在英国由 Grove Atlantic Ltd 旗下的 Atlantic Books 精装出版。 2007 年
在企鹅图书上出版 2019 年
First published in the United States of America by Dutton, a member of Penguin Group (USA) Inc. 2006
First published in hardback in Great Britain by Atlantic Books, an imprint of Grove Atlantic Ltd. 2007
Published in Penguin Books 2019
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Copyright © Daniel Levitin, 2006
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国际标准书号：978-0-241-98736-0
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